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{{Short description|1967 war between Israel and Egypt, Jordan, and Syria}} | |||
{{POV|date=March 2009}} | |||
{{About|3=Six Day War (disambiguation)}} | |||
{{Fix bunching|beg}} | |||
{{Pp-extended|small=yes}} | |||
{|style="float: right; clear: right; background-color: transparent" | |||
|- | |||
|{{Infobox military conflict | |||
| conflict=Six-Day War | |||
|partof=the ] | |||
| campaign= | |||
| colour_scheme=background:#bbcccc | |||
| image=] | |||
| caption=Israel's territories before and after the Six Day War. The Straits of Tiran are circled, between the Gulf of Aqaba to the north and the Red Sea to the south. | |||
| casus= Egyptian naval blockade of the ], its military buildup in the ], and its expulsion of UN forces, as well as Syrian support for ] incursions into Israel. | |||
| date={{start-date| June 5, 1967}} – June 10, 1967 | |||
| place=] | |||
| result=Decisive Israeli victory | |||
| territory=Israel captured the ] and the ] from Egypt, the ] (including ]) from Jordan, and the ] from Syria. | |||
| combatant1={{flag|Israel}} | |||
| combatant2={{flag|Egypt|UAR}}<br />] ]<!-- Iraq and Syria had the same flag in 1967, see ] (historical section) and ] and http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/sy-his2.html, the current flag was introduced in 1980 --><br />{{flag|Jordan}}<br />'''Arab Expeditionary Forces:'''<ref name="krauthammer">Krauthammer 2007.</ref><br>{{flag|Iraq|1963}}<br>{{flagicon|Saudi Arabia}} ]<br>{{flagicon|Morocco}} ]<br>{{flagicon|Algeria}} ]<br>{{flagicon|Libya|1951}} ]{{Citation needed|date=July 2010}}<br>{{flagicon|Tunisia}} ]<br>] ]<br> ]<!--Non free file removed by DASHBot--> ]<br /> | |||
| commander1={{flagicon|Israel}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ], <br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Israel}} ] | |||
| commander2={{flagicon|Egypt|UAR}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Egypt|UAR}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Jordan}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Jordan}} ],<br/>{{flagicon|Iraq|1963}}<!-- Iraq and Syria had the same flag in 1967, see ] (historical section) and ] and http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/sy-his2.html, the current flag was introduced in 1980 --> ],<br/>{{flagicon|Iraq|1963}} ] | |||
| strength1= 50,000 troops<br>214,000 reserves<br>300 combat aircraft<br>800 tanks <ref name="Tucker 2004, p. 176">Tucker 2004, p. 176.</ref> | |||
{{Use dmy dates|date=March 2021}}{{Use American English|date=November 2024}} | |||
'''Total troops: 264,000''' <br> 100,000 deployed | |||
{{Infobox military conflict | |||
| strength2=Egypt: 240,000<br>Syria, Jordan, and Iraq: 307,000 <br> 957 combat aircraft<br>2,504 tanks<ref name="Tucker 2004, p. 176"/> | |||
| conflict = Six-Day War | |||
| partof = the ] | |||
| campaign = | |||
| image = ] | |||
| caption = A map of military movements during the conflict. Israel proper is shown in royal blue and territories occupied by Israel are shown in various shades of green | |||
| causes = ] | |||
| date = 5–10 June 1967<br>({{ayd|5 June 1967|10 June 1967|duration=y}}) | |||
| place = ] | |||
| result = Israeli victory | |||
| territory = Israel occupies a total of {{convert|70000|km2|abbr=on}} of territory:<ref>{{cite book| title=Wars in the Third World Since 1945| first=Guy |last=Arnold |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing |year=2016 |isbn=9781474291019 |page=299}}</ref> | |||
*The ] from Syria | |||
*The ] including ] from Jordan | |||
*The ] and the ] from Egypt<ref name="Office of the Historian">{{Cite web |title=Milestones: 1961–1968 |website=Office of the Historian |url=https://history.state.gov/milestones/1961-1968/arab-israeli-war-1967 |access-date=30 November 2018 |quote=Between June 5 and June 10, Israel defeated Egypt, Jordan, and Syria and occupied the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181023065030/https://history.state.gov/milestones/1961-1968/arab-israeli-war-1967 |archive-date=23 October 2018 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name=weill2007>{{Cite journal |last=Weill |first=Sharon |title=The judicial arm of the occupation: the Israeli military courts in the occupied territories |journal=International Review of the Red Cross |volume=89 |issue=866 |year=2007 |page=401 |quote=On 7 June 1967, the day the occupation started, Military Proclamation No. 2 was issued, endowing the area commander with full legislative, executive, and judicial authorities over the West Bank and declaring that the law in force prior to the occupation remained in force as long as it did not contradict new military orders. |issn=1816-3831 |doi=10.1017/s1816383107001142 |s2cid=55988443 }}</ref> | |||
| combatant1 = {{Flag|Israel}} | |||
| combatant2 = {{nowrap|{{Flagdeco|Egypt|1958}} ]}}<br>{{Flag|Ba'athist Syria|1963|name=Syria}}<br>{{Flag|Jordan}}<br>{{Flagdeco|Iraq|1963}} ]<ref>{{Cite news |last=Krauthammer |first=Charles |title=Prelude to the Six Days |newspaper=The Washington Post |access-date=20 June 2008 |date=18 May 2007 |issn=0740-5421 |page=A23 |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/05/17/AR2007051701976.html |archive-date=24 July 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190724024352/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/05/17/AR2007051701976.html |url-status=live }}</ref><br>{{nowrap|'''Minor involvement:'''<br>{{Flag|Lebanon}}{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=237}}}} | |||
| commander1 = {{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{nowrap|{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]}}<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Israel}} ] | |||
| commander2 = {{Nowrap|{{Flagdeco|Egypt|1958}} ]}}<br>{{Flagdeco|Egypt|1958}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Egypt|1958}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Egypt|1958}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Egypt|1958}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Syria|1963}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Syria|1963}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Syria|1963}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Jordan}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Jordan}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Jordan}} ]<br>{{Flagdeco|Iraq|1963}} ] | |||
| strength1 = '''Israel:'''<br>264,000 total{{Sfnp|Stone|2004|p=217}}<br/>250{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=}}–300 combat aircraft{{Sfnp|Tucker|2015|pp=}}<br>800 tanks{{Sfnp|Tucker|2004|p=176}} | |||
