Misplaced Pages

Revision as of 02:29, 24 October 2011

This article is about Palestinians and Arabs with Israeli citizenship. For Palestinians of all citizenships, see Palestinian people.

Arab citizens of Israel
عرب إسرائيل (العرب الإسرائيليون)‏
ערבים אזרחי ישראל

Juliano Mer-Khamis Notable Arab citizens of Israel: Emile Habibi  • Ahmad Tibi  • Boutros Mouallem  • Samih al-Qasim  • Salim Tuama  • Mohammad Bakri  • Raleb Majadele  • Juliano Mer-Khamis  • Mira Awad
Total population
1,535,573 over 278,000 in East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (2010) 20.3% of Israeli population
Regions with significant populations
Israel
Languages
Palestinian Arabic and Hebrew
Religion
Islam 83.8% (mostly Sunni), Christianity 8.4% and Druze 8.2%

Arab citizens of Israel or Israeli Arabs, refers to citizens of Israel who are not Jewish, and whose cultural and linguistic heritage or ethnic identity is Arab.

The traditional vernacular of Arab citizens, irrespective of religion, is the Arabic language, or more precisely, the Palestinian dialect of Arabic. Most Arab citizens of Israel are functionally bilingual, their second language being Modern Hebrew. By religious affiliation, most are Muslim, particularly of the Sunni branch of Islam. There is a significant Arab Christian minority from various denominations as well as Druze, among other religious communities. Jews of Arab extraction are not considered to form part of this population.

According to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, the Arab population of Israel in 2010 is estimated at 1,573,000, representing 20.4% of the population. The majority of these identify themselves as Arab or Palestinian by nationality and Israeli by citizenship. Many have family ties to Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as to Palestinian refugees in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. Negev Bedouins tend to identify more as Israelis than other Arab citizens of Israel.

Most of the Arabs living in East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, occupied by Israel since the Six-Day War of 1967, were offered Israeli citizenship, but refused, not wanting to recognize Israeli sovereignty. They became permanent residents. They are entitled to municipal services and have voting rights.

Terminology

How to refer to the Arab citizenry of Israel is a highly politicized issue and there are a number of self-identification labels used by members of this community.

In Israel, the preferred terms are Israeli Arabs or Arabs in Israel, with other terms such as the minorities, the Arab sector, Arabs of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel being common to a greater or lesser degree. These labels have been criticized for denying this population a political or national identification, obscuring their Palestinian identity and connection to Palestine. The term Israeli Arabs in particular is viewed as a construct of the Israeli authorities, but is nonetheless used by a significant minority of the population, "reflecting its dominance in Israeli social discourse."

While some of Israel's Arab citizens do include "Israeli" in some way in their self-identifying label, others identify as Palestinian by nationality and Israeli by citizenship. Terms used by many Arab citizens to identify themselves include Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel, Israeli Palestinians, Palestinian Arabs, or Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel. There are, however, individuals from among the Arab citizenry who reject the term Palestinian altogether.

Other terms used to refer to this population include Arab Israelis, Palestinian Arabs in Israel, Israeli Palestinian Arabs, and the Arabs inside the Green Line (or the Arabs within Template:Lang-ar). The latter appellation, among others listed above, are not applied to the East Jerusalem Arab population or the Druze in the Golan Heights, as these territories were occupied by Israel in 1967. As the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics defines the area covered in its statistics survey as including East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, the number of Arabs in Israel is calculated as just over 20% of the Israeli population (2010).

History

1948 Arab-Israeli War

Most Israelis refer to the 1948 Arab-Israeli War as the War of Independence, while most Arab citizens refer to it as the Nakba (catastrophe), a reflection of differences in perception of the purpose and outcomes of the war.

In the aftermath of the 1948 war, British Mandate of Palestine was de facto divided into three parts: the State of Israel, the Jordanian-held West Bank, and the Egyptian-held Gaza Strip. (Jordan had been separated from the mandatory area several years earlier.) Of the estimated 950,000 Arabs that lived in the territory that became Israel before the war, over 80% left. While it is disputed how many fled or were expelled; some 156,000 remained. Benny Morris says

Most of Palestine's 700,000 "refugees" fled their homes because of the flail of war (and in the expectation that they would shortly return to their homes on the backs of victorious Arab invaders). But it is also true that there were several dozen sites, including Lydda and Ramla, from which Arab communities were expelled by Jewish troops.

Arab citizens of Israel are largely composed of these people and their descendants. Others include some from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank who procured Israeli citizenship under family-unification provisions that were recently made significantly more stringent.

Arabs who left their homes during the period of armed conflict, but remained in what had become Israeli territory, were considered to be "present absentees". In some cases, they were refused permission to return to their homes, which were expropriated and turned over to state ownership, as was the property of other Palestinian refugees. Some 274,000, or 1 of every 4 Arab citizens of Israel are "present absentees" or internally displaced Palestinians. Notable cases of "present absentees" include the residents of Saffuriyya and the Galilee villages of Kafr Bir'im and Iqrit.

1949–1966

While most Arabs remaining in Israel were granted citizenship, they were subject to martial law in the early years of the state. Travel permits, curfews, administrative detentions, and expulsions were part of life until 1966. A variety of legal measures facilitated the transfer of land abandoned by Arabs to state ownership. These included the Absentee Property Law of 1950 which allowed the state to take control of land belonging to land owners who emigrated to other countries, and the Land Acquisition Law of 1953 which authorized the Ministry of Finance to transfer expropriated land to the state. Other common legal expedients included the use of emergency regulations to declare land belonging to Arab citizens a closed military zone, followed by the use of Ottoman legislation on abandoned land to take control of the land.

Arabs that held Israeli citizenship were entitled to vote for the Israeli Knesset. Arabic Knesset members have served in office since the First Knesset. The first Arab Knesset members were Amin-Salim Jarjora and Seif el-Din el-Zoubi which were members of the Democratic List of Nazareth party and Tawfik Toubi member of the Maki party.

In 1965 a radical independent Arab group called al-Ard forming the Arab Socialist List tried to run for Knesset elections. The list was banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee.

In 1966, martial law was lifted completely, and the government set about dismantling most of the discriminatory laws, while Arab citizens were granted the same rights as Jewish citizens under law.

1967–2000

After the Six Day War, Arab citizens were able to contact Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip for the first time since the establishment of the state. This along with the lifting of military rule, led to increased political activism among Arab citizens.

In 1974, a committee of Arab mayors and municipal councilmen was established which played an important role in representing the community and pressuring the Israeli government. This was followed in 1975 by the formation of the Committee for the Defense of the Land, which sought to prevent continuing land expropriations. That same year, a political breakthrough took place with the election of Arab poet Tawfiq Ziad, a Maki member, as mayor of Nazareth, accompanied by a strong communist presence in the town council. In 1976, six Arab citizens of Israel were killed by Israeli security forces at a protest against land expropriations and house demolitions. The date of the protest, 30 March, has since been commemorated annually as Land Day.

The 1980s saw the birth of the Islamic Movement. As part of a larger trend in the Arab World, the Islamic Movement emphasized moving Islam into the political realm. The Islamic movement built schools, provided other essential social services, constructed mosques, and encouraged prayer and conservative Islamic dress. The Islamic Movement began to have an impact on electoral politics particularly at the local level.

Many Arab citizens supported the First Intifada and assisted Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, providing them with money, food, and clothes. A number of strikes were also held by Arab citizens in solidarity with Palestinians in the occupied territories.

The years leading up to the Oslo Accords were a time of optimism for Arab citizens. During the administration of Yitzhak Rabin, Arab parties played an important role in the formation of a governing coalition. Increased participation of Arab citizens was also seen at the civil society level. However, tension continued to exist with many Arabs calling for Israel to become a "state of all its citizens", thereby challenging the state's Jewish identity. In the 1999 elections for prime minister, 94% of the Arab electorate voted for Ehud Barak. However, Barak formed a broad left-right-center government without consulting the Arab parties, disappointing the Arab community.

2000–present

Tensions between Arabs and the state rose in October 2000 when 12 Arab citizens and one man from Gaza were killed while protesting the government's response to the Second Intifada. In response to this incident, the government established the Or Commission. The events of October 2000 caused many Arabs to question the nature of their Israeli citizenship. To a large extent, they boycotted the 2001 Israeli Elections as a means of protest. Ironically, this boycott helped Ariel Sharon defeat Ehud Barak. In 1999 elections, more than 90 percent of Israel's Arab minority had voted for Ehud Barak. IDF enlistment by Bedouin citizens of Israel dropped significantly.

During the 2006 Lebanon War, Arab advocacy organizations complained that the Israeli government had invested time and effort to protect Jewish citizens from Hezbollah attacks, but had neglected Arab citizens. They pointed to a dearth of bomb shelters in Arab towns and villages and a lack of basic emergency information in Arabic. Many Israeli Jews viewed the Arab opposition to government policy and sympathy with the Lebanese as a sign of disloyalty.

In October 2006, tensions rose when Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert invited a right-wing political party Yisrael Beiteinu, to join his coalition government. The party leader, Avigdor Lieberman, advocated the transfer of heavily populated Arab areas (such as Umm al-Fahm) to the Palestinian Authority as part of a peace proposal.

In January 2007 the first non-Druze Arab minister in Israel's history, Raleb Majadele, was appointed minister without portfolio (Salah Tarif, a Druze, had been appointed a minister without portfolio in 2001). The appointment was criticized by the left, which felt it was an attempt to cover up the Labor Party's decision to sit with Yisrael Beiteinu in the government, and by the right, who saw it as a threat to Israel's status as a Jewish state.

Ethnic and religious groupings

In 2006, the official number of Arab residents in Israel - including East Jerusalem permanent residents many of whom are not citizens - was 1,413,500 people, about 20% of Israel’s population. According to the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (May 2003), Muslims, including Bedouins, make up 82% of the entire Arab population in Israel, along with around 9% Druze, and 9% Christians.

The national language and mother tongue of Arab citizens, including the Druze, is Arabic and the colloquial spoken language is of the Palestinian Arabic dialect. Knowledge and command of Modern Standard Arabic varies.

Muslims

Outside of the Bedouin population, traditionally settled communities of Muslim Arabs comprise about 70% of the Arab population in Israel. In 2010, the average number of children per mother was 3.84, dropping from 3.97 in 2008. Among Christian families the average was 2.11. The Muslim population is mostly young: 42% of Muslims are under the age of 15. The median age of Muslim Israelis is 18, while the median age of Jewish Israelis is 30. The percentage of people over 65 is less than 3% for Muslims, compared with 12% for the Jewish population. According to forecasts, the Muslim population will grow to over 2,000,000 people, or 24-26% of the population within the next 15 years. They will also comprise 85% of the Arab population in Israel in 2020 (up 3% from 2005).

Bedouin

According to the Foreign Affairs Minister of Israel, 110,000 Bedouins live in the Negev, 50,000 in the Galilee, and 10,000 in the central region of Israel.

The term "Bedouin" ("Badawi" or "Baddu" in Arabic) defines a range of nomadic desert-dwelling ethnic groups spanning from the western Sahara desert to the Nejd desert including one of its arms, the Negev ("Naqab" in Arabic). Through the latter half of the 19th century, the traditionally pastoral nomadic Bedouin in Palestine began transitioning to a semi-nomadic pastoral agricultural community, with an emphasis on agricultural production and the privatization of tribal lands. Although the Bedouin in Israel continue to be perceived as nomads, today all of them are fully sedentarized, and about half are urbanites.

Prior to the establishment of Israel in 1948, there were an estimated 65,000-90,000 Bedouin living in the Negev. The 11,000 who remained were relocated by the Israeli government in the 1950s and 1960s to an area called the siyag ("enclosure" or, "fence") made up of relatively infertile land in the northeastern Negev comprising 10% of the Negev desert. Negev Bedouins, like the rest of the Arab population in Israel, lived under military rule up to 1966, after which restrictions were lifted and they were free to move outside the siyag as well. However, even after 1966 they were not free to reside outside of the siyag; they came to reside within 2% of the Negev and never returned to their former range.

The Israeli government encourages Bedouin to reside in seven development towns built for them by the Israeli government between 1979 and 1982. Around half the Bedouin population live in these towns, the largest of which is the city of Rahat, others being Ar'arat an-Naqab (Ar'ara BaNegev), Bir Hadaj, Hura, Kuseife, Lakiya, Shaqib al-Salam (Segev Shalom) and Tel as-Sabi (Tel Sheva).

Approximately 40%-50% of Bedouin citizens of Israel live in 39-45 Unrecognized bedouin villages. The unrecognised villages are ineligible for municipal services such as connection to the electrical grid, water mains or trash-pickup and are not precisely marked on commercial maps.

Druze

The Druze are members of a religious sect residing in many countries, with significant populations in mountainous regions in Israel, Lebanon, and Syria. Druze who are citizens of Israel live mainly in the north. The Druze of the Golan Heights, captured in 1967 from Syria and annexed to Israel in 1981, are considered permanent residents under the Golan Heights Law. The vast majority have refused to accept full Israeli citizenship, choosing to retain their Syrian citizenship and identity.

The Druze of British Mandate of Palestine showed little interest in Arab nationalism that was on the rise in the 20th century, and did not take part in the early Arab-Jewish skirmishes of the era. By 1939, the leadership of one Druze village had formally allied itself with pre-Israeli militias, like the Haganah. By 1948, many young Druze volunteered for the Israeli army and actively fought on their side. Unlike their Christian and Muslim counterparts, no Druze villages were destroyed in the 1948 war and no Druze left their settlements permanently.

Since the establishment of the state, the Druze have demonstrated solidarity with the Zionist ethos while distancing themselves from Arab and Islamic themes embraced by their Christian and Muslim counterparts. It is in keeping with Druze religious practice to always serve the country in which they live, and unlike other Arabs, the Druze are conscripted into the Israel Defense Forces.