| strength2 = '''Egypt:'''<br>160,000 total{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=59}}<br>100,000 deployed{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=59}}<br>420 aircraft{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=176}}{{Sfnp|Morris|2001|p=318}}<br>900–950 tanks{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=59}}<br>'''Syria:'''<br>75,000 troops{{Sfnp|Ehteshami|Hinnebusch|1997|p=76}}<br>'''Jordan:'''<br>55,000 total{{Sfnp|Mutawi|2002|p=42}}<br>45,000 deployed{{Sfnp|Segev|1967|pp=82, 175–191}}<br>270 tanks{{Sfnp|Segev|1967|pp=82, 175–191}}<br>'''Iraq:'''<br>100 tanks{{Sfnp|Segev|1967|pp=82, 175–191}}<br>'''Lebanon:'''<br>2 combat aircraft{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=237}}<br>'''Total:'''<br>465,000 total<ref name=chaim>{{Cite book |last=Herzog |first=Chaim |title=The Arab-Israeli Wars: War and Peace in the Middle East from the War of Independence through Lebanon |date=1 January 1984 |publisher=Vintage Books |isbn=978-0394717463 |edition=Revised |pages=149 |language=en}}</ref><br>800 aircraft<ref name=chaim/><br>2,504 tanks{{Sfnp|Tucker|2004|p=176}} | |||
| casualties1 = '''Israel:'''<br>776–983 killed{{Sfnp|Gawrych|2000|p=3}}<ref name="Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs"/><br>4,517 wounded<br>15 captured{{Sfnp|Gawrych|2000|p=3}}<hr/>400 tanks destroyed<ref>Zaloga, Steven (1981). ''Armour of the Middle East Wars 1948–78 (Vanguard)''. Osprey Publishing.</ref><br>46 aircraft destroyed | |||
| casualties2 = '''Egypt:'''<br>9,800–15,000 killed or missing<ref name="Gammasy p.79" />{{Sfnp|Herzog|1982|p=165}}<br>4,338 captured<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/><br>'''Syria:'''<br>1,000–2,500 killed{{Sfnp|Tucker|2010|p=}}<ref name="Woolf">{{Cite book |last=Woolf |first=Alex |title=Arab–Israeli War Since 1948 |publisher=Heinemann-Raintree |year=2012 |page= |isbn=978-1-4329-6004-9 |url=https://archive.org/details/arabisraeliwarsi0000wool}}</ref><ref name="Sachar, 2013">{{harvp|Sachar|2013|p={{page needed|date=December 2021}}}}</ref><br>367–591 captured<br>'''Jordan:'''<br>696–700 killed{{Sfnp|Gawrych|2000|p=3}}<ref name="tsdwb">{{harvp|Dunstan|2013a|p=}}</ref><ref name="Second World War page 253">''Warfare since the Second World War'', By Klaus Jürgen Gantzel, Torsten Schwinghammer, p. 253</ref><ref>] (1991) ''Wars in the Third World since 1945''.{{page needed|date=December 2021}}{{full citation needed|date=December 2021}}</ref><br>2,500 wounded{{Sfnp|Gawrych|2000|p=3}}<br>533 captured<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/><br>'''Lebanon:'''<br>1 aircraft lost{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=237}} | |||
----Hundreds of tanks destroyed<br>452+ aircraft destroyed{{Citation needed|date=November 2023}} | |||
| casualties3 = 15 ] killed (14 Indian, 1 Brazilian)<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |title=UNEF I withdrawal (16 May - 17 June 1967) - SecGen report, addenda, corrigendum |url=https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-182090/ |access-date=2022-05-19 |website=Question of Palestine |language=en-US |archive-date=11 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200711153538/https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-182090/ |url-status=live }}</ref><br>20 Israeli civilians killed and 1,000+ Israeli civilians injured in ]<ref>{{harvp|Oren|2002|p=187|ps=: Over a thousand civilians were wounded, 150 seriously, 20 of them died.}}</ref><br>34 ], ], and ] personnel killed<ref>Gerhard, William D.; Millington, Henry W. (1981). "Attack on a SIGINT Collector, the USS Liberty" (PDF). NSA History Report, U.S. Cryptologic History series. National Security Agency. partially declassified 1999, 2003.</ref><ref>Both USA and Israel officially attributed the ] as being due to mistaken identification.</ref><br>17 Soviet Marines killed (allegedly)<ref name=ginor/><br>413,000 Palestinians displaced<ref>{{cite book |author1=] |title=Six Days: How the 1967 War Shaped the Middle East |date=2003 |publisher=], 2012 |isbn=978-1-4711-1475-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ucO1AwAAQBAJ |quote=UNRWA put the figure at 413,000}}</ref> | |||
| campaignbox = {{Campaignbox Six-Day War}} | |||
}} | |||
The '''Six-Day War''',{{efn|{{Langx|he|מִלְחֶמֶת שֵׁשֶׁת הַיָּמִים}}, {{Transliteration|he|Milḥemet Šešet HaYamim}}; {{langx|ar|النكسة}}, {{Transliteration|ar|an-Naksah}}, {{Literal translation|The Setback}} or {{Langx|ar|حرب 1967|translit=Ḥarb 1967|lit=War of 1967|label=none}}}} also known as the '''June War''', '''1967 Arab–Israeli War''' or '''Third Arab–Israeli War''', was fought between ] and a coalition of ], primarily ], ], and ] from 5 to 10{{nbsp}}June 1967. | |||
'''Total troops: 547,000''' <br> 240,000 deployed | |||
| casualties1=776<ref name="Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs"/>–983<ref name=Gawrych3/> killed:<br/>4,517 wounded<br/>15 captured,<ref name=Gawrych3>Gawrych 2000, p. 3</ref><br/>46 aircraft destroyed | |||
Military hostilities broke out amid poor relations between Israel and its Arab neighbors, which had been observing the ] signed at the end of the ]. In 1956, regional tensions over the ] (giving access to ], a port on the southeast tip of Israel) escalated in what became known as the ], when Israel invaded Egypt over the ], ultimately resulting in the re-opening of the Straits of Tiran to Israel as well as the deployment of the ] (UNEF) along the ].<ref name="Rikhye2013">{{Cite book |author=Major General Indar Jit Rikhye |title=The Sinai Blunder: Withdrawal of the United Nations Emergency Force Leading.... |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=teHWAQAAQBAJ&pg=PR8 |date=28 October 2013 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-136-27985-0 |pages=8– }}</ref> In the months prior to the outbreak of the Six-Day War in June 1967, ]: Israel reiterated its post-1956 position that another Egyptian closure of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping would be a definite '']''. In May 1967, Egyptian president ] announced that the Straits of Tiran would again be closed to Israeli vessels. He subsequently mobilized the Egyptian military into defensive lines along the border with Israel{{Sfnp|Quigley|2013|p=}} and ordered the immediate withdrawal of all UNEF personnel.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Mendoza |first1=Terry |last2=Hart |first2=Rona |last3=Herlitz |first3=Lewis |last4=Stone |first4=John |last5=Oboler |first5=Andre |year=2007 |title=Six Day War Comprehensive Timeline |url=http://www.sixdaywar.co.uk/timeline.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070518044748/http://www.sixdaywar.co.uk/timeline.htm |archive-date=18 May 2007 |access-date=22 January 2021 |website=sixdaywar |postscript=. 2nd-5th author details from Six Day War, 40th anniversary, June 1, 2007, at oboler.com/six-day-war-40th-anniversary/}}</ref><ref name=":0" /> | |||
| casualties2= '''Egypt''' – 10,000<ref name="Gammasy p.79"/>–15,000<ref name="Chaim Herzog 1982, p. 165"/> killed, wounded & missing. 4,338 captured<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/><br/> '''Jordan''' – 700<ref name=Gawrych3 />–6,000<ref name="Herzog p. 183"/> killed or missing. 533 captured.<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/><br/> '''Syria''' – 2,500 killed, 591 captured.<br/> '''Iraq''' – 10 killed, 30 wounded<br/> '''Total''' – between 11,700 and 23,500 killed 5,500+ captured, hundreds of tanks destroyed and 452+ aircraft destroyed. | |||
}} | |||
On 5 June 1967, as the UNEF was in the process of leaving the zone, Israel launched a series of airstrikes against Egyptian airfields and other facilities.<ref name=":0"/> Egyptian forces were caught by surprise, and nearly all of Egypt's military aerial assets were destroyed, giving Israel ]. Simultaneously, the Israeli military launched a ground offensive into Egypt's ] as well as the ]. After some initial resistance, Nasser ordered an evacuation of the Sinai Peninsula; by the sixth day of the conflict, ].<ref name="BBC Panorama" /> Jordan, which had entered into a defense pact with Egypt just a week before the war began, did not take on an all-out offensive role against Israel, but launched attacks against Israeli forces to slow Israel's advance.<ref>{{harvp|Mutawi|2002|p=183|ps=: "It is clear that King Hussein joined forces with Egypt in the knowledge that there was no possibility of overrunning Israel. Instead, he sought to preserve the status quo. He believed that he could not stand aside at a time when Arab co-operation and solidarity were vital and he was convinced that any Arab confrontation with Israel would be greatly enhanced if the Arabs fought as a unified body. The plan of action devised at his meeting with Nasser in Cairo on 30 May was established on this basis. It was envisaged that Jordan would not take an offensive role but would tie down a proportion of Israel's forces and so prevent it from using its full weight against Egypt and Syria. By forcing Israel to fight a war on three fronts simultaneously King Hussein believed that the Arabs stood a chance of preventing it from making any territorial gains while allowing the Arabs a chance of gaining a political victory, which may, eventually, lead to peace. King Hussein was also convinced that even if Jordan did not participate in the war Israel would take the opportunity to seize the West Bank once it had dealt with Syria and Egypt. He decided that for this reason, the wisest course of action was to bring Jordan into the total Arab effort. This would provide his army with two elements that were essential for its efficient operation – additional troops and air cover. When King Hussein met Nasser in Cairo it was agreed that these requirements would be met."}}</ref> On the fifth day, Syria joined the war by shelling Israeli positions in the north.{{Sfnp|Dunstan|2013|p=}} | |||
Egypt and Jordan agreed to a ceasefire on 8 June, and Syria on 9 June, and it was signed with Israel on 11 June. The Six-Day War resulted in more than 15,000 Arab fatalities, while Israel suffered fewer than 1,000. Alongside the combatant casualties were the deaths of 20 Israeli civilians killed in Arab forces air strikes on Jerusalem, 15 ] killed by Israeli strikes in the Sinai at the outset of the war, and 34 US personnel killed in the ] in which Israeli air forces struck a ] ]. | |||
At the time of the cessation of hostilities, Israel had occupied the ] from Syria, the ] including ] from Jordan, and the ] and the ] from Egypt. The displacement of civilian populations as a result of the Six-Day War would have long-term consequences, as around 280,000 to 325,000 ] and 100,000 Syrians ] from the West Bank{{Sfnp|Bowker|2003|p=81}} and the Golan Heights, respectively.<ref name="McDowall_p64">{{harvp|McDowall|1991|p=84|ps=: 116,000 had fled from the Golan further into Syria, ...}}</ref> Nasser resigned in shame after Israel's victory, but was later reinstated following a series of protests across Egypt. In the aftermath of the conflict, ].<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.history.com/topics/africa/suez-canal | title=Suez Canal | date=30 March 2021 | access-date=27 August 2022 | archive-date=8 September 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230908192024/https://www.history.com/topics/africa/suez-canal | url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
== Background == | |||
{{main|Origins of the Six-Day War}} | |||
{{See also|Waiting period (Six-Day War)}} | |||
] in Sinai: "The Jews are threatening war—we say to them ] (welcome)!"<ref name="Gluska2007p152" />]] | |||
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After the 1956 ], Egypt agreed to the stationing of a ] (UNEF) in the Sinai to ensure all parties would comply with the ].{{Sfnp|Rauschning|Wiesbrock|Lailach|1997|p=30}}{{Sfnp|Sachar|2007|pp=504, 507–508}}<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/unef1backgr2.html |title=First United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF I) – Background (Full text) |access-date=29 June 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160808112941/http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/unef1backgr2.html |archive-date=8 August 2016 |url-status=live }}</ref> In the following years there were numerous minor border clashes between Israel and its Arab neighbors, particularly Syria. In early November 1966, Syria signed a ] with Egypt.<ref>{{harvp|Gawrych|2000|p=5}}. "Some sources date the agreement to 4 November, others to 7 November. Most sources simply say November."</ref> Soon after this, in response to ] (PLO) guerilla activity,<ref>Schiff, Zeev (1974) ''History of the Israeli Army'', Straight Arrow Books. p. 145</ref>{{Sfnp|Churchill|Churchill|1967|p=21}} including a mine attack that left three dead,{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=290}} the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) ] of ] in the Jordanian-ruled West Bank.{{Sfnp|Segev|2007|pp=149–152}} Jordanian units that engaged the Israelis were quickly beaten back.{{Sfnp|Hart|1989|p=226}} King ] criticized Egyptian President ] for failing to come to Jordan's aid, and "hiding behind UNEF skirts".{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=312}}{{Sfnp|Burrowes|Muzzio|1972|pp=224–225}}<ref name=shemesh2007p118 /><ref>{{harvp|Tessler|1994|p=}}: "Towards the War of June 1967: Growing tensions in the region were clearly visible long before Israel's November attack on Samu and two other West Bank towns. An escalating spiral of raid and retaliation had already been set in motion..."</ref> | |||