A separate "Israeli Druze" identity was encouraged by the Israeli government who formally recognized the Druze religious community as independent of the Muslim religious community in Israeli law as early as 1957. The Druze are defined as a distinct ethnic group in the Israeli Ministry of Interior's census registration. While the Israeli education system is basically divided into Hebrew and Arabic speaking schools, the Druze have autonomy within the Arabic speaking branch.

Compared to other Arab citizens, Druze emphasize their Arab identity less and their Israeli identity more, and most do not identify as Palestinians. Druze politicians in Israel include Ayoob Kara, who represented the conservative Likud in the Knesset, Majalli Wahabi of Kadima, the Deputy Speaker of the Knesset and next in line to the acting presidency, and Said Nafa of the Arab party Balad.

Christians

Christian Arabs comprise about 9% of the Arab population in Israel. Approximately 70% reside in the north, in Jish, Eilabun, Kafr Yasif, Kafr Kanna, I'billin, Shefa-'Amr. Some Druze villages such as Hurfeish and Maghar, have small Christian Arab populations. Nazareth has the largest Christian Arab population. There are 117,000 or more Christian Arabs in Israel. Christian Arabs have been prominent in Arab political parties in Israel and these leaders have included Archbishop George Hakim, Emile Toma, Tawfik Toubi, Emile Habibi, and Azmi Bishara. Notable Christian religious figures include the Melkite Archbishops of the Galilee Elias Chacour and Boutros Mouallem, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem Michel Sabbah, and Bishop Munib Younan of the Lutheran Church of Jordan and the Holy Land. Israeli Supreme Court judge Salim Joubran is a Christian Arab.

Self-identification

The relationship of Arab citizens to the State of Israel is often fraught with tension and can be regarded in the context of relations between minority populations and state authorities elsewhere in the world. Arab citizens consider themselves to be an indigenous people. The tension between their Palestinian Arab national identity and their identity as citizens of Israel was famously described by an Arab public figure as, "My state is at war with my nation".

In a 2006 patriotism survey, 56% of Israeli Arabs were not proud of their citizenship and 73% were not ready to fight to defend the state, but 77% said that Israel was better than most other countries and 53% were proud of the country;'s welfare system. 82% said they would rather be a citizen of Israel than of any other country in the world.

According to a 2008 national resilience survey conducted by Dr. Yussuf Hassan of the Tel Aviv University, 43% of Israel's Muslims defined themselves as "Palestinian-Arabs," 15% as "Arab-Israelis" and four percent as "Muslim-Israelis." In the Christian Arab community, 24% defined themselves as "Arab-Palestinians", 24% as "Arab-Israelis," and 24% as "Christian-Israelis." Over 94% of Druze youngsters saw themselves as "Druze-Israelis."

Arabs living in East Jerusalem, occupied and administered by Israel since the Six-Day War of 1967, are a special case. They became permanent residents of Israel shortly after the war. Although they hold Israeli ID cards, few have applied for Israeli citizenship, to which they are entitled, and most maintain close ties with the West Bank. As permanent residents, they are eligible to vote in Jerusalem's municipal elections, although only a small percentage takes advantage of this right.

The remaining Druze population of the Golan Heights, occupied and administered by Israel in 1967, are considered permanent residents under the Golan Heights Law of 1981. Few have accepted full Israeli citizenship and the vast majority consider themselves citizens of Syria.

Population

Arab citizens of Israel form a majority of the population (52%) in Israel's Northern District and about 50% of the Arab population lives in 114 different localities throughout Israel. In total there are 122 primarily if not entirely Arab localities in Israel, 89 of them having populations over two thousand. The seven townships as well as the Abu Basma Regional Council that have been constructed by the government for the Bedouin population of the Negev, are the only Arab localities to have been established since 1948, with the aim of relocating the Arab Bedouin citizens (see above section on Bedouin).

46% of the country’s Arabs (622,400 people) live in predominantly Arab communities in the north. Nazareth is the largest Arab city, with a population of 65,000, roughly 40,000 of whom are Muslim. Shefa-'Amr has a population of approximately 32,000 and the city is mixed with sizable populations of Muslims, Christians, and Druze.

Jerusalem, a mixed city, has the largest overall Arab population. Jerusalem housed 209,000 Arabs in 2000 and they make up some 33% of the city’s residents and together with the local council of Abu Ghosh, some 19% of the country’s entire Arab population.

14% of Arab citizens live in the Haifa District predominantly in the Wadi Ara region. Here is the largest Muslim city, Umm al-Fahm, with a population of 43,000. Baqa-Jatt and Carmel City are the two second largest Arab population centers in the district. The city of Haifa has an Arab population of 9%, much of it in the Wadi Nisnas neighborhood.

10% of the country's Arab population resides in the Center District of Israel, primarily the cities of Tayibe, Tira, and Qalansawe as well as the mixed cities of Lod and Ramla which have mainly Jewish populations.

Of the remaining 11%, 10% live in Bedouin communities in the northwestern Negev. The Bedouin city of Rahat is the only Arab city in the South District and it is the third largest Arab city in Israel.

The remaining 1% of the country's Arab population lives in cities that are almost entirely Jewish such as, Nazareth Illit with an Arab population of 9% and Tel Aviv-Yafo, 4%.

In February 2008, the government announced that the first new Arab city would be constructed in Israel. According to Haaretz, "ince the establishment of the State of Israel, not a single new Arab settlement has been established, with the exception of permanent housing projects for Bedouins in the Negev."

Major Arab localities

Arabs make up the majority of the population of the "heart of the Galilee" and of the areas along the Green Line including the Wadi Ara region. Bedouin Arabs make up the majority of the northeastern section of the Negev.

Perceived demographic threat

In the northern part of Israel the percentage of Jewish population is declining. The increasing population of Arabs within Israel, and the majority status they hold in two major geographic regions — the Galilee and the Triangle — has become a growing point of open political contention in recent years. Dr. Wahid Abd Al-Magid, the editor of Al-Ahram Weekly's "Arab Strategic Report" predicts that "The Arabs of 1948 (i.e. Arabs who stayed within the bounds of Israel and accepted citizenship) may become a majority in Israel in 2035, and they will certainly be the majority in 2048." Among Arabs, Muslims have the highest birth rate, followed by Druze, and then Christians. The phrase demographic threat (or demographic bomb) is used within the Israeli political sphere to describe the growth of Israel's Arab citizenry as constituting a threat to its maintenance of its status as a Jewish state with a Jewish demographic majority.

Israeli historian Benny Morris stated in 2004 that while he strongly opposes expulsion of Israeli Arabs, in case of an "apocalyptic" scenario where Israel comes under total attack with non-conventional weapons and comes under existential threat, an expulsion might be the only option. He compared the Israeli Arabs to a "time bomb" and "a potential fifth column" in both demographic and security terms and said they are liable to undermine the state in time of war.

Several politicians have viewed the Arabs in Israel as a security and demographic threat.

The term "demographic bomb" was famously used by Benjamin Netanyahu in 2003 when he noted that if the percentage of Arab citizens rises above its current level of about 20 percent, Israel will not be able to maintain a Jewish demographic majority. Netanyahu's comments were criticized as racist by Arab Knesset members and a range of civil rights and human rights organizations, such as the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. Even earlier allusions to the "demographic threat" can be found in an internal Israeli government document drafted in 1976 known as the Koenig Memorandum, which laid out a plan for reducing the number and influence of Arab citizens of Israel in the Galilee region.

In 2003, the Israeli daily Ma’ariv published an article entitled, "Special Report: Polygamy is a Security Threat," detailing a report put forth by the Director of the Population Administration at the time, Herzl Gedj; the report described polygamy in the Bedouin sector a “security threat” and advocated means of reducing the birth rate in the Arab sector. The Population Administration is a department of the Demographic Council, whose purpose, according to the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics is: “...to increase the Jewish birthrate by encouraging women to have more children using government grants, housing benefits, and other incentives.” In 2008 the Minister of the Interior appointed Yaakov Ganot as new head of the Population Administration, which according to Haaretz is "probably the most important appointment an interior minister can make."

A study released in 2011 showed that Israel's Jewish population had increased, while the Israeli-Arab population declined. The study showed that in 2010, Jewish birthrates rose by 31% and 19,000 diaspora Jews immigrated to Israel, while the Arab birthrate fell by 1.7%.

Land and population exchange

Some Israeli politicians advocate land-swap proposals in order to assure a continued Jewish majority within Israel. A specific proposal is that Israel transfer sovereignty of part of the Arab-populated Wadi Ara area (west of the Green Line) to a future Palestinian state, in return for formal sovereignty over the major Jewish settlement "blocks" that lie inside the West Bank east of the Green Line.

Avigdor Lieberman of Yisrael Beiteinu, the fourth largest faction in the 17th Knesset, is one of the foremost advocates of the transfer of large Arab towns located just inside Israel near the border with the West Bank (e.g. Tayibe, Umm al-Fahm, Baqa al-Gharbiyye), to the jurisdiction of the Palestinian National Authority in exchange for Israeli settlements located inside the West Bank. As the London Times notes: "Lieberman plans to strengthen Israel’s status as a Jewish state by transferring 500,000 of its minority Arab population to the West Bank, by the simple expedient of redrawing the West Bank to include several Arab Israeli towns in northern Israel. Another 500,000 would be stripped of their right to vote if they failed to pledge loyalty to Zionism."

In October 2006, Yisrael Beiteinu formally joined in the ruling government's parliamentary coalition, headed by Kadima. After the Israeli Cabinet confirmed Avigdor Lieberman's appointment to the position of Minister for Strategic Threats, Labour Party representative and Science, Sport and Culture Minister Ophir Pines-Paz, resigned his post. In his resignation letter to Ehud Olmert, Pines-Paz wrote, "I couldn't sit in a government with a minister who preaches racism."

The Lieberman Plan caused a stir among Arab citizens of Israel, because it explicitly treats them as an enemy within. Various polls show that Arabs in Israel do not wish to move to the West Bank or Gaza if a Palestinian state is created there. In a survey conducted by Kul Al-Arab among 1,000 residents of Um Al-Fahm, 83 percent of respondents opposed the idea of transferring their city to Palestinian jurisdiction, while 11 percent supported the proposal and 6 percent did not express their position.

Of those opposed to the idea, 54% said that they were against becoming part of a Palestinian state because they wanted to continue living under a democratic regime and enjoying a good standard of living. Of these opponents, 18% said that they were satisfied with their present situation, that they were born in Israel and that they were not interested in moving to any other state. Another 14% of this same group said that they were not prepared to make sacrifices for the sake of the creation of a Palestinian state. Another 11 percent cited no reason for their opposition.

Birth rates

A January 2006 study rejects the "demographic time bomb" threat based on statistical data that shows Jewish births have increased while Arab births have begun to drop. The study noted shortcomings in earlier demographic predictions (for example, in the 1960s, predictions suggested that Arabs would be the majority in 1990). The study also demonstrated that Christian Arab and Druze birth rates were actually below those of Jewish birth rates in Israel. The study used data from a Gallup poll to demonstrate that the desired family size for Arabs in Israel and Jewish Israelis were the same. The study's population forecast for 2025 predicted that Arabs would comprise only 25.0% of the Israeli population. Nevertheless, the Bedouin population, with its high birth rates, continues to be perceived as a threat to a Jewish demographic majority in the south, and a number of development plans, such as the Blueprint Negev, address this concern.

Politics

Arab political parties

There are three mainstream Arab parties in Israel: Hadash (a joint Arab-Jewish party with a large Arab presence), Balad, and the United Arab List, which is a coalition of several different political organizations including the Islamic Movement in Israel. In addition to these, there is Ta'al. All of these parties primarily represent Arab-Israeli and Palestinian interests, and the Islamic Movement is an Islamist organization with two factions: one which opposes Israel's existence, and another which opposes its existence as a Jewish state. Two Arab parties ran in Israel's first election in 1949, with one, the Democratic List of Nazareth, winning two seats. Until the 1960s all Arab parties in the Knesset were aligned with Mapai, the ruling party.

A minority of Arabs join and vote for Zionist parties; in the 2006 elections 30% of the Arab vote went to such parties, up from 25% in 2003, though down on the 1999 (30.5%) and 1996 elections (33.4%). Left-wing parties (i.e. Labor Party and Meretz-Yachad, and previously One Nation) are the most popular parties amongst Arabs, though some Druze have also voted for right-wing parties such as Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu, as well as the centrist Kadima.

Representation in the Knesset

Palestinian Arabs sat in the state's first parliamentary assembly; as of 2011, 13 of the 120 members of the Israeli Parliament are Arab citizens, most representing Arab political parties, and one of Israel's Supreme Court judges is a Palestinian Arab.

Some Arab Members of the Knesset, past and present, are under police investigation for their visits to countries designated as enemy countries by Israeli law. This law was amended following MK Mohammad Barakeh's trip to Syria in 2001, such that MKs must explicitly request permission to visit these countries from the Minister of the Interior. In August 2006, Balad MKs Azmi Bishara, Jamal Zahalka, and Wasil Taha visited Syria without requesting nor receiving such permission, and a criminal investigation of their actions was launched. Former Arab Member of Knesset Muhammad Miari was questioned 18 September 2006 by police on suspicion of having entered a designated enemy country without official permission. He was questioned "under caution" for 2.5 hours in the Petah Tikva station about his recent visit to Syria. Another former Arab Member of Knesset, Muhammad Kanaan, was also summoned for police questioning regarding the same trip. In 2010, six Arab MKs visited Libya, an openly anti-Zionist Arab state, and met with Muammar al-Gaddafi and various senior government officials. Gaddafi urged them to seek a one-state solution, and for Arabs to "multiply" in order to counter any "plots" to expel them.

According to a study commissioned by the Arab Association of Human Rights entitled "Silencing Dissent," over the past three years, eight of nine of these Arab Knesset members have been beaten by Israeli forces during demonstrations. Most recently according to the report, legislation has been passed, including three election laws , and two Knesset related laws aimed to "significantly curb the minority right to choose a public representative and for those representatives to develop independent political platforms and carry out their duties"

Representation in the civil service sphere

In the public employment sphere, by the end of 2002, 6.1% of 56,362 Israeli civil servants were Arab. In January 2004, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon declared that every state-run company must have at least one Arab citizen of Israel on its board of directors.