In May 1967, Nasser received false reports from the ] that Israel was massing on the Syrian border.{{Sfnp|Herzog|1982|p=148}} Nasser began massing his troops in two defensive lines{{Sfnp|Quigley|2013|p=}} in the Sinai Peninsula on Israel's border (16 May), expelled the UNEF force from Gaza and Sinai (19 May) and took over UNEF positions at ], overlooking the ].{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=238}}<ref>{{harvp|Mutawi|2002|p=93|ps=: "Although Eshkol denounced the Egyptians, his response to this development was a model of moderation. His speech on 21 May demanded that Nasser withdraw his forces from Sinai but made no mention of the removal of UNEF from the Straits nor of what Israel would do if they were closed to Israeli shipping. The next day Nasser announced to an astonished world that henceforth the Straits were, indeed, closed to all Israeli ships"}}</ref> Israel repeated declarations it had made in 1957 that any closure of the Straits would be considered an act of war, or justification for war,{{Sfnp|Cohen|1988|p=12}}<ref name="MeirStraitsSpeech" /> but Nasser closed the Straits to Israeli shipping on 22–23 May.{{Sfnp|Morris|1999|p=306}}{{Sfnp|Gat|2003|p=}}<ref name=Colonomos2013p25 /> After the war, U.S. President ] commented:<ref>" {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170517095210/https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1310&dat=19670619&id=valVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=JeEDAAAAIBAJ&pg=5448,4112160 |date=17 May 2017}}", ''Eugene Register-Guard'' (19 June 1967). See also Johnson, Lyndon. {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161227195747/http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=28308 |date=27 December 2016}} (19 June 1967).</ref> | |||
{{Blockquote|If a single act of folly was more responsible for this explosion than any other, it was the arbitrary and dangerous announced decision that the Straits of Tiran would be closed. The right of innocent, maritime passage must be preserved for all nations.}} | |||
On 30 May, Jordan and Egypt signed a defense pact. The following day, at Jordan's invitation, the Iraqi army began deploying troops and armored units in Jordan.{{Sfnp|Churchill|Churchill|1967|pp=52 & 77}} They were later reinforced by an Egyptian contingent. On 1 June, Israel formed a ] by widening its cabinet, and on 4 June the decision was made to go to war. The next morning, Israel launched ], a large-scale, surprise air strike that launched the Six-Day War. | |||
=== Military preparation === | |||
Before the war, Israeli pilots and ground crews had trained extensively in rapid refitting of aircraft returning from ]s, enabling a single aircraft to sortie up to four times a day, as opposed to the norm in Arab air forces of one or two sorties per day. This enabled the ] (IAF) to send several attack waves against Egyptian airfields on the first day of the war, overwhelming the Egyptian Air Force and allowed it to knock out other Arab air forces on the same day. This has contributed to the Arab belief that the IAF was helped by foreign air forces (see ]). Pilots were extensively schooled about their targets, were forced to memorize every single detail, and rehearsed the operation multiple times on dummy runways in total secrecy. | |||
The Egyptians had constructed fortified defenses in the Sinai. These designs were based on the assumption that an attack would come along the few roads leading through the desert, rather than through the difficult desert terrain. The Israelis chose not to risk attacking the Egyptian defenses head-on, and instead surprised them from an unexpected direction. | |||
James Reston, writing in '']'' on 23 May 1967, noted, "In; discipline, training, morale, equipment and general competence his army and the other Arab forces, without the direct assistance of the Soviet Union, are no match for the Israelis. ... Even with 50,000 troops and the best of his generals and air force in Yemen, he has not been able to work his way in that small and primitive country, and even his effort to help the Congo rebels was a flop."<ref>{{Cite news |author=Reston, James |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1967/05/24/archives/washington-nassers-reckless-maneuvers-cairo-and-moscow-the-us.html |title=Washington: Nasser's Reckless Maneuvers; Cairo and Moscow The U.S. Commitment The Staggering Economy Moscow's Role |work=] |date=24 May 1967 |page=46 |access-date=22 July 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180706021950/https://www.nytimes.com/1967/05/24/archives/washington-nassers-reckless-maneuvers-cairo-and-moscow-the-us.html |archive-date=6 July 2018 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
On the eve of the war, Israel believed it could win a war in 3–4 days. The United States estimated Israel would need 7–10 days to win, with British estimates supporting the U.S. view.{{Sfnp|Quigley|2013|p=}}<ref>{{Cite web |title=Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1967 – Office of the Historian |url=https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d130 |website=history.state.gov |access-date=8 June 2019 |archive-date=17 March 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200317083302/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d130 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
== Armies and weapons == | |||
=== Armies === | |||
The Israeli army had a total strength, including reservists, of 264,000, though this number could not be sustained during a long conflict, as the reservists were vital to civilian life.{{Sfnp|Stone|2004|p=217}} | |||
Against Jordan's forces on the ], Israel deployed about 40,000 troops and 200 tanks (eight brigades).{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=294}} Israeli Central Command forces consisted of five brigades. The first two were permanently stationed near ] and were the ] and the mechanized ]. ]'s ] was summoned from the Sinai front. The 10th Armored Brigade was stationed north of the West Bank. The Israeli Northern Command comprised a division of three brigades led by Major General ] which was stationed in the ] to the north of the West Bank. | |||
On the eve of the war, Egypt massed approximately 100,000 of its 160,000 troops in the Sinai, including all seven of its divisions (four infantry, two armored and one mechanized), four independent infantry brigades and four independent armored brigades. Over a third of these soldiers were veterans of Egypt's continuing intervention into the ] and another third were reservists. These forces had 950 tanks, 1,100 APCs, and more than 1,000 artillery pieces.{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=59}} | |||
Syria's army had a total strength of 75,000 and was deployed along the border with Israel.{{Sfnp|Ehteshami|Hinnebusch|1997|p=76}} Professor ] wrote that "One would be hard-pressed to find a military less prepared for war with a clearly superior foe" since Syria's army had been decimated in the months and years prior through coups and attempted coups that had resulted in a series of purges, fracturings and uprisings within the armed forces.<ref>{{harvp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|pp=86–87}}: "Syria was severely unprepared for war. Despite the bombastic and jingoistic rhetoric, the ] regime viewed its actions against Israel as low-level warfare that was not meant to lead to an all-out war. The months and years prior to the 1967 Arab-Israeli war were filled with military purges associated with actual and attempted coups that decimated and further fractured the military and party, resulting in an inexperienced officer corps as well as a deep distrust between the rank and file and officers in the army. In addition, there were uprisings by discontented elements of the Syrian population, less than satisfactory encounters with Israeli forces, and lukewarm Soviet support... One would be hard-pressed to find a military less prepared for war with a clearly superior foe."</ref> | |||
The ] included 11 brigades, totaling 55,000 troops.{{Sfnp|Mutawi|2002|p=42}} Nine brigades (45,000 troops, 270 tanks, 200 artillery pieces) were deployed in the ], including the elite armored 40th, and two in the ]. They possessed sizable numbers of ] APCs and were equipped with some 300 modern Western tanks, 250 of which were U.S. ]s. They also had 12 battalions of artillery, six batteries of 81 mm and 120 mm mortars,{{Sfnp|Segev|1967|pp=82, 175–191}} a ] battalion trained in the new U.S.-built school and a new battalion of ]. The ] was a long-term-service, professional army, relatively well-equipped and well-trained. Israeli post-war briefings said that the Jordanian staff acted professionally, but was always left "half a step" behind by the Israeli moves. The small ] consisted of only 24 British-made ] fighters, six ] and two helicopters. According to the Israelis, the Hawker Hunter was essentially on par with the French-built ] – the IAF's best plane.{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|pp=293–94}} | |||
One hundred Iraqi tanks and an infantry division were readied near the Jordanian border. Two squadrons of Iraqi fighter-aircraft, Hawker Hunters and ], were rebased adjacent to the Jordanian border.{{Sfnp|Segev|1967|pp=82, 175–191}} | |||
In the weeks leading up to the Six-Day War, Saudi Arabia mobilized forces for deployment to the Jordanian front. A Saudi infantry battalion entered Jordan on 6 June 1967, followed by another on the 8th. Both were based in Jordan's southernmost city, ]. By 17 June, the Saudi contingent in Jordan had grown to include a single infantry brigade, a tank company, two artillery batteries, a heavy mortar company, and a maintenance and support unit. By the end of July 1967, a second tank company and a third artillery battery had been added. These forces remained in Jordan until the end of 1977, when they were recalled for re-equipment and retraining in the Karak region near the Dead Sea.<ref>{{Cite web|title=بطولات السعوديين حاضرة.. في الحروب العربية|url=https://www.okaz.com.sa/local/na/1756574|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210216061810/https://www.okaz.com.sa/local/na/1756574|archive-date=16 February 2021|work=Okaz|date=17 November 2019|access-date=13 August 2021}}</ref><ref name=sauditw>{{Cite book|author=Neil Partrick|title=Saudi Arabian Foreign Policy: Conflict and Cooperation|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LeiKDwAAQBAJ|year=2016|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing|isbn=978-0-8577-2793-0|page=183|access-date=14 April 2022|archive-date=17 May 2024|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180330/https://books.google.com/books?id=LeiKDwAAQBAJ|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name=SAMAAI>{{Cite web|title=Saudi Arabian Military Activity Against Israel|url=http://digitalcollections.library.cmu.edu/awweb/awarchive?type=file&item=475577|work=CMU|date=May 1978|access-date=19 November 2021|archive-date=20 November 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211120001418/http://digitalcollections.library.cmu.edu/awweb/awarchive?type=file&item=475577|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
The Arab air forces were reinforced by aircraft from Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia to make up for the massive losses suffered on the first day of the war.{{citation needed|date=December 2024}} They were also aided by volunteer pilots from the ] acting in an independent capacity. PAF pilots like ] shot down several Israeli planes.<ref name=pak>{{Cite web|title=Air Warriors |url=http://www.paf.gov.pk/air_warriors.html|website=Pakistan Air Force|access-date=15 July 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170717050259/http://www.paf.gov.pk/air_warriors.html|archive-date=17 July 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name=saif>{{Cite web|title=Eagle Biography – Saiful Azam|website=Air University|url=http://www.au.af.mil/au/goe/eagle_bios/2000/azam_2000.asp|access-date=15 July 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130812085933/http://www.au.af.mil/au/goe/eagle_bios/2000/azam_2000.asp |archive-date=12 August 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
=== Weapons === | |||
With the exception of Jordan, the Arabs relied principally on Soviet weaponry. Jordan's army was equipped with American weaponry, and its air force was composed of British aircraft. | |||
Egypt had by far the largest and the most modern of all the Arab air forces, consisting of about 420 combat aircraft,{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=176}}{{Sfnp|Morris|2001|p=318}} all of them Soviet-built and with a large number of top-of-the-line ]. Of particular concern to the Israelis were the 30 ] ]s, capable of inflicting heavy damage on Israeli military and civilian centers.{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=58}} | |||