Representation in political, judicial and military positions

Cabinet: Nawaf Massalha, an Arab Muslim, has served in various junior ministerial roles, including Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, since 1999. Until 2001, no Arab had been included in a Prime Minister's cabinet, or invited to join any political coalition. In 2001, this changed, when Salah Tarif, a Druze Arab citizen of Israel, was appointed a member of Sharon's cabinet without a portfolio. Tarif was later ejected after being convicted of corruption. In 2007 the first non-Druze Arab minister in Israel's history, Raleb Majadele, was appointed a minister without portfolio, and a month later appointed minister for Science, Culture and Sport. The appointment of Majadele was criticized by far-right Israelis, some of whom are also within the Cabinet, but this drew condemnation across the mainstream Israeli political spectrum. Meanwhile Arab lawmakers called the appointment an attempt to "whitewash Israel's discriminatory policies against its Arab minority".

Knesset: Arab citizens of Israel have been elected to every Knesset, and currently hold 12 of its 120 seats. The first female Arab MP was Hussniya Jabara, a Muslim Arab from central Israel, who was elected in 1999.

Supreme Court: Abdel Rahman Zuabi, a secular Muslim from northern Israel, was the first Arab on the Israeli Supreme Court, serving a 9-month term in 1999. In 2004, Salim Joubran, a Christian Arab from Haifa descended from Lebanese Maronites, became the first Arab to hold a permanent appointment on the Court. Jubran's expertise lies in the field of criminal law.

Foreign Service: Ali Yahya, an Arab Muslim, became the first Arab ambassador for Israel in 1995 when he was appointed ambassador to Finland. He served until 1999, and in 2006 was appointed ambassador to Greece. Other Arab ambassadors include Walid Mansour, a Druze, appointed ambassador to Vietnam in 1999, and Reda Mansour, also a Druze, a former ambassador to Ecuador. Mohammed Masarwa, an Arab Muslim, was Consul-General in Atlanta. In 2006, Ishmael Khaldi was appointed Israeli consul in San Francisco, becoming the first Bedouin consul of the State of Israel.

Israel Defense Forces: Arab Generals in the IDF include Major General Hussain Fares, commander of Israel's border police, and Major General Yosef Mishlav, head of the Home Front Command and current Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories. Both are members of the Druze community. Other high ranking officers in the IDF include Lieutenant Colonel Amos Yarkoni (born Abd el-Majid Hidr/ عبد الماجد حيدر) from the Bedouin community, a legendary officer in the Israel Defense Forces and one of six Israeli Arabs to have received the IDF's third highest decoration, the Medal of Distinguished Service.

Jewish National Fund: In 2007, Ra'adi Sfori became the first Arab citizen of Israel to be elected as a JNF director, over a petition against his appointment. The court upheld the JNF's appointment, explaining, "As this is one director among a large number, there is no chance he will have the opportunity to cancel the organization's goals."

Other political organizations and movements

Abna el-Balad: Abnaa el-Balad is a political movement that grew out of organizing by Arab university youth, beginning in 1969. It is not affiliated with the Arab Knesset party Balad. While participating in municipal elections, Abnaa al-Balad firmly reject any participation in the Israeli Knesset. Political demands include " the return of all Palestinian refugees to their homes and lands, end the Israeli occupation and Zionist apartheid and the establishment a democratic secular state in Palestine as the ultimate solution to the Arab-Zionist conflict."

High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel The High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel is an extra-parliamentary umbrella organization that represents Arab citizens of Israel at the national level. It is "the top representative body deliberating matters of general concern to the entire Arab community and making binding decisions." While it enjoys de facto recognition from the State of Israel, it lacks official or de jure recognition from the state for its activities in this capacity.

Ta'ayush: Ta'ayush is "a grassroots movement of Arabs and Jews working to break down the walls of racism and segregation by constructing a true Arab-Jewish partnership."

Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages: The Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages is a body of unofficial representatives of the 40-something unrecognized villages throughout the Negev region in the south, whose residents have little representation as compared with those in recognized municipalities.

Attempts to ban Arab political parties

Amendment 9 to the 'Basic Law: The Knesset and the Law of Political Parties', states that a political party "may not participate in the elections if there is in its goals or actions a denial of the existence of the State of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, a denial of the democratic nature of the state, or incitement to racism." A number of attempts were done to disqualify Arab parties based on this rule, however as of 2010, all such attempts were either rejected by the Israeli Central Elections Committee or overturned by the Israeli Supreme Court.

Progressive List for Peace

An Israeli Central Elections Committee ruling which allowed the Progressive List for Peace to run for the Knesset in 1988 was challenged based on this amendment, but the committee's decision was upheld by the Israeli Supreme Court, which ruled that the PLP's platform calling for Israel to become "a state of all its citizens" does not violate the ideology of Israel as the State of the Jewish people, and thus section 7(a) does not apply.

Balad

In December 2002, Azmi Bishara and his party, Balad, which calls for Israel to become "a state of all its citizens," were banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee, for refusing to recognize Israel as a "Jewish and democratic state" and making statements promoting armed struggle against it. The Supreme Court overruled the decision in January 2003. Bishara served as a Knesset member from 1996 to 2007. He reportedly told an audience in Lebanon in December 2005 that Arab citizens "are like all Arabs, only with Israeli citizenship forced upon them Return Palestine to us and take your democracy with you. We Arabs are not interested in it". Bishara resigned his Knesset office and left the country in 2007 amidst news that criminal charges were being laid against him. He has been charged with espionage and money laundering, stemming from allegations that he gave Hizbullah information on strategic targets that should be attacked with rockets during the 2006 Lebanon War, in exchange for large amounts of money.

United Arab List - Ta'al and Balad

In 2009, United Arab List - Ta'al and Balad were disqualified, on grounds that they do not recognize the State of Israel and call for armed conflict against it. The Supreme Court of Israel overturned the Committee's decision by a majority of eight to one.

Legal and political status

Israel's Declaration of Independence called for the establishment of a Jewish state with equality of social and political rights, irrespective of religion, race, or sex.

The rights of citizens are guaranteed by a set of basic laws (Israel does not have a written constitution). Although this set of laws does not explicitly include the term "right to equality", the Israeli Supreme Court has consistently interpreted "Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty" and "Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation (1994)" as guaranteeing equal rights for all Israeli citizens.

The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs states that "Arab Israelis are citizens of Israel with equal rights" and states that "The only legal distinction between Arab and Jewish citizens is not one of rights, but rather of civic duty. Since Israel's establishment, Arab citizens have been exempted from compulsory service in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)." Druze and Circassians are drafted into the Israeli army, while other Arabs may serve voluntarily; however, only a very small number of Arabs choose to volunteer for the Israeli army.

Arabic and Hebrew as official languages

Arabic is one of Israel's official languages, and the use of Arabic increased significantly following Supreme Court rulings in the 1990s. Government ministries publish all material intended for the public in Hebrew, with selected material translated into Arabic, English, Russian, and other languages spoken in Israel. There are laws which secure the Arab population's right to receive information in Arabic. Some examples include a portion of the public television channels' productions must be in Arabic or translated into Arabic, safety regulations in working places must be published in Arabic if a significant number of the workers are Arabs, information about medicines or dangerous chemicals must be provided in Arabic, and information regarding elections must be provided in Arabic. The country's laws are published in Hebrew, and eventually English and Arabic translations are published. Publishing the law in Hebrew in the official gazette (Reshumot) is enough to make it valid. Unavailability of an Arabic translation can be regarded as a legal defense only if the defendant proves he could not understand the meaning of the law in any conceivable way. Following appeals to the Israeli Supreme Court, the use of Arabic on street signs and labels increased dramatically. In response to one of the appeals presented by Arab Israeli organizations, the Supreme Court ruled that although second to Hebrew, Arabic is an official language of the State of Israel, and should be used extensively. Today most highway signage is trilingual (Hebrew, Arabic, and English). Many Arab villages lack street signs of any kind and the Hebrew name is often used. Hebrew is the standard language of communication at places of work except inside the Arab community, and among recent immigrants, foreign workers, and with tourists. The state's schools in Arab communities teach in Arabic according to a specially adapted curriculum. This curriculum includes mandatory lessons of Hebrew as foreign language from the 3rd grade onwards. Arabic is taught in Hebrew-speaking schools, but only the basic level is mandatory. In the summer of 2008, there was an unsuccessful attempt of right-wing lawmakers to strip Arabic of its status alongside Hebrew as an official language of the state.

Israeli national symbols

Some Arab politicians have requested a reevaluation of the Israeli flag and national anthem, arguing that the Star of David at the flag's center is an exclusively Jewish symbol, and Hatikvah does not represent Arab citizens, since it speaks of the Jewish people's desire to return to their homeland. The High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel and the National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel stated in 2006,

The Israeli legal system includes a number of core laws that produce and reinforce inequality between the Arabs and the Jews in Israel. The official bias is not restricted to symbols such as the Israeli flag, but also to deeper legal issues concerning all Palestinian Arabs he official definition of Israel as a Jewish state created a fortified ideological barrier in the face of obtaining full equality for the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel We, the Palestinians in Israel, are an integral part of this place Israel has tried over the past decades to disengage us from this place, not through physical transfer but through intellectual emotional transfer. Israel has tried to create a new identity on the basis of 'loyalty to the state' The State has not determined a position acceptable to us yet in terms of nurturing our Arab culture.

Independence Day

In Israel, Independence Day takes place on 5 Iyar according to the Hebrew calendar, which means it falls on different dates every year under the Gregorian calendar. Arab citizens of Israel generally mark al-Nakba both on this day, and on 15 May, as do other Palestinians. Druze soldiers, however, were present at Israel's first Independence Day Parade in 1949, and there have since been parades for Druze and Circassians, as well as special events for Bedouins, on Independence Day.

In January 2008, the mayor of Shefa-'Amr, Ursan Yassin, met with officials of the Israeli state committee on the celebrations for the 60th anniversary of independence and announced that Shefa-'Amr intended to take part in the celebrations. He stated: "This is our country and we completely disapprove of the statements made by the Higher Monitoring Committee. I want to hold a central ceremony in Shefa-'Amr, raise all the flags and have a huge feast. The 40,000 residents of Shefa-'Amr feel that they are a part of the State of Israel...The desire to participate in the festivities is shared by most of the residents. We will not raise our children to hate the country. This is our country and we want to live in coexistence with its Jewish residents."

Citizenship and Entry Law

On 31 July 2003, Israel enacted the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003, a one year amendment to Israel's Citizenship Law denying citizenship and Israeli residence to Palestinians who reside in the West Bank or Gaza Strip and who marry Israelis; the rule has been waived for any Palestinian "who identifies with the State of Israel and its goals, when he or a member of his family has taken concrete action to advance the security, economy or any other matter important to the State." Upon expiration the law was extended for six months in August 2004, and again for four months in February 2005. On 8 May 2005, the Israeli ministerial committee for issues of legislation once again amended the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, to restrict citizenship and residence in Israel only to Palestinian men over the age of 35, and Palestinian women over the age of 25.

Defenders of the Citizenship and Entry Law say it is aimed at preventing terrorist attacks and preserving the "Jewish character" of Israel by restricting Arab immigration. The new bill was formulated in accordance with Shin Bet statistics showing that involvement in terror attacks declines with age. This newest amendment, in practice, removes restrictions from half of the Palestinian population requesting legal status through marriage in Israel. This law was upheld by a High Court decision in 2006.

Although this law theoretically applies to all Israelis, it has disproportionately affected Arab citizens of Israel; Arabs are far more likely to have Palestinian spouses than other Israelis. Thus the law has been widely considered discriminatory and the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has unanimously approved a resolution saying that the Israeli law violated an international human rights treaty against racism.

Civil rights

The Israeli Declaration of Independence stated that the State of Israel would ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex, and guaranteed freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture. While formally equal according to Israeli law, a number of official sources acknowledge that Arab citizens of Israel experience discrimination in many aspects of life. Israeli High Court Justice (Ret.) Theodor Or wrote in The Report by the State Commission of Inquiry into the Events of October 2000:

The Arab citizens of Israel live in a reality in which they experience discrimination as Arabs. This inequality has been documented in a large number of professional surveys and studies, has been confirmed in court judgments and government resolutions, and has also found expression in reports by the state comptroller and in other official documents. Although the Jewish majority’s awareness of this discrimination is often quite low, it plays a central role in the sensibilities and attitudes of Arab citizens. This discrimination is widely accepted, both within the Arab sector and outside it, and by official assessments, as a chief cause of agitation.

The Or Commission report also states that activities by Islamic organizations may be using religious pretenses to further political aims. The commission describes such actions as a factor in 'inflaming' the Muslim population in Israel against the authorities, and cites the al-Sarafand mosque episode, with Muslims' attempts to restore the mosque and Jewish attempts to stop them, as an example of the 'shifting of dynamics' of the relationship between Muslims and the Israeli authorities.

According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the Occupied Territories, the Israeli government had done "little to reduce institutional, legal, and societal discrimination against the country's Arab citizens."