Israeli weapons were mainly of Western origin. Its air force was composed principally of French aircraft, while its armored units were mostly of British and American design and manufacture. Some light infantry weapons, including the ubiquitous ], were of Israeli origin. | |||
{| class="wikitable" | |||
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|{{Campaignbox Arab-Israeli conflict}}{{Campaignbox Six-Day War}} | |||
!width=40% | Arab armies | |||
!width=40% | IDF | |||
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! ] | |||
| Egypt, Syria and Iraq used ], ], ], ], and ]/] World War II-vintage Soviet self-propelled guns. Jordan used US ], ], and M48A1 Patton tanks. ], ] and ] (ex-German vehicles all used by Syria)<ref>de Mazarrasa, Javier (1994) (in Spanish). Blindados en España 2ª Parte: La Dificil Postguerra 1939–1960. Valladolid, Spain: Quiron Ediciones. p. 50. {{ISBN|978-84-87314-10-0}}</ref><ref>Perrett, Bryan (1999). ''Panzerkampfwagen IV medium tank: 1936–1945''. Oxford, United Kingdom: Osprey. p. 44. {{ISBN|978-1-85532-843-3}}</ref> | |||
|| ] and ], ], ], ], ]. The Centurion was upgraded with the British ] prior to the war. The Sherman also underwent extensive modifications including a larger 105 mm medium velocity, French gun, redesigned turret, wider tracks, more armor, and upgraded engine and suspension. | |||
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| ], ], ], ], M-52 105 mm self-propelled howitzer (used by Jordan) | |||
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| ], ], ], ]B, ], ], ], ], ], ] used by Jordan and Iraq | |||
|| ], ], ], ], ], ] trainer outfitted for attack missions, ] military cargo plane | |||
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The '''Six-Day War''' or '''June War''' ({{lang-he|מלחמת ששת הימים}}, ]: ''Milhemet Sheshet Ha Yamim''; {{lang-ar|''النكسة''}} ]: ''an-Naksah'' (The Setback), or {{lang-ar|حرب 1967}}, ''Ḥarb 1967''), also known as the '''1967 Arab-Israeli War''' or the '''Third Arab-Israeli War''', was fought between June 5 and June 10, 1967, by ] and the neighboring states of ] ] (UAR)], ], and ]. At the war's end, Israel had seized the ] and the ] from Egypt, the ] and ] from Jordan, and the ] from Syria. The status of the ] and the concurrent ], are central concerns in the ongoing ], raising issues in ], and having far-reaching consequences in ].<ref>Hinnebusch, 2003, pp. 171–173.</ref> | |||
== Fighting fronts == | |||
After the 1956 ], Egypt agreed to the stationing of a ] (UNEF) in the Sinai to ensure all parties would comply with the ].<ref>Rauschning, Wiesbrock & Lailach 1997, p. 30; Sachar 2007, pp. 504, 507–8..</ref> In the following years there were numerous minor border clashes between Israel and its Arab neighbors, particularly Syria. In early November, 1966, Syria signed a ] with Egypt.<ref>Some sources date the agreement to November 4, others to November 7. Most sources simply say "November". Gawrych (2000) p. 5</ref> After several attacks on Israel that killed and injured dozens of people, reportedly by the ] group ], three Israeli paratroopers were killed when they ran over a mine. In response Israel ] of ] in the Jordanian West Bank.<ref>Segev, 2007, pp.149–152.</ref> Jordanian units sent to engage the Israelis were quickly beaten back. <ref>Hart, 1989 p. 226</ref> King ] criticized Egyptian President ] for failing to come to Jordan's aid, and "hiding behind UNEF skirts".<ref>Oren 2002/2003, p. 312; Burrowes & Douglas 1972, pp. 224–25</ref> In May of 1967, Nasser received false reports from the Soviet Union that Israel was massing on the Syrian border. In response Nasser began massing his troops in the Sinai Peninsula on Israel's border (May 16), expelled the UNEF force from Gaza and Sinai (May 19) and took up UNEF positions at ], overlooking the Straits of Tiran.<ref>Shlaim (2007) pg 238</ref><ref> Mutawi (2007) pg 93</ref> Israel reiterated declarations made in 1957 that any closure of the Straits would be considered an act of war, or justification for war.<ref>Cohen, Raymond. (1988), p. 12</ref><ref name="MeirStraitsSpeech">"Interference, by armed force, with ships of Israeli flag exercising free and innocent passage in the Gulf of Aqaba and through the Straits of Tiran will be regarded by Israel as an attack entitling it to exercise its inherent right of self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter and to take all such measures as are necessary to ensure the free and innocent passage of its ships in the Gulf and in the Straits.". Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs - The State of Israel.</ref> Nasser declared the Straits closed to Israeli shipping on May 22–23. On June 1, Israel formed a National Unity Government by widening its cabinet, and on June 4 the decision was made to go to war. The next morning, Israel launched ], a large-scale surprise air strike that was the opening of the Six-Day War. | |||
=== Initial attack === | |||
{{Main|Operation Focus}} | |||
{{See also|Order of battle for the Six-Day War}} | |||
] | |||
]. Operation Focus was mainly conducted using French built aircraft.]] | |||
The first and most critical move of the conflict was a surprise Israeli attack on the ]. Initially, both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.<ref name=Quigley2005p163/> | |||
Israel completed a decisive air offensive in the first two days, then carried out three successful land campaigns. The air campaign caught Egyptian aircraft still on the ground. It crippled the Egyptian, Syrian and Iraqi air forces, destroyed Jordan's Air Force, and rapidly established complete ], which accelerated subsequent victories on land. The Sinai ground campaign from June 5–8 broke through Egyptian defenses, blocked their escape, and imposed disastrous losses, leading to Egypt's unconditional acceptance of a cease-fire on June 9. From June 5–7, Israel seized ], ], and the entire West Bank from Jordan. The battle with Syria for the heavily fortified Golan Heights lasted from June 9 to June 10. | |||
On 5 June at 7:45 Israeli time, with ]s sounding all over Israel, the IAF launched Operation Focus (''Moked''). All but 12 of its nearly 200 operational jets{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=172}} launched a mass attack against Egypt's ].<ref>{{harvp|Bowen|2003|p=99}} (author interview with Moredechai Hod, 7 May 2002).</ref> The Egyptian defensive infrastructure was extremely poor, and no airfields were yet equipped with ]s capable of protecting Egypt's warplanes. Most of the Israeli warplanes headed out over the ], flying low to avoid radar detection, before turning toward Egypt. Others flew over the ].{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "The War: Day One, June 5"}} | |||
The Six-Day War has been characterized as a ],{{ref label|reference_name_D1|d|a}} an "inadvertent war",<ref>See for example Stein 1991, pp. 126–159; Cohen 1988; Parker 1996, p. 34 and Miller 2007, pp. 180''ff''. Lavoy, Sagan & Wirtz, 2000 provide a list of ten further sources in note 20 on p. 112</ref> and an action designed to preserve the credibility of Israel's ] strategy, among other things. Israel and Egypt have both been described as either the victim or the aggressor. The war established Israel as the premier military power in the region and left it in control of more defensible boundaries and in a position to threaten Damascus, Cairo, and Amman.<ref>Oren 2002, p. 307; Handel 1973, pp. 1–5; Sadeh 1997, 83–4; Maoz, 2009, p. 112.</ref> The nature and outcome of the war caused a significant realignment in the competition for power between the Arab states, brought secular ] into widespread disfavor among Arabs, and led to a concurrent rise in the growth and influence of ] in the Arab world. | |||
Meanwhile, the Egyptians hindered their own defense by effectively shutting down their entire air defense system: they were worried that rebel Egyptian forces would shoot down the plane carrying Field Marshal ] and Lt-Gen. Sidqi Mahmoud, who were en route from al Maza to Bir Tamada in the ] to meet the commanders of the troops stationed there. It did not make a great deal of difference as the Israeli pilots came in below Egyptian ] cover and well below the lowest point at which its ] surface-to-air missile batteries could bring down an aircraft.<ref>{{harvp|Bowen|2003|pp=114–115}} (author interview with General Salahadeen Hadidi who presided over the first ] of the heads of the air force and the air defense system after the war).</ref> | |||
==Background== | |||
===Suez Crisis aftermath=== | |||
Although the powerful Jordanian radar facility at ] detected waves of aircraft approaching Egypt and reported the code word for "war" up the Egyptian command chain, Egyptian command and communications problems prevented the warning from reaching the targeted airfields.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "The War: Day One, June 5"}} The Israelis employed a mixed-attack strategy: bombing and ] runs against planes parked on the ground, and bombing to disable runways with special ]s developed jointly with France, leaving surviving aircraft unable to take off.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=}} | |||
The ] of 1956 represented a military defeat but a political victory for Egypt, and set the stage leading to the Six-Day War. In a speech delivered to the ], ] said that the 1949 armistice agreement with Egypt was dead and buried, and that the armistice lines were no longer valid and could not be restored. Under no circumstances would Israel agree to the stationing of UN forces on its territory or in any area it occupied.<ref>Alteras 1993, p. 246</ref><ref>Brecher 1996.</ref> Heavy diplomatic pressure from both the ] and the ] forced Israel into a conditional withdrawal of its military from the ],<ref>Sachar 2007, pp. 503-505.</ref> only after satisfactory arrangements had been made with the international force that was about to enter the canal zone.<ref>Brecher 1996 p. 106</ref> | |||
The runway at the ] airfield was spared, as the Israelis expected to turn it into a military airport for their transports after the war. Surviving aircraft were taken out by later attack waves. The operation was more successful than expected, catching the Egyptians by surprise and destroying virtually all of the Egyptian Air Force on the ground, with few Israeli losses. Only four unarmed Egyptian training flights were in the air when the strike began.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=}} A total of 338 Egyptian aircraft were destroyed and 100 pilots were killed,{{Sfnp|Pollack|2005|p=474}} although the number of aircraft lost by the Egyptians is disputed.<ref>{{harvp|Oren|2002|p=176}}, says 282 out of 420. {{harvp|Morris|2001|p=318}}, says 304 out of 419. {{harvp|Tessler|1994|p=396}}, says over 350 planes were destroyed.</ref> | |||
After the 1956 war, Egypt agreed to the stationing of a UN peacekeeping force in the Sinai, the ], to keep that border region demilitarized, and prevent ] guerrillas from crossing the border into Israel.<ref>Sachar 2007, p. 504.</ref> | |||
Among the Egyptian planes lost were all 30 ] bombers, 27 out of 40 ] bombers, 12 ] fighter-bombers, over 90 ]s, 20 ]s, 25 ] fighters, and around 32 transport planes and helicopters. In addition, Egyptian radars and SAM missiles were also attacked and destroyed. The Israelis lost 19 planes, including two destroyed in air-to-air combat and 13 downed by anti-aircraft artillery.{{Sfnp|Long|1984|p=19, Table 1}} One Israeli plane, which was damaged and unable to break radio silence, was shot down by Israeli ] after it strayed over the ].{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=178}} Another was destroyed by an exploding Egyptian bomber.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=175}} | |||
Egypt also agreed to reopen the ] to Israeli shipping, whose closure had been a significant catalyst in precipitating the Suez Crisis. As a result, the border between Egypt and Israel remained quiet for the vast majority of the period up to 1967.<ref>Colaresi, 2005, p. 129.</ref> | |||
The attack guaranteed Israeli ] for the rest of the war. Attacks on other Arab air forces by Israel took place later in the day as hostilities broke out on other fronts. | |||
After the 1956 war, the region returned to an uneasy balance without the resolution of any of the underlying issues. At the time, no Arab state had ] Israel. Syria, aligned with the ], began sponsoring guerrilla raids on Israel in the early 1960s as part of its "people's war of liberation", designed to deflect domestic opposition to the ].<ref>Rabil 2003, pp. 17–18.</ref> Even after nearly two decades of its existence, no neighboring Arab country of Israel was willing to negotiate a peace agreement with Israel or accept its existence. ]n President ] suggested in a speech in ] in 1965 that the Arab world should face reality and negotiate with Israel, but this was rejected by the other Arab countries.<ref>Parker 1996, p. 1</ref><ref>Borowiec 1998, p. 33.</ref> | |||