The 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices notes that:

• "Israeli-Arab advocacy organizations have challenged the Government's policy of demolishing illegal buildings in the Arab sector, and claimed that the Government was more restrictive in issuing building permits in Arab communities than in Jewish communities, thereby not accommodating natural growth."
• "In June, the Supreme Court ruled that omitting Arab towns from specific government social and economic plans is discriminatory. This judgment builds on previous assessments of disadvantages suffered by Arab Israelis."
• "Israeli-Arab organizations have challenged as discriminatory the 1996 "Master Plan for the Northern Areas of Israel," which listed as priority goals increasing the Galilee's Jewish population and blocking the territorial contiguity of Arab towns."
• "Israeli Arabs were not required to perform mandatory military service and, in practice, only a small percentage of Israeli Arabs served in the military. Those who did not serve in the army had less access than other citizens to social and economic benefits for which military service was a prerequisite or an advantage, such as housing, new-household subsidies, and employment, especially government or security-related industrial employment. The Ivri Committee on National Service has issued official recommendations to the Government that Israel Arabs not be compelled to perform national or "civic" service, but be afforded an opportunity to perform such service".
• "According to a 2003 University of Haifa study, a tendency existed to impose heavier prison terms to Arab citizens than to Jewish citizens. Human rights advocates claimed that Arab citizens were more likely to be convicted of murder and to have been denied bail."
• "The Orr Commission of Inquiry's report stated that the 'Government handling of the Arab sector has been primarily neglectful and discriminatory,' that the Government 'did not show sufficient sensitivity to the needs of the Arab population, and did not take enough action to allocate state resources in an equal manner.' As a result, 'serious distress prevailed in the Arab sector in various areas. Evidence of distress included poverty, unemployment, a shortage of land, serious problems in the education system, and substantially defective infrastructure.'"

The 2007 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices notes that:

• "According to a 2005 study at Hebrew University, three times more money was invested in education of Jewish children as in Arab children."

Human Rights Watch has charged that cuts in veteran benefits and child allowances based on parents' military service discriminate against Arab children: "The cuts will also affect the children of Jewish ultra-orthodox parents who do not serve in the military, but they are eligible for extra subsidies, including educational supplements, not available to Palestinian Arab children."

According to The Guardian, in 2006 just 5% of civil servants were Arabs, many of them hired to deal with other Arabs, despite the fact that Arab citizens of Israel comprise 20% of the population.

Although the Bedouin infant mortality rate is still the highest in Israel, and one of the highest in the developed world, The Guardian reports that in the 2002 budget, Israel's health ministry allocated Arab communities less than 0.6% of its budget for healthcare facility development.

In March 2010, a report released by several Israeli civil rights groups stated that the current Knesset was "the most racist in Israeli history" with 21 bills proposed in 2008 and 2009 that would discriminate against the country's Arab minority.

A preliminary report commissioned by Israel’s Courts Administration and the Israel Bar Association found in 2011 that Israeli Arabs are more likely than Israeli Jews to be convicted of crimes after being charged, more likely to be given custodial sentences, and were given longer sentences. It did not account for "mitigating or aggravating circumstances, prior criminal record and the convict’s gender."

Property ownership and housing

The Jewish National Fund is a private organization established in 1901 to buy and develop land in the Land of Israel for Jewish settlement; land purchases were funded by donations from world Jewry exclusively for that purpose. The JNF currently owns 13% of land in Israel, while 79.5% is owned by the government (this land is leased on a non-discriminatory basis), and the rest, around 6.5%, is evenly divided between private Arab and Jewish owners. Thus, the ILA administers 93.5% of the land in Israel (Government Press Office, Israel, 22 May 1997). A significant portion of JNF lands were originally properties left behind by Palestinian "absentees" and as a result the legitimacy of some JNF land ownership has been a matter of dispute. The JNF purchased these lands from the State of Israel between 1949 and 1953, after the state took control of them according to the Absentee Properties Law. While the JNF charter specifies the land is for the use of the Jewish People, land has been leased to Bedouin herders. Nevertheless, JNF land policy has been criticized as discrimination. When the Israel Land Administration leased JNF land to Arabs, it took control of the land in question and compensated the JNF with an equivalent amount of land in areas not designated for development (generally in the Galilee and the Negev), thus ensuring that the total amount of land owned by the JNF remains the same. This was a complicated and controversial mechanism, and in 2004 use of it was suspended. After Supreme Court discussions and a directive by the Attorney General instructing the ILA to lease JNF land to Arabs and Jews alike, in September 2007 the JNF suggested reinstating the land-exchange mechanism.

While the JNF and the ILA view an exchange of lands as a long-term solution, opponents say that such maneuvers privatize municipal lands and preserve a situation in which significant lands in Israel are not available for use by all of its citizens. As of 2007, the High Court delayed ruling on JNF policy regarding leasing lands to non-Jews, and changes to the ILA-JNF relationship were up in the air. Adalah and other organizations furthermore express concern that proposed severance of the relation between the ILA and JNF, as suggested by Ami Ayalon, would leave the JNF free to retain the same proportion of lands for Jewish uses as it seeks to settle hundreds of thousands of Jews in areas with a tenuous Jewish demographic majority (in particular, 100,000 Jews in existing Galilee communities and 250,000 Jews in new Negev communities via the Blueprint Negev).

The Israel Land Administration, which administers 93% of the land in Israel (including the land owned by the Jewish National Fund), refuses to lease land to non-Jewish foreign nationals, which includes Palestinian residents of Jerusalem who have identity cards but are not citizens of Israel. When ILA land is "bought" in Israel it is actually leased to the "owner" for a period of 49 years. According to Article 19 of the ILA lease, foreign nationals are excluded from leasing ILA land, and in practice foreigners may just show that they qualify as Jewish under the Law of Return.

Israeli law also discriminates between Jews and Arabs regarding rights to recover property owned before the dislocations created by the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The 1950 Absentees Property Law stipulated that any property within post-war Israel which was owned by an Arab who had left the country between 29 November 1947 and 19 May 1948, or by a Palestinian who had merely been abroad or in area of Palestine held by hostile forces up to 1 September 1948, lost all rights to that property. Palestinians who fled or were expelled from their homes by Jewish or Israeli forces, before and during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, but remained within the borders of what would become Israel, that is, those currently known as Arab citizens of Israel, are deemed present absentees by the legislation. Present absentees are regarded as absent by the Israeli government because they left their homes, even if they did not intend to leave them for more than a few days, and even if they did so involuntarily.

Following the 1967 Six Day War in which Israel occupied the West Bank, from where it annexed East Jerusalem, Israel then passed in 1970 the Law and Administration Arrangements Law allowing for Jews who had lost property in East Jerusalem and the West Bank during the 1948 war to reclaim it. Palestinian residents of Jerusalem (absentees) in the same positions, and Arab Israelis (present absentees), who owned property in West Jerusalem or other areas within the state of Israel, and lost it as a result of the 1948 war, cannot recover their properties. Israeli legislation, therefore, allows Jews to recover their land, but not Arabs.

Contesting allegations of discrimination

Dr. Tashbih Sayyed, a Shi'ite Pakistani-American scholar, journalist, and author, denied that Muslim Arab citizen of Israel do not have equal rights, and said that Arabs are protected by Israel's democratic principles, and afforded all the rights and privileges of Israeli citizenship. He noted that Israel is one of the few countries in the Middle East where Arab women can vote. Sayyed asserts that Muslim women are "more liberated in Israel than in any Muslim country".

While groups are not separated by official policy, Israel has a number of different sectors within the society that maintain their strong cultural, religious, ideological, and/or ethnic identity. The Israeli Foreign Ministry maintains that in spite of the existing social cleavages and economic disparities, the political systems and the courts represent strict legal and civic equality. The Israeli Foreign Ministry describes the country as "Not a meltingpot society, but rather more of a mosaic made up of different population groups coexisting in the framework of a democratic state"

According to Ishmael Khaldi, an Arab citizen of Israel and the nation's first high ranking Muslim in the Israeli foreign service, while Israeli society is far from perfect, minorities in Israel fare far better than any other country in the Middle East. He wrote:

I am a proud Israeli - along with many other non-Jewish Israelis such as Druze, Bahai, Bedouin, Christians and Muslims, who live in one of the most culturally diversified societies and the only true democracy in the Middle East. Like America, Israeli society is far from perfect, but let us deal honestly. By any yardstick you choose -- educational opportunity, economic development, women and gay's rights, freedom of speech and assembly, legislative representation -- Israel's minorities fare far better than any other country in the Middle East.

The Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA), a pro-Israel media monitoring and research organization, argues that since they are not required to serve in military, yet still have all the rights accorded Jews in Israel, Arabs in Israel are at an advantage. As evidence they cite various cases in which Israeli courts have found in favor of Arab citizens.

In 2009, the Israeli Arab Journalist Khaled Abu Toameh declared to a Muslim audience during the Durban Review Conference, that while there are serious problems facing the Arab sector in Israel, "Israel is a wonderful place to live and we are happy to be there. Israel is a free and open country. If I were given the choice, I would rather live in Israel as a second class citizen than as a first class citizen in Cairo, Gaza, Amman or Ramallah."

Opposition to intermarriage

Intermarriage is prohibited by the Jewish Halakha. In the case of mixed Arab-Jewish marriages, emotions run especially high. A 2007 opinion survey found that more than half of Israeli Jews believed intermarriage was equivalent to national treason. A group of Jewish men in Pisgat Zeev have started patrolling the town to stop Jewish women from dating Arab men. The municipality of Petah Tikva has also announced an initiative to providing a telephone hotline for friends and family to report Jewish girls who date Arab men as well as psychologists to provide counselling. The town of Kiryat Gat launched a campaign in schools to warn Jewish girls against dating local Bedouin men.

Knesset

The Mossawa Center — an advocacy organization for Arabs in Israel — blames the Knesset of discrimination against Arabs, citing a 75% increase in discriminatory and racist bills submitted to the Knesset in the year 2009. According to the report, 11 bills deemed by the center to be "discriminatory and racist" were placed on the legislature's table in 2007, while 12 such bills were initiated in 2008. However, in 2009 a full 21 bills deemed discriminatory by the Mossawa Center were discussed in the Knesset.

The reports categorizes as "racist" proposals such as giving academic scholarships to soldiers who served in combat units, and a bill to revoke government funding from organizations acting "against the principles of the State." The Coalition Against Racism and the Mossawa Center said that the proposed legislation seeks to de-legitimize Israel's Arab citizens by decreasing their civil rights.

Economic Status

Inequality in the allocation of public funding for Jewish and Arab needs, and widespread employment discrimination, present significant economic hurdles for Arab citizens of Israel. On the other hand, the Minorities at Risk (MAR) group also states that despite discrimination, Arabs in Israel "are relatively much better off economically than neighboring Arabs."

The predominant feature of the Arab community's economic development after 1949 was its transformation from a predominantly peasant farming population to a proletarian industrial workforce. It has been suggested that the economic development of the community was marked by distinct stages. The first period, until 1967, was characterised by this process of proletarianisation. From 1967 on, economic development of the population was encouraged and an Arab bourgeoisie began to develop on the margin of the Jewish bourgeoisie. From the 1980s on, the community developed its economic and, in particular, industrial potential.

In July 2006, the Government categorized all Arab communities in the country as 'class A' development areas, thus making them eligible for tax benefits. This decision aims to encourage investments in the Arab sector.

Raanan Dinur, director-general of Prime Minister office, said in December 2006 that Israel had finalized plans to set up a NIS 160 million private equity fund to help develop the businesses of the country's Arab community over the next decade. According to Dinur, companies owned by Arab citizens of Israel will be eligible to apply to the fund for as much as NIS 4 million (USD 952,000), enabling as many as 80 enterprises to receive money over the next 10 years. The Israeli government will, according to Dinur, solicit bids to operate the fund from various financial institutes and private firms, which must pledge to raise at least NIS 80 million (about USD 19 million) from private investors.

In February 2007, The New York Times reported that 53 percent of the impoverished families in Israel were Arabs. Since the majority of Arabs in Israel do not serve in the army, they are ineligible for many financial benefits such as scholarships and housing loans.

Arab towns in Israel are reluctant to collect city taxes from their residents. Sikkuy, a prominent Arab-Jewish NGO, found that Arabs as a group have the highest home ownership in Israel: 92.6% compared to 70% among Jews.

Employment

Of the 40 towns in Israel with the highest unemployment rates, 36 are Arab towns. According to the Central Bank of Israel statistics for 2003, salary averages for Arab workers are 29% lower than for Jewish workers. Difficulties in procuring employment have been attributed to a comparatively low level of education vis-a-vis their Jewish counterparts, insufficient employment opportunities in the vicinity of their towns, discrimination by Jewish employers, and competition with foreign workers in fields, such as construction and agriculture. Arab women have a higher unemployment rate in the work force relative to both religious and secular Jewish women. While among Arab men the employment is on par with Jewish men, 17% of Arab women are employed. This puts the Arab employment at 68% of the Israeli average. Druze and Christian Arabs have higher employment than Muslims.

Imad Telhami, founder and CEO of Babcom, a call center in the Tefen Industrial Park with 300 employees, is committed to developing career opportunities for Arab workers in Israel. Telhami, a Christian Arab, was a senior executive at the Delta Galil Industries textile plant before establishing Babcom. He hopes to employ 5,000 workers within five years: "Israeli companies have been exporting thousands of jobs to India, Eastern Europe and other spots around the globe. I want to bring the jobs here. There are terrific engineers in the Arab sector, and the potential is huge.

In March 2010, the government approved a $216 million, five-year development plan for the Israeli Arab sector with the goal of increasing job accessibility, particularly for women and academics. Under this program, some 15,000 new employees will be added to the work roster by 2014.

Health

The most common health-related causes of death are heart disease and cancer. Roughly 14% were diagnosed with diabetes in 2000. Around half of all Arab men smoke. Life expectancy has increased 27 years since 1948. Further, due largely to improvements in health care, the Arab infant mortality rate dropped from 32 deaths per thousand births in 1970 to 8.6 per thousand in 2000. However, the Bedouin infant mortality rate is still the highest in Israel, and one of the highest in the developed world. In 2003, the infant mortality rate among Arab citizens overall was 8.4 per thousand, more than twice as high as the rate 3.6 per thousand among the Jewish population. In the 2002 budget, Israel's health ministry allocated Arab communities less than 0.6% of its 277 m-shekel (£35m) budget (1.6 m shekels {£200,000}) to develop healthcare facilities.

Education

The Israeli government regulates and finances most of the schools operating in the country, including the majority of those run by private organizations. The national school system has two major branches - a Hebrew-speaking branch and an Arabic-speaking branch. The curricula for the two systems are almost identical in mathematics, sciences, and English. It is different in humanities (history, literature, etc.). While Hebrew is taught as a second language in Arab schools since the third grade and obligatory for Arabic-speaking school's matriculation exams, only basic knowledge of Arabic is taught in Hebrew-speaking schools, usually from the 7th to the 9th grade. Arabic is not obligatory for Hebrew speaking school's matriculation exams. The schooling language split operates from preschool, up to the end of high school. At the university level, they merge into a single system, which operates mostly in Hebrew and in English.

In 2001, Human Rights Watch described government-run Arab schools as "a world apart from government-run Jewish schools." The report found striking differences in virtually every aspect of the education system.

In 2005, the Follow-Up Committee for Arab Education said that the Israeli government spent an average of $192 a year on Arab students compared to $1,100 for Jewish students. The drop-out rate for Arabs was twice as high as for Jews (12 percent versus 6 percent). There was a 5,000-classroom shortage in the Arab sector.

According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the occupied territories, "Israeli Arabs were underrepresented in the student bodies and faculties of most universities and in higher professional and business ranks. Well educated Arabs often were unable to find jobs commensurate with their level of education. According to Sikkuy, Arab citizens held approximately 60 to 70 of the country's 5,000 university faculty positions."

Arab educators have long voiced concerns over institutionalized budgetary discrimination. An August 2009 study published by the Hebrew University's School of Education claimed that Israel's Education Ministry discriminated against Arabs in its allocations of special assistance for students from low socioeconomic backgrounds and the average per-student allocation at Arab junior high schools was one-fifth the average at Jewish ones. This was due to the allocation method: funds were first divided between Arab and Jewish school systems according to the number of students in each, and then allocated to needy students; however, due to the large proportion of such students in the Arab sector, they receive less funds, per student, than Jewish students. The Ministry of Education said it was discontinuing this method in favor of a uniform index. Ministry data on the percentage of high school students who passed their matriculation exams showed that Arab towns were ranked lowest except for Fureidis, which had the third highest pass rate (75.86 percent) in Israel.

Higher education

Nearly half of Arab students who passed their matriculation exams failed to win a place in higher education because they performed poorly in the Psychometric Entrance Test, compared to 20% of Jewish applicants. Khaled Arar, a professor at Beit Berl College, believes the psychometric test is culturally biased: "The gap in psychometric scores between Jewish and Arab students has remained steady — at more than 100 points out of a total of 800 — since 1982. That alone should have raised suspicions."

However, a 1986 research found negligible differences in construct or predictive test validity across varying cultural groups and the findings appeared to be more consistent with the psychometric than with the cultural bias position.

Military conscription

Arab citizens are not required to serve in the Israeli military, and outside the Bedouin community, very few (around 120 a year) volunteer. Until 2000, each year between 5%-10% of the Bedouin population of draft age volunteered for the Israeli army, and Bedouin were well known for their unique status as volunteers. The legendary Israeli soldier, Amos Yarkoni, first commander of the Shaked Reconnaissance Battalion in the Givati Brigade, was a Bedouin (born Abd el-Majid Hidr). Today the number of Bedouin in the army may be less than 1%. A 2003 report stated that willingness among Bedouin to serve in the army had drastically dropped in recent years, as the Israeli government has failed to fulfill promises of equal service provision to Bedouin citizens. However, a 2009 article in Haaretz stated that volunteer recruitment for a crack elite Bedouin army unit rose threefold.

IDF figures indicate that in 2002 and 2003, Christians represented 0.1 percent of all recruits. In 2004, the number of recruits had doubled. Altogether, in 2003, the percentage of Christians serving had grown by 16 percent over the year 2000. The IDF does not publish figures on the exact number of recruits by religious denomination, and it is estimated that merely a few dozen Christians currently serve in the IDF.

Druze are required to serve in the IDF in accordance with an agreement between their local religious leaders and the Israeli government in 1956. Opposition to the decision among the Druze populace was evident immediately, but was unsuccessful in reversing the decision. It is estimated that 85% of Druze men in Israel serve in the army, many of them becoming officers and some rising to general officer rank. In recent years, a growing minority from within the Druze community have denounced this mandatory enrollment, and refused to serve. In 2001, Said Nafa, who identifies as a Palestinian Druze and serves as the head of the Balad party's national council, founded the "Pact of Free Druze", an organization that aims "to stop the conscription of the Druze and claims the community is an inalienable part of the Arabs in Israel and the Palestinian nation at large."

National Service

Rather than perform army service, Israeli Arab youths have the option to volunteer to national service and receive benefits similar to those received by discharged soldiers. The volunteers are generally allocated to Arab populations, where they assist with social and community matters. As of 2010 there are 1,473 Arabs volunteering for national service. According to sources in the national service administration, Arab leaders are counseling youths to refrain from performing services to the state. According to a National Service official, "For years the Arab leadership has demanded, justifiably, benefits for Arab youths similar to those received by discharged soldiers. Now, when this opportunity is available, it is precisely these leaders who reject the state's call to come and do the service, and receive these benefits".

Intercommunal relations

Surveys and Polls

In a 2004 survey by Sammy Smooha of the University of Haifa Jewish-Arab Center, 84.9% of Israeli Arabs stated that Israel has a right to exist as an independent state, and 70% that it has a right to exist as a democratic, Jewish state. A Truman Institute survey from 2005 found that 63% of the Arab citizens accepted the principle that Israel is the state of the Jewish people.

A 2006 poll by the Arab advocacy group The Center Against Racism showed negative attitudes towards Arabs. The poll found that 63% of Jews believe Arabs are a security threat; 68% would refuse to live in the same building as an Arab; 34% believe that Arab culture is inferior to Israeli culture. Support for segregation between Jewish and Arab citizens was higher among Jews of Middle Eastern origin.

An Israeli Democracy Institute (IDI) poll in 2007 showed that 75% of "Israeli Arabs would support a constitution that maintained Israel's status as a Jewish and democratic state while guaranteeing equal rights for minorities, while 23% said they would oppose such a definition." Another survey that year showed that 62% of Israel's Arabs would prefer to remain Israeli citizens rather than become citizens of a future Palestinian state. The figure rose in a 2008 poll: 77% would rather live in Israel as Israeli citizens than in any other country in the world. Another 2007 poll by Sammy Smooha found that 63.3% of Jewish Israelis avoided entering Arab towns and cities; 68.4% feared the possibility of widespread civil unrest among Israeli Arabs; 49.7% of Israeli Arabs justified Hezbollah's capture of IDF reservists Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev in a cross-border raid; 18.7% thought Israel was justified in going to war following the kidnapping; 48.2% justified Hezbollah rocket attacks on northern Israel during the 2006 Lebanon War; 89.1% of Israeli Arabs saw the IDF bombing of Lebanon as a war crime, while 44% of Israeli Arabs viewed Hezbollah's bombing of Israel as a war crime; 62% of Israeli Arabs worried that Israel could transfer their communities to the jurisdiction of a future Palestinian state, and 60% said they were concerned about a possible mass expulsion; 76% of Israeli Arabs described Zionism as racist; 67.5% of Israeli Arabs would be content to live in the Jewish state alongside a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; 40.5% of Israeli Arab citizens denied the Holocaust ever happened

The Association for Civil Rights in Israel reported a "dramatic increase" in racism against Arab citizens, including a 26 percent rise in anti-Arab incidents. ACRI president Sami Michael said that "Israeli society is reaching new heights of racism that damages freedom of expression and privacy".

A 2008 poll on intercommunal relations by Harvard Kennedy School found that Arabs and Jews in Israel underestimated the extent to which their communities "liked" one another. 68% of the Jews supported teaching Arabic in Jewish schools.

A 2008 poll by the Center Against Racism found that 75% of Israeli Jews would not live in a building with Arabs; over 60% would not invite Arabs to their homes; 40% believed that Arabs should be stripped of the right to vote; over 50% agreed that the State should encourage emigration of Arab citizens to other countries; 59% considered Arab culture primitive. Asked "What do you feel when you hear people speaking Arabic?" 31% said hate and 50% said fear. Only 19% reported positive or neutral feelings.

Surveys in 2009 found a radicalization in the positions of Israeli Arabs towards the State of Israel, with 41% of Israeli Arabs recognizing Israel's right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state (down from 65.6% in 2003), and 53.7% believing Israel has a right to exist as an independent country (down from 81.1% in 2003). Polls also showed that 40% of Arab citizens engaged in Holocaust denial.

A 2010 poll of Israeli high school students found that 49.5% did not think Israeli Arabs were entitled to the same rights as Jews in Israel, and 56% thought Arabs should not be elected to the Knesset. The figures rose among religious students.

A 2010 Arab Jewish Relations Survey, compiled by Prof. Sami Smoocha in collaboration with the Jewish-Arab Center at the University of Haifa shows that 71% Arab citizens of Israel said they blamed Jews for the hardships suffered by Palestinians during and after the “Nakba” in 1948. 37.8% denied the Holocaust. The percentage supporting the use of violence to advance Arab causes climbed from 6% in 1995 to 11.5% in 2010. 66.4 percent say they reject Israel as a Jewish and Zionist state, while 29.5 percent opposed its existence under any terms. 62.5 percent saw the Jews as "foreign settlers who do not fit into the region and will eventually leave, when the land will return to the Palestinians."

Involvement in terrorist attacks

Because Israeli Arabs have Israeli citizenship, they are often recruited as operatives for organisations that attack civilians. From 2001-2004, 102 Arab-Israeli organisations were involved in the killing of hundreds of Israelis. In 2001, for example, passengers disembarking from a train in Nahariya were attacked by an Israeli Arab who killed 3 and wounded 90. In March 2007, two Israeli Arabs were convicted of manslaughter for smuggling a suicide bomber into Israel.

From 2000 to 2004, some 150 Arabs from East Jerusalem were arrested for helping to carry out attacks in which hundreds of Israelis were killed and over a thousand were injured.

Ties with Hezbollah

Hezbollah has taken advantage of family and criminal ties with Israeli-Arabs who can easily cross the border into Lebanon, meet with Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, transfer weapons, drugs and money to Israel, gather intelligence and recruit operatives. This phenomenon is particularly widespread in the village of Ghajar. Arab citizens of Israel have been convicted of espionage for Hezbollah. Arab-Israeli terror cells have been established, such as a cell in Reineh whose members were arrested in February 2004.

Violence against Arab citizens in Israel

In the 1956 Kafr Qasim massacre, 48 unarmed Arab citizens, returning to their village, were gunned down by an Israel Border Police platoon; a curfew had been imposed, but the villagers were not informed of it. Arab citizens have also been killed by Israeli security forces in the wake of violent demonstrations and riots, such as the March 1976 Land Day demonstrations, which left 6 dead, and the October 2000 events in which 12 Israeli Arabs and one Palestinian from Gaza were killed.

In 2005 an AWOL IDF soldier, Eden Natan-Zada opened fire in a bus in Shfar'am in northern Israel, murdering four Arabs and wounding twenty-two others. No group had taken credit for the terror attack and an official in the settler movement denounced it.

Arab victims of terrorism

Arab citizens have also been victims of Palestinian, Arab, or Islamist attacks on Israel and Israelis. For example, on 12 September 1956, three Druze guards were killed in an attack on Ein Ofarim, in the Arabah region. Two Arab citizens were killed in the Ma'alot massacre carried out by the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine on 15 May 1974. In March 2002, a resident of the Arab town of Tur'an was killed in an attack on a Haifa restaurant Two months later, a woman from Jaffa was killed in a Hamas suicide bombing in Rishon LeZion On 18 June 2002: A woman from the Arab border town of Barta'a was one of 19 killed by Hamas in the Pat Junction Bus Bombing in Jerusalem In August 2002, a man from the Arab town of Mghar and woman from the Druze village of Sajur were killed in a suicide bombing at Meron junction On 21 October 2002, an Isfiya man and a Tayibe woman were among 14 killed by Islamic Jihad in the Egged bus 841 massacre. On 5 March 2003, a 13-year-old girl from the Druze town of Daliyat al-Karmel was one of 17 killed in the Haifa bus 37 suicide bombing. In May 2003: A Jisr az-Zarqa man, was killed in an Afula mall suicide bombing. On 19 March 2004, Fatah al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades gunmen killed George Khoury, a Hebrew University student. On 12 December 2004, five Arab IDF soldiers were killed in an explosion and shooting at the border with Egypt for which the Fatah Hawks claimed responsibility. On 4 October 2003, four Arab citizens of Israel were among the 21 killed by Hanadi Jaradat in the Maxim restaurant suicide bombing. In July 2006, 19 Arab citizens were killed due to Hezbollah rocket fire in the course of the 2006 Lebanon War.

On 22 August 2006, 11 Arab tourists from Israel were killed when their bus overturned in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula. Israel sent Magen David Adom, but the ambulances waited for hours at the border before receiving Egyptian permission to enter and treat the wounded, responsible for at least one of the deaths. The victims say that the driver acted as part of a planned terrorist attack, and are attempting to receive compensation from the government.

Culture

Many Arab citizens of Israel share in the culture of the Palestinian people and wider Arab region of which many of them form a part. There are still some women who produce Palestinian cultural products such as Palestinian embroidery, and costume. The Palestinian folk dance, known as the dabke, continues to be taught to youth in cultural groups, and is often danced at weddings and other parties.

Language

Linguistically speaking, the majority of Arabic citizens of Israel are fluently bilingual, speaking both a Palestinian Arabic dialect and Hebrew; some are also trilingual. In Arab homes and towns, the primary language spoken is Arabic. Some Hebrew words have entered the colloquial Arabic dialect. For example, Arabs often use the word beseder (equivalent of "Okay") while speaking Arabic. Other Hebrew words that are regularly interspersed are ramzor (stoplight), mazgan (air conditioner), and mahshev (computer). The resulting dialect is usually referred to as 'Israeli Arabic'.

Such borrowings are often "Arabized" to reflect not only Arabic phonology but the phonology of Hebrew as spoken by Arabs. For example, the second consonant of מעונות would be pronounced as a voiced pharyngeal fricative rather than the glottal stop traditionally used by the vast majority of Israeli Jews.

There are different local colloquial dialects among Arabs in different regions and localities. For example, the Little Triangle residents of Umm al-Fahm are known for pronouncing the kaph sound with a "ch" (as-in-cheese) rather than "k" (as-in-kite). Some Arabic words or phrases are used only in their respective localities, such as the Nazareth word for "now" which is issa, and silema a local modification of the English word "cinema".

Arab citizens of Israel tend to watch both the Arab satellite news stations and Israeli cable stations and read both Arabic and Hebrew newspapers, comparing the information against one another.

Music and Art

The Palestinian art scene in general has been supported by the contributions of Arab citizens of Israel. In addition to the contribution of artists such as singer Amal Murkus (from Kafr Yasif) to evolving traditional Palestinian and Arabic music styles, a new generation of Arab youth in Israel has also begun asserting a Palestinian identity in new musical forms. For instance of the Palestinian hip hop group DAM, from Lod, has spurred the emergence of other hip hop groups from Akka, to Bethlehem, to Ramallah, to Gaza City.

Cinema and Theater

Arab citizens of Israel have made significant contributions in both Hebrew and Arabic cinema and theater. Mohammad Bakri, and Juliano Mer-Khamis have starred in Israeli film and television. Directors such as Mohammad Bakri, Elia Suleiman, Hany Abu-Assad, and Michel Khleifi have put Arab citizens of Israel on the cinematic map.

Literature

Acclaimed Israeli-Arab authors include Emil Habibi, Anton Shammas, and Sayed Kashua.

See also

• Sumud
• Israelis
• Israeli Jews
• Racism and ethnic discrimination in Israel

Further reading

• Morris, Benny, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War, (2009) Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300151121
• Orgad, Liav(PhD), IDC, Hertzlia, "Internationalizing the issue of Israeli Arabs", Maariv, 19 March 2006 page 7.
• "Israel's Arab Citizens: The Continuing Struggle" by Mark Tessler; Audra K. Grant. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 555, Israel in Transition. (Jan., 1998), pp. 97–113. JSTR:
• The Israeli Palestinians: an Arab minority in the Jewish state / Alexander Bligh 2003. (book)
• Tall shadows: interviews with Israeli Arabs / Smadar Bakovic 2006 English Book 313 p. Lanham, MD: Hamilton Books, ; ISBN 0-7618-3289-0
• Israel's Arab Citizens / Laurence Louër; John King 2006 London: C. Hurst & Co. Ltd. ISBN 1-85065-798-X
• Arab citizens in Israel: the ongoing conflict with the state / Massoud Ahmad Eghbarieh. Thesis (Ph.D.) --University of Maryland at College Park, 1991.
• Identity crisis: Israel and its Arab citizens. International Crisis Group. 2004
• Pappe, Ilan, The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel, (2011) Yale University Press
• Peleg, Ilan, and Dov Waxman, Israel's Palestinians: The Conflict Within, (2011) Cambridge University Press
• Reiter, Yitzhak, National Minority, Regional Majority: Palestinian Arabs Versus Jews in Israel (Syracuse Studies on Peace and Conflict Resolution), (2009) Syracuse Univ Press (Sd). ISBN 9780815632306

Notes

1. ^ Israel in Figures 2010, Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2010.
2. Margalith, Haim (Winter, 1953). "Enactment of a Nationality Law in Israel". The American Journal of Comparative Law. 2 (1). American Society of Comparative Law: 63–66. doi:10.2307/837997. JSTOR 837997. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)The Israeli Nationality Law came into effect on 14 July 1952. Between Israel's declaration of independence on 14 May 1948 and the passage of this bill four years later, there technically were no Israeli citizens. In this article, the term "Arab citizen" is used to refer to the Arab population in Israel, even in the period after the 1949 armistice agreement and before the passage of the Nationality Law in 1952.
3. See the terminology section for an extended discussion of the various terms used to refer to this population.
4. ^ Latest population figures for Israel, 2010
5. ^ "Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens". Middle East Report N°25. International Crisis Group. 4 March 2004. Retrieved 14 April 2011.. "The issue of terminology relating to this subject is sensitive and at least partially a reflection of political preferences. Most Israeli official documents refer to the Israeli Arab community as "minorities". The Israeli National Security Council (NSC) has used the term "Arab citizens of Israel". Virtually all political parties, movements and non-governmental organisations from within the Arab community use the word "Palestinian" somewhere in their description – at times failing to make any reference to Israel. For consistency of reference and without prejudice to the position of either side, ICG will use both Arab Israeli and terms the community commonly uses to describe itself, such as Palestinian citizens of Israel or Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel."
6. ^ Johnathan Marcus (2 May 2005). "Israeli Arabs: 'Unequal citizens'". BBC News. Retrieved 6 December 2007.
7. An IDI Guttman Study of 2008 shows that most Arab citiens of Israel identify as Arabs (45%). While 24% consider themselves Palestinian, 12% consider themselves Israelis, and 19% identify themselves according to religion. Poll: Most Israelis see themselves as Jewish first, Israeli second
8. Steven Dinero (2004). "New Identity/Identities Formulation in a Post-Nomadic Community: The Case of the Bedouin of the Negev". 6 (3). National Identities: 261–275. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
9. "BBC News - Surge in East Jerusalem Palestinians losing residency". news.bbc.co.uk. 2 December 2009. Retrieved 17 May 2011.
10. ^ "Question of Palestine: Jerusalem". United Nations.
11. ^ Human Rights Watch (2001). Second class: Discrimination against Palestinian Arab children in Israel's Schools. Human Rights Watch. p. 8.
12. ^ Sherry Lowrance (2006). "Identity, Grievances, and Political Action: Recent Evidence from the Palestinian Community in Israel". International Political Science Review. 27, 2: 167–190. There are a number of self-identification labels currently in use among Palestinian Israelis. Seven of the most commonly used were included in the 2001 survey. They range from "Israeli" and "Israeli Arab" to "Palestinian."
    According to the author's survey, approximately 66 percent of the sample of Palestinian Israelis identified themselves in whole or in part as Palestinian. The modal identity is "Palestinian in Israel", which rejects "Israeli" as a psychological identification, but accepts it as a descriptive label of geographical location.
    The establishment-favoured "Israeli Arab" is the second-most popular response in the survey, reflecting its dominance in Israeli social discourse. About 37 percent of respondents identified themselves in some way as "Israeli", double-counting the "Israeli Palestinian" category as both "Israeli" and "Palestinian". Although much smaller than the percentage identifying themselves as Palestinian a nevertheless considerable number include "Israeli" as part of their identity, despite the hardships placed upon them by the Israeli state.
13. ^ Muhammad Amara (1999). Politics and sociolinguistic reflexes: Palestinian border villages (Illustrated ed.). John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 1. ISBN 9027241287, 9789027241283. Many identity constructs are used to refer to Palestinians in Israel; the Israeli establishment prefer Israeli Arabs or Arabs in Israel. Others refer to them as Israeli Palestinians, Palestinian Arabs in Israel, the Arabs inside the Green Line. Nowadays the widespread terms among Palestinians are Palestinians in Israel or the Palestinians of 1948. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
14. ^ Rebecca B. Kook (2002). The Logic of Democratic Exclusion: African Americans in the United States and Palestinian citizens in Israel. Lexington Books, 2002. pp. 67–68. ISBN 073910442X, 9780739104422. The category of "Israeli Arab" was constructed by the Israeli authorities. As it indicates, this category assumes and constructs two levels of identity. The first is that of Arab. Local Palestinians who remained in what became Israel were designated as Arabs rather than Palestinians. This category refers to the realm of culture and ethnicity and not, clearly, politics. The official government intention was for the "Arab" to designate culture and ethnicity and the "Israeli" - to designate the political identity. In addition to the category of Israeli Arabs, other categories include "the minorities" and "the Arab sector," or, in certain sectors the more cryptice appellation of "our cousins." The use of these labels denies the existence of any type of political or national identification and the use of "minority" even denies them a distinct cultural identity. With the emergence of a more critical discourse the categorization expands to include Israeli Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel, Palestinian Arabs, Israeli Palestinian Arabs, the Palestinians of 1948, and so on. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
15. ^ Torstrick, Rebecca L. (2000). The limits of coexistence: identity politics in Israel (Illustrated ed.). University of Michigan Press. p. 13. ISBN 0472111248, 9780472111244. The indigenous Palestinians comprise 20 percent of the total population of Israel. While they were allowed to become citizens, they were distanced from the center of power because the Israeli state was a Jewish state and Israeli national identity incorporated Jewish symbols and referents. Government officials categorized and labeled them by religion (Muslims, Christians, Druze), region (Galilee Arab, Triangle Arab, Negev Bedouin), and family connections, or hamula (Haberer 1985, 145). In official and popular culture, they ceased being Palestinians and were re-created as Israeli Arabs or Arab citizens of Israel. Expressing Palestinian identity by displaying the flag, singing nationalist songs, or reciting nationalist poetry was illegal in Israel until only very recently. Self-identification as Palestinians, Israeli Palestinians, or Palestinian citizens of Israel has increased since 1967 and is now their preferred descriptor. It was only under the influence of the intifada, however, that many Israeli Palestinians felt secure enough to begin to refer to themselves publicly this way (as opposed to choosing the label Palestinian only in anonymous surveys on identity). {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
16. ^ Rabinowitz, Dan; Abu Baker, Khawla (2005). Coffins on our shoulders: the experience of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. University of California Press. ISBN 0520245571, 9780520245570. The Palestinians were included in the first population census in 1949 and were given the right to vote and be elected in the Knesset This notwithstanding, Israel also subjected them to a host of dominating practices. One was a discursive move involving the state's introduction of a new label to denote them: the hyphenated construct "Israeli Arabs" ('Aravim-Yisraelim) or, sometimes "Arabs of Israel" ('Arviyey-Yisrael).
    The new idiom Israeli Arabs, while purporting to be no more than technical, bureaucratic label, evidenced a deliberate design. A clear reflection of the politics of culture via language, it intentionally misrecognized the group's affinity with and linkage to Palestine as a territorial unit, thus facilitating the erasure of the term Palestine from the Hebrew vocabulary. The term puts "Israel" in the fore, constructing it as a defining feature of "its" Arabs. The Palestinians, already uprooted in the physical sense of the word, were also transformed into a group bereft of history. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
17. Amal Jamal. Arab Minority Nationalism in Israel. Taylor & Francis. p. 56. ISBN 113682412X, 9781136824128. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
18. Jacob M. Landau (1993). The Arab minority in Israel, 1967-1991: political aspects (Illustrated, reprint ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 171. ISBN 0198277121, 9780198277125. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
19. Amara, Muhammad; Marʻi, Abd el-Rahman (2002). Language Education Policy: The Arab Minority in Israel. Springer. p. xv. ISBN 1402005857, 9781402005855. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
20. Masalha, Nur; Said, Edward W. (2005). Catastrophe Remembered: Palestine, Israel and the Internal Refugees: Essays in Memory of Edward W. Said (1935-2003). Zed Books. ISBN 1842776231, 9781842776230. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
21. Amrawi, Ahmad (9 December 2003). "The Palestinians of 1948". al-Jazeera. Archived from the original on 6 December 2007.
22. "Dr. Sarah Ozacky-Lazar, Relations between Jews and Arabs during Israel's first decade (in Hebrew)".
23. Morris, Benny (21 February 2008). "Israel and the Palestinians". Irish Times. Retrieved 13 March 2010.
24. "Changes to Family Unification Law". Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. Retrieved 2 October 2006.
25. Pappé Ilan (1992) "The Making of the Arab Israeli Conflict 1947-1951"; I B Tauris, p.72 ISBN 1-85043-819-6
26. Morris, Benny (2001). Revisiting the Palestinian exodus of 1948. In The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (pp. 37-59). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-79476-5
27. Badil Resource Centre for Palestinian Refugee and Residency Rights
28. ^ Internal Displacement Monitoring Center
29. Féron, pp. 94, 97-99
30. 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year ... - Google Books
31. Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126, Féron, pp. 37 and 40
32. Féron, p. 94
33. Eisenstadt, S.N. (1967). Israeli Society. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson. p. 403. ISBN 0813303060.
34. Kodmani, p. 126
35. ^ "Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens". Archived from the original on 9 July 2008. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
36. Zureik, Elia (1979). The Palestinians in Israel: A Study in Internal Colonialism. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. pp. 172–5. ISBN 978-0710000163. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
37. Kodmani, p. 129
38. Féron, p. 41
39. Féron, p. 106
40. ^ Tessler, Mark (1998). . Annals of the American Academy of Political Science. 555 (January): 97–113. doi:10.1177/0002716298555001007. ISSN 0002-7162. Retrieved 15 March 2008. {{cite journal}}: Check |url= value (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help); templatestyles stripmarker in |url= at position 1 (help)
41. Bar-On, D., The others within us,2008
42. http://caliber.ucpress.net/doi/abs/10.1525/jps.2003.32.3.5?journalCode=jps Rhoda Kanaaneh, Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 32, No. 3 (Spring, 2003), pp. 5-20
43. "The Arab Citizens of Israel and the 2006 War in Lebanon" (PDF). The Arab Citizens of Israel and the 2006 War in Lebanon: Reflections and Realities. Mossawa. 2006. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 April 2008. Retrieved 17 July 2007.
44. "The Arabs in Israel and the War in the North" (PDF). Konard Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. 2006. Retrieved 17 July 2007.
45. ^ Jim Teeple (24 October 2006). "New Cabinet Appointment Tilts Israel to Right". Voice of America, Online English Edition. Archived from the original on 24 October 2006. Retrieved 31 October 2006.
46. ^ Yoav Stern (10 January 2007). "Labor MK Raleb Majadele to be appointed first Arab minister". Haaretz. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
47. ^ Lieberman calls on Peretz to quit post for appointing first Arab minister Haaretz, 12 January 2007
48. "Statistics Report: Less Enlisting to Army". Ynetnews.com. 28 December 2006. Retrieved 6 May 2007., including permanent residents.
49. ^ "The Arab Population of Israel 2003," Nurit Yaffe, Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, .
50. ^ Bernard Spolsky and Elana Shohamy (1996). "National Profiles of Languages in Education: Israel Language Policy". Language Policy Research Center. Archived from the original on 6 April 2007. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
51. "Projections of population(1) in Israel for 2010-2025, by sex, age and population group" (PDF). Israel Central Bureau of Statistics\. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
52. The Bedouin in Israel: Demography Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1999-07-01
53. ^ "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 8. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |unused_data= ignored (help)
54. Rebecca Manski."Criminalizing Self-Subsistence"; News from Within", Summer 2006
55. Jonathan Cook."Bedouin face new transfer"; MERIP, 10 May 2003
56. ^ "Off the Map: Land and Housing Rights Violations in Israel’s Unrecognized Bedouin Villages"; Human Rights Watch, March 2008 Volume 20, No. 5(E)
57. Bedouin information, ILA, 2007
58. Scott Wilson (2006-10-30). "Golan Heights Land, Lifestyle Lure Settlers". The Washington Post. Retrieved 05.06.2007. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
59. Suzanna Kokkoken. "Between success and the search for identity". World Zionist Organization. Archived from the original on 10 December 2007.
60. The Druze in Israel: Questions of Identity, Citizenship, and Patriotism
61. ^ Stern, Yoav (23 March 2005). "Christian Arabs / Second in a series - Israel's Christian Arabs don't want to fight to fit in". Haaretz. Retrieved 7 January 2006.
62. ^ Sabri Jiryis (1969, second impression). The Arabs in Israel. The Institute for Palestine Studies. p. 145. ISBN 0853453772. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
63. Muhammad Amara and Izhak Schnell (2004). "Identity Repertoires among Arabs in Israel". Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 30: 175–193.
64. Druse MK next in line for presidency
65. SOCIETY: Minority Communities, Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
66. "15 nominees named for 4 justice posts". Jerusalem Post. 14 April 2004.
67. ^ Patriotism and Israel's National Security, Herzliya Patriotism Survey 2006 Patriotism Survey 2006
68. Ismael Abu-Saad (Vol. 49, No. 8, 1085-1100 (2006)). "State-Controlled Education and Identity Formation Among the Palestinian Arab Minority in Israel". American Behavioral Scientist. Retrieved 2009-10-08. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
69. Mossawa Center: The Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel (30 May – 3 June 2005). "UN Commission on Human Rights: Working Group on Minorities". UN Commission on Human Rights. Archived from the original on 26 September 2007.
70. ^ Professor (Emeritus) Shimon Shamir (2005-09-19, PDF format at http://www.dayan.org/kapjac/files/shamirEng.pdf). "The Arabs in Israel – Two Years after The Or Commission Report" (PDF). The Konrad Adenauer Program for Jewish-Arab Cooperation. p. 7. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help); External link in |date= (help) Cite error: The named reference "Shamir" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
71. Scott Wilson (30 October 2006). "Golan Heights Land, Lifestyle Lure Settlers". The Washington Post. Retrieved 6 May 2007.
72. ^ "The Arab Minority in Israel". Arab Human Rights Association. Archived from the original on 15 October 2007.
73. http://www.cbs.gov.il/statistical/arab_pop03e.pdf
74. The Bedouin in Israel
75. "Majadele: New Arab city will bolster our sense of belonging". Haaretz. 12 February 2008. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
76. "Jewish population in Galilee declining - Israel Money, Ynetnews". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
77. Egyptian Dream: Israel will disappear "thanks to demographics" Global Jewish Agenda, 8 November 2001
78. Statistics Regarding Israeli Arabs, Jewish Virtual Library, November 2008.
79. Ari Shavit (16 January 2004). "Survival of the Fittest". Haaretz. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
80. "... a fifth column, a league of traitors" (Evelyn Gordon, "No longer the political fringe", The Jerusalem Post 14 September 2006)
81. " compared Arab MKs to collaborators with Nazis and expressed the hope that they would be executed." (Uzi Benziman, "For want of stability", Ha'aretz undated)
82. "... many Israeli Jews view Israeli Arabs as a security and demographic threat." (Evelyn Gordon, "'Kassaming' coexistence", The Jerusalem Post 23 May 2007)
83. "Why is Arab criticism always labeled as conspiracy to destroy Israel?" (Abir Kopty, "Fifth column forever?", Ynetnews 7 April 2007)
84. "... they hurl accusations against us, like that we are a 'fifth column.'" (Roee Nahmias, "Arab MK: Israel committing 'genocide' of Shiites", Ynetnews 2 August 2006)
85. Sedan, Gil (2003-18-18). "Netanyahu: Israel's Arabs are the real demographic threat". Haaretz. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
86. "MKs slam Netanyahu's remarks about Israeli Arabs". 2003-18-18. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
87. Manski, Rebecca. "A Desert ‘Mirage:’ Privatizing Development Plans in the Negev/Naqab;" Bustan, 2005
88. HRA: Weekly Review of the Arab Press, Issue No. 92
89. Haaretz on new head of Population Administration
90. Benari, Elad (9 February 2011). "Number of Israeli Jews Increases - Inside Israel - News". Israel National News. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
91. ^ Kul Al-Arab (Nazareth, Israel), 28 July 2000, cited in "Um Al-Fahm Prefers Israel", by Joseph Algazy, Ha'aretz, Aug 1, 2000. Online copy available
92. Aluf Benn (14 August 2005). "Trading Places". The Washington Post. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
93. Amayreh, Khalid. Israeli minister wants Arabs expelled. al-Jazeera. 10 May 2005.
94. Avnery, Uri. The Israeli Elections. CounterPunch. 30 March 2006.
95. Israel’s new political reality. ISN. 31 March 2006.
96. Prusher, Ilene. Israeli right nips at Kadima. Christian Science Monitor. 27 March 2006.
97. O'Loughlin, Ed. Israel's shunned Arabs watch poll with unease. The Age. 24 March 2006.
98. Dromi, Uri. Israeli Arabs and the vote. International Herald Tribune. 24 March 2006.
99. Halpern, Orly. Umm el-Fahm residents angry and apathetic before elections. The Jerusalem Post. 26 March 2006.
100. Sofer, Ronny. Kadima's new 'enemy' - Lieberman. YNet News. 23 March 2006.
101. Farrell, Stephen and MacKinnon, Ian. Winners and Losers on Israeli political scene. The Times. 29 March 2006.
102. Jpost.com Staff (30 October 2006). . The Jerusalem Post, Online, English Edition. Retrieved 31 October 2006. {{cite web}}: Check |url= value (help)
103. Mazal Mualem (31 October 2006). . Ha'aretz Online, English Edition. Retrieved 31 October 2006. {{cite web}}: Check |url= value (help)
104. Israeli Arabs and the Vote International Herald Tribune, 24 March 2006
105. Zimmerman, Roberta Seid and Michael L. Wise: Forecast for Israel and West Bank 2025. Sixth Herzliya Conference, 23 January 2006
106. Negev development plans to address the Bedouin "demographic threat"
107. Arabs in Israel: on the move Open Democracy, 19 April 2007
108. Frisch, H. (2001) The Arab Vote in the Israeli Elections: The Bid for Leadership Israel Affairs, Vol. 7, No. 2 & 3, pp 153-170
109. Going strong among the Druze Haaretz
110. The Arab vote Haaretz
111. "Country's Report Israel". Freedom House. Retrieved 26 September 2011.
112. Bar-On wants passports of Arab MKs who visited Syria revoked - Haaretz - Israel News
113. "Gaddafi to Arab MKs: I've nothing against Jews - Israel News, Ynetnews". Ynetnews.com. 20 June 1995. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
114. Silencing Dissent Report, p. 8.
115. Silencing Dissent Report
116. Ali Haider (2003). "Follow up: Arab representation in the civil service, in government corporations and in the court system" (PDF). Sikkuy: The Association for the Advancement of Civic Equality in Israel. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
117. PM Sharon convenes meeting of ministerial committee on Non - Jewish Sector Prime Minister's Office, 24 January 2005
118. Nawaf Massalha Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
119. Saleh Tarif Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
120. Cabinet okays appointment of Majadele as first Arab minister Haaretz, 28 January 2007
121. Race row as Israel gets Arab minister
122. First appointment of Arab minister draws mixed reaction in Israel China View
123. Arab MKs in their own words - list of articles
124. Israeli Women Push to Change Knesset Politics
125. Salim Jubran Jewish Virtual Library
126. Asafa Peled (22 June 2006). "Israel's first Bedouin envoy". YNetNews. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
127. CAMERA: Sports Illustrated Mars Story on Jewish/Arab Soccer Team
128. Israeli Arab appointed as a JNF director despite court appeal Haaretz, 5 July 2007
129. "حركة ابناء البلد - معًا على الدرب". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
130. "Weekly Press Review No. 156". Arab Human Rights Association. 7–13 February 2004.
131. "Press Release". Ittijah-Union of Arab Community Based Associations. 15 May 2001. Archived from the original on 25 December 2007.
132. . Abnaa al-Balad. Retrieved 27 October 2006. {{cite web}}: Check |url= value (help); templatestyles stripmarker in |url= at position 1 (help)
133. ^ Payes, Shany (2005). Palestinian NGOs in Israel: the politics of civil society (Illustrated ed.). I.B. Tauris. p. 112. ISBN 1850436304, 9781850436300. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
134. Yaniv, Avner (1993). National security and democracy in Israel (Illustrated ed.). Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 121. ISBN 1555873944, 9781555873943. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
135. Ta'ayush
136. Basic Laws - Summaries
137. Arab Political Mobilization And Israeli Responses|Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ)|Find Articles at BNET.com
138. Arab Political Mobilization And Israeli Responses|Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ)|Find Articles at BNET.com
139. The Dilemma of Israeli Arabs - Global Policy Forum - Nations and States
140. Citizens' Empowerment Center in Israel
141. "Arab MK: Israel 'robbery of century' - Israel News, Ynetnews". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
142. Bishara recommended that Hizbullah attack south of Haifa Ynetnews, Accessed 3 May 2007
143. Glickman, Aviad (12 January 2009). "Arab parties disqualified from elections". Ynetnews. Retrieved 12 January 2009.
144. Glickman, Aviad (21 January 2009). "Arab parties win disqualification appeal". Ynetnews. Retrieved 21 January 2009.
145. "Declaration of Israel's Independence 1948". The Knesset, Israel's parliamentry body. Retrieved 29 June 2007.
146. Basic Laws - Introduction
147. Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty
148. Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation (1994)
149. The Arab Citizens of Israel
150. Arab Israelis
151. Arthur Milner. "Arabic in Israel: a pictorial;" Inroads, 1 January 2005
152. Dr. Muhammad Amara."The Vitality of the Arabic Language in Israel from a Sociolinguistic Perspective"; Adalah Newsletter, Volume 29, October 2006
153. Nathan Jeffay."Knesset Hawks Move To Strip Arabic of Official Status in Israel"; The Jewish Daily Forward, 12 June 2008
154. The National Committee for the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel (2006). "The Future Vision of Palestinian Arabs in Israel" (PDF). Retrieved 8 October 2009. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
155. Eli Ashkenazi (26 April 2004). "Israeli Arabs to mark Nakba day with march". Ha'aretz Online, English Edition.
156. "The Druze in Israel," Dr. Naim Aridi, Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, .
157. "Israeli Arabs find no joy during Independence Day," Larry Derfner, Jewish News Weekly, 24 April 1998,
158. Arab town plans big celebration for Israel's Independence Day
159. "Human Rights Issues for the Palestinian Population". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
160. ^ Ben Lynfield (15 May 2006). "Arab spouses face Israeli legal purge". Edinburgh: The Scotsman.
161. From Challenge
162. "Israeli marriage law blocks citizenship for Palestinians". San Francisco Chronicle. 1 August 2003. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
164. "UN blasts Israeli marriage law". BBC News. 15 August 2003. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
165. Or Commission Report, page 33, Israel Studies, vol. 11, no. 2, 25-53
166. ^ Israel and the occupied territories
167. U.S. State Department "Country Reports on Human Rights Practices"
168. Israel: Cuts in Child Allowance Discriminate Against Palestinian Arab, Human Rights Watch.
169. ^ Worlds apart|Israel and the Middle East|Guardian Unlimited
170. "'Current Knesset is the most racist in Israeli history'". Haaretz. 21 March 2010. Retrieved 22 March 2010.
171. Tomer Zarchin. "Israeli Arabs more likely to be convicted for crimes than their Jewish counterparts, study shows". Haaretz. Retrieved 3 August 2011.
172. ^ Kenneth W. Stein."The Jewish National Fund: Land Purchase Methods and Priorities, 1924 - 1939"; Middle Eastern Studies, Volume 20 Number 2, pp. 190-205, April 1984
173. Bustan backgrounder on the JNF bill: List of related articles
174. ^ Pfeffer, Anshel (24 September 2007). "High Court delays ruling on JNF land sales to non-Jews". Haaretz. Retrieved 20 December 2007. {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
175. Government Press Office, Israel, 22 May 1997
176. A. Golan. The Transfer of Abandoned Rural Arab Lands to Jews During Israel's War of Independence, Cathedra, 63, pp. 122-154, 1992 Template:He icon. English translation: “The Transfer to Jewish Control of Abandoned Arab Land during the War of Independence,” in S.I. Troen and N. Lucas (eds), Israel, The First Decade of Independence (Albany, NY, 1995)
177. A. Barkat (10 February 2005). "Buying the State of Israel". Haaretz. Retrieved 29 May 2007.
178. M. Benvenisti (29 May 2007). "With all due respect for the 'blue box'". Haaretz. Retrieved 29 May 2007.
179. ^ Adalah report on JNF lands
180. ^ Shahar Ilan (30 July 2007). "The JNF, backed into a corner". Haaretz. Retrieved 17 June 2008.
181. Aref Abu-Rabia. The Negev Bedouin and Livestock Rearing: Social, Economic, and Political Aspects, Oxford, 1994, pp. 28, 36, 38 (in a rare move, the ILA has leased on a yearly-basis JNF-owned land in Besor Valley (Wadi Shallala) to Bedouins)
182. Amiram Barkat."State offers JNF NIS 1.3b in biggest land deal ever"; Haaretz, 17 June 2008
183. Tal Rosner."Historic Land Decision Made: Attorney General allows land to be purchased by Jews and Arabs alike" YNet, 27 January 2005
184. A Message from Ronald Lauder
185. Hasson, Nir (21 July 2009). "Most Arabs can't buy most homes in West Jerusalem". Haaretz. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
186. ^ Izenberg, Dan (20 January 2010). "Arabs, Jews don't have equal rights to recover property | Israel | Jerusalem Post". Fr.jpost.com. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
187. Segev, Tom. 1949: The First Israelis, pp. 68-91.
188. Tashbih, Sayyed. "A Muslim in a Jewish Land". Muslim World Today. Retrieved 17 June 2010.
189. SOCIETY: Minority Communities, Israeli Foreign Ministry Website, . 1 October 2006. Retrieved 19 December 2007.
190. LOST IN THE BLUR OF SLOGANS, Ishmael Khaldi, San Francisco Chronicle, March 2009
191. • see, e.g., "Rally in Philadelphia will support America and Israel. Press release. Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (Greater Philadelphia District). 18 January 1991.

       A coalition of local groups will hold a rally at the Liberty Bell on Sunday, Jan. 20, in support of American and Israeli military policies in the Persian Gulf crisis. "We'll be coming out on Sunday to say 'God bless America and Israel," said Bertram Korn Jr., executive director of the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, one of the sponsors of the rally. "The criminal Iraqi war machine must be permanently disarmed," he added.

     • Zara Myers. The Name of the Game? Advocacy for Israel. Jewish Exponent. Philadelphia: Nov 25, 2004.

       To encourage effective advocacy on behalf of Israel, the Center for Israel and Overseas of the Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia will host a daylong program -- its inaugural advocacy event -- on Sunday, Dec. 5, from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m., at Hillel at the University of Pennsylvania, Steinhardt Hall, 215 S. 39th St. in Philadelphia. In the morning will be a panel featuring representatives from the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, all of which will discuss "Methodologies on How to Advocate for Israel...Dr. John Cohn, a local physician named Camera's "No. 1 Letter-Writer" in 2004, will serve as moderator of the panel.

     • CAMERA Articles For Students. Apply NOW to Be A CAMERA Student Representative—EARN A FREE TRIP TO ISRAEL AND $1000! Posted on CAMERA website, 25 September 2007.

       CAMERA is looking for fifteen passionately committed undergraduate students with excellent communication skills who can organize pro-Israel events on campus. Students earn $1000 and a free exclusive trip to Israel in June by becoming a CAMERA Fellows Representative.

     • Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. CAMERA: Fighting Distorted Media Coverage of Israel and the Middle East: An Interview with Andrea Levin. Posted on JCPA website, 1 June 2005.

       Their work undoubtedly has impact, but the non-Israel-related groups do not have the same activist focus. They produce studies and polls. It is for this reason that I think pro-Israeli media watching has an importance beyond the cause of Israel. Efforts that induce better adherence to ethical journalism in one subject area are positive generally in helping to strengthen American democracy, especially, again, as there are no enforceable codes of professional conduct in the media. – CAMERA Executive Director Andrea Levin.

     • The New York Times. MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE NEWS OUTLETS; Some U.S. Backers of Israel Boycott Dailies Over Mideast Coverage That They Deplore. Posted on NYTimes website, 23 May 2002.

       While the the [sic] pro-Israeli Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, or Camera, studies newpapers [sic] for evidence of bias, Palestine Media Watch has been monitoring the coverage of newspapers like The Philadelphia Inquirer, The New York Times and The Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

192. CAMERA: BACKGROUNDER: Land, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel
193. Islam Today, by Khaled Abu Toameh, May 18, 2009
194. "Intermarriage:". JewishEncyclopedia.com. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
195. "'Protecting' Jewish girls from Arabs". Jerusalem Post. 18 September 2009.
196. Cook, Jonathan. "Israeli drive to prevent Jewish girls dating Arabs". The National.
197. ^ Roffe-Ofir, Sharon (21 March 2010). "Report: Current Knesset most racist of all time". Ynetnews.
198. Khoury, Jack (21 March 2010). "'Current Knesset is the most racist in Israeli history'". Haaretz.
199. Israel's new politics|Shutting itself in, hoping for the best|Economist.com
200. "Assessment for Arabs in Israel". Minorities at Risk. Retrieved 26 October 2006.
201. Féron, pp. 40-41, see also Kodmani, p. 127
202. "Financial benefits for Arab communities - Israel Money, Ynetnews". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
203. The Israel Export and International Cooperation Institute (12 December 2006). "State to raise NIS 160 mn for Arab businesses". Ynetnews. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
204. New York Times "Noted Arab Citizens Call on Israel to Shed Jewish Identity"
205. Freedom House: Country Report
206. Haartez "The Bottom Line / Arab municipalities do not believe in equality in debts"
207. רוב הערבים בישראל מתגוררים בדירה בבעלותם - וואלה! חדשות
208. "CJO - Abstract - Changing Labour Force Participation and Occupational Status: Arab Women in the Israeli Labour Force". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
209. A gateway into high-tech
210. Bringing Israei Arabs into high-tech
211. ^ Statistics Regarding Israeli Arabs
212. http://72.14.221.104/search?q=cache:ZDanD9J4Fl8J:www.arabhra.org/publications/reports/PDF/CEDAW_FullReport.pdf
213. An Update on Discrimination Affecting Palestinian Arab Children in the Israeli Educational System
214. Israeli Schools Separate, Not Equal (Human Rights Watch, 5-12-2001)
215. Human Rights Watch: Second Class: Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools - Summary
216. Second Class - Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools, Human Rights Watch.
217. "Arab Sector: NIF Grantees Fight Discrimination in Arab Education". New Israel Fund. 13 September 2005. Archived from the original on 7 August 2007.
218. ^ http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1106955.html Haaretz. Israel aids its needy Jewish students more than Arab counterparts by Or Kashti. Last accessed: 12 August 2009.
219. Atlantic Free Press: Jonathan Cook, Israel’s Arab students cross to Jordan - Academic hurdles block access to universities, 11 April 2009
220. Moshe Zeidner, Are scholastic aptitude tests in Israel biased towards Arab college student candidates? Higher Education journal, Springer Netherlands, ISSN 0018-1560, Volume 15, Number 5 / September, 1986, pp. 507-522
221. Template:He icon מישיבת הוועדה לענייני ביקורת המדינה
222. Embattled Identities: Palestinian Soldiers in the Israeli Military, Rhoda Kanaaneh, Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 32, No. 3 (Spring, 2003), pp. 5-20
223. Anshel Pfeffer / Israel minorities see IDF service as key to social mobility - Haaretz - Israel News
224. Zeidan Atashi (15 October 2001). "The Druze in Israel and the Question of Compulsory Military Service". Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
225. Seeds of Peace - Olive Branch Magazine - What Are You?
226. "The Druze in Israel and the Question of Compulsory Military Service". Jewishvirtuallibrary.org. 5 September 2000. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
227. See, for instance, Brig. Gen. Mufid Ganam appointed IDF Chief Logistics Officer
228. "Waseem Kheir jailed for refusing compulsory military service for Arab Druze youth (translation of Arabic headline)". arabs48.com. 24 April 2006. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
229. The Druze Minority in Israel
230. Yoav Stern and Jack Khoury (1 May 2007). "Balad's MK-to-be: 'Anti-Israelization' conscientious objector". Ha'aretz, English edition. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
231. Rise in Arab National Service volunteers, by Aviel Magnezi. YNet, 10.25.10, 14:47
232. “Du-Et,” 6 June 2005
233. Ha'aretz, 2 October 2005
234. Ashkenazi, Eli and Khoury, Jack. Poll: 68% of Jews would refuse to live in same building as an Arab. Haaretz. 22 March 2006. Retrieved 30 March 2006.
235. Poll: 75% of Israeli Arabs support Jewish, democratic constitution
236. Keevoon Research (27 December 2007). "Overwhelming Majority of Israeli Arabs Would Choose to Remain Israeli Citizens Rather Than Become Citizens of a Future Palestinian State". Retrieved 4 January 2008.
237. Poll: 77% of Arab citizens would rather live in Israel than any other country in the world Haaretz, 23 June 2008
238. ^ Poll: 40% of Israeli Arabs believe Holocaust never happened - Haaretz - Israel News
239. Civil rights group: Israel has reached new heights of racism Yuval Yoaz and Jack Khoury, Haaretz 9 December 2007
240. Poll: 77% of Arabs say won't replace Israel, Reuven Weiss 06.23.08
241. "Ynet יותר ממחצית היהודים: נישואים לערבי הם בגידה - חדשות". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
242. Kashti, Or (12 March 2010). "Poll: Half of Israeli high schoolers oppose equal rights for Arabs". Haaretz. Retrieved 14 March 2010.
243. Zelikovich, Yaheli Moran (11 March 2010). "Poll: 46% of high-schoolers don't want equality for Arabs". Ynetnews. Retrieved 25 March 2010.
244. Yesawich, Avi (19 May 2011). "'62.5% of Israeli Arabs see Jews as fore... JPost - National News". Jpost.com. Retrieved 22 September 2011.
245. ^ םיניינע ןכות (Hebrew) - English Translation
246. Johnathan Wilson (11 June 2006). "Loyalties". Washington Post. Retrieved 8 October 2009.
247. "APPENDIX ONE: CHRONOLOGY OF ATTACKS". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
248. 3 Israelis convicted of manslaughter for transporting suicide bomber
250. Myre, Greg (August 56, 2005). "Jewish Militant Opens Fire on Bus of Israeli Arabs, Killing 4". The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-03-21. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
251. Major Terror Attacks (1952-1989)
252. ^ Vered Levy-Barzilai. "The other victims". Haaretz.
253. George Khoury
254. http://www.standwithus.com/pdfs/flyers/postArafatViolence.pdf
255. Israeli Arabs against Mubarak: Learn from Israel
256. Israeli Arab Survivors Of Bus Overturn In Egypt Want Compensation As Terror Victims
257. "IMEU: Palestinian embroidery and textiles: A nation's tale". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
258. "Global Fund for Women - Grantee Profile - Laqiya". Archived from the original on 10 December 2007. Retrieved 14 June 2008.
259. Kimary N. Shahin, Palestinian Rural Arabic (Abu Shusha dialect). 2nd ed. University of British Columbia. LINCOM Europa, 2000 (ISBN 3-89586-960-0)
260. Frank A. Rice, Eastern Arabic-English, English-Eastern Arabic: dictionary and phrasebook for the spoken Arabic of Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine/Israel and Syria. New York: Hippocrene Books 1998 (ISBN 0-7818-0685-2)
261. Amal Jamal (2006). The Culture of Media Consumption among National Minorities: The Case of Arab Society in Israel. I’lam Media Center for Arab Palestinians in Israel. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
262. Tal Ben Zvi (2006). "Hagar: Contemporary Palestinian Art" (PDF). Hagar Association. Retrieved 5 June 2007.
263. Salim Dau
264. "Cookie Absent". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
265. "Table of contents for Library of Congress control number 2002154407". Retrieved 14 June 2008.
266. Shibboleth Authentication Request

External links

This article's use of external links may not follow Misplaced Pages's policies or guidelines. Please improve this article by removing excessive or inappropriate external links, and converting useful links where appropriate into footnote references. (August 2009) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

• Separate But Not Equal: Israeli Arab Schools
• From Arab to Palestinian Israeli: One Family's Changing Identity
• The Israel Project: A Voice and a Home: Arab Rights in Israel
• local Arab municipalities and towns in Israel, The Arab Center for Alternative Planning
• Adalah, the Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel
• Arab Association for Human Rights, HRA
• The Association of Forty, The Association for the Recognition of the Arab Unrecognized Villages in Israel
• Baladna, Association for Arab Youth in Israel, reports on civic service, etc.
• The Galilee Society, The Arab National Society for Health Research and Services
• Israeli Arabs (Israel Country Study, US Dept. of the Army)
• Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies: "Injustice and Folly - On the Proposals to Cede Arab Localities from Israel to Palestine"
• Interagency Task Force on Israeli Arab issues forum based in North America
• Haaretz: "The undocumented / Fifth in a series - Bedouin trackers: Israeli enough for the IDF, but not for an ID card"
• Haaretz: "Israeli Arab couple petitions High Court after residency denied"
• "Israeli Learns Some Are More Israeli Than Others" - Kaadan case; Serge Schmemann, New York Times, 1 March 1998
• Ka'adan case
• Haaretz: "The demographics point to a binational state" Article suggests "swapping heavily populated areas" as a solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict
• Haaretz: "What are Israeli Arabs? Are they Jewish? Their lives are much better in Israel than they could be in Jordan" Arab citizens of Israel in the eyes of Arabs in Saudi Arabia and Jordan
• Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Center for Special Studies Involvement of Arabs in Israel in terrorism
• I‘ LAM - Media Center for Arab Palestinians in Israel
• Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs: "The Arabs in Israel: A Surging New Identity"
• Jewish Virtual Library, on Arab Israelis
• Middle-East-Info.org Arabs and Muslims in Israel
• Mossawa, The Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens of Israel
• Stanford University: Adi Greif on Druze and Jews
• The trap of self-delusion: Ben Dror Yemini examines The claims of Israeli Arabs of discrimination and argues that the main problem is the oppression of women
• Kaya- - Feminist Organization Kayan was founded in 1998 by Arab feminist women with the goal of advancing the status of Arab women in Israel and protecting their rights.

• Misplaced Pages external links cleanup from August 2009
• Use dmy dates from September 2010
• Arab citizens of Israel
• Ethnic minorities
• Palestinian people
• Palestinian society
• Israeli people