The large numbers of Arab aircraft claimed destroyed by Israel on that day were at first regarded as "greatly exaggerated" by the Western press, but the fact that the Egyptian Air Force, along with other Arab air forces attacked by Israel, made practically no appearance for the remaining days of the conflict proved that the numbers were most likely authentic. Throughout the war, Israeli aircraft continued strafing Arab airfield runways to prevent their return to usability. Meanwhile, Egyptian state-run radio had reported an Egyptian victory, falsely claiming that 70 Israeli planes had been downed on the first day of fighting.<ref name=npr /> | |||
===Water dispute=== | |||
In 1964, Israel began drawing water from the ] for its ], reducing the flow that reached Hashemite territory. The following year, the Arab states began construction of the ], which, once completed, would divert the waters of the ] Stream before the water entered Israel and the ], to flow instead into a dam at Mukhaiba for use by Jordan and Syria, and divert the waters of the ] into the ], in ].<ref name=bar-on135>Oren 2006, p. 135.</ref> The diversion works would have reduced the installed capacity of Israel's carrier by about 35%, and Israel's overall water supply by about 11%.<ref>Murakami 1995, .</ref> | |||
=== Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula === | |||
The ] (IDF) attacked the diversion works in Syria in March, May, and August 1965, perpetuating a prolonged chain of border violence that linked directly to the events leading to war.<ref>Koboril and Glantz 1998, pp. 129–131.</ref> | |||
] | |||
]]] | |||
The Egyptian forces consisted of seven ]: four ], two ], and one ]. Overall, Egypt had around 100,000 troops and 900–950 ]s in the Sinai, backed by 1,100 ] and 1,000 ] pieces.{{Sfnp|Pollack|2004|p=59}} This arrangement was thought to be based on the Soviet doctrine, where mobile armor units at ] provide a dynamic defense while infantry units engage in defensive battles. | |||
===Israel, Jordan, and the West Bank Palestinians=== | |||
{{Main|Samu Incident}} | |||
Israeli forces concentrated on the border with Egypt included six armored ]s, one infantry brigade, one mechanized infantry brigade, three ] brigades, giving a total of around 70,000 men and 700 tanks, who were organized in three armored divisions. They had massed on the border the night before the war, camouflaging themselves and observing radio silence before being ordered to advance.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
The long border between ] and Israel was tense since the beginning of ]'s guerrilla operations in January 1965. While Syria was the main supporter of such operations, Israel viewed the state from which the raids were perpetrated as responsible. King ], the ] ruler, was in a bind: he did not want to appear as cooperating with Israel in light of the delicate relationship of his government with the majority Palestinian population in his kingdom, and his success in preventing such raids was only partial. In the summer and autumn of 1966 several incidents occurred, involving Israeli civilians and military personnel. This culminated on November 11, 1966, when an ] hit a ], killing three soldiers and injuring six others. Israel believed the mine had been planted by militants from ], a village in the southern ], close to where the incident took place, which was a Fatah stronghold.<ref>Oren 2005</ref> This led the Israeli cabinet to approve a large scale operation called 'Shredder'. On Friday, November 12, King Hussein of Jordan penned a letter of personal condolence to Israel which he cabled to U.S. ambassador to Israel, ], through the U.S. embassy in Amman which passed it to Barbour in Tel Aviv. Barbour, believing there was no urgency to delivering the letter, left it on his desk over the weekend, thus failing to deliver it in a timely fashion.<ref>Oren 2002, pp. 31-32.</ref> | |||
The Israeli plan was to surprise the Egyptian forces in both timing (the attack exactly coinciding with the IAF strike on Egyptian airfields), and in location (attacking via northern and central Sinai routes, as opposed to the Egyptian expectations of a repeat of the 1956 war, when the IDF attacked via the central and southern routes) and method (using a combined-force flanking approach, rather than direct tank assaults).{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
The next day, on the morning of November 13, the ] mobilized, crossed the border into the West Bank and attacked Es Samu. The attacking force consisted of 3,000-4,000 soldiers backed by tanks and aircraft. They were divided into a reserve force, which remained on the Israeli side of the border, and two raiding parties, which crossed into the West Bank. | |||
==== Northern (El Arish) Israeli division ==== | |||
The larger force of eight ], followed by 400 paratroopers mounted in 40 open-topped ]s and 60 engineers in 10 more half-tracks, headed for Samu; while a smaller force of three tanks and 100 paratroopers and engineers in 10 half-tracks headed towards two smaller villages: Kirbet El-Markas and Kirbet Jimba. According to Terrence Prittie's ''Eshkol: The Man and the Nation,'' 50 houses were destroyed, but the inhabitants had been evacuated hours before. | |||
On 5 June, at 7:50 am, the northernmost Israeli division, consisting of three brigades and commanded by Major General ], one of Israel's most prominent armor commanders, crossed the border at two points, opposite ] and south of ]. They advanced swiftly, holding fire to prolong the element of surprise. Tal's forces assaulted the "Rafah Gap", an {{convert|7|mi|adj=on|order=flip}} stretch containing the shortest of three main routes through the Sinai towards ] and the ]. The Egyptians had four divisions in the area, backed by minefields, pillboxes, underground bunkers, hidden gun emplacements and trenches. The terrain on either side of the route was impassable. The Israeli plan was to hit the Egyptians at selected key points with concentrated armor.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=178}} | |||
Tal's advance was led by the ] under Colonel ]. The Israeli plan called for the 7th Brigade to outflank Khan Yunis from the north and the 60th Armored Brigade under Colonel Menachem Aviram would advance from the south. The two brigades would link up and surround Khan Yunis, while the paratroopers would take ]. Gonen entrusted the breakthrough to a single battalion of his brigade.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=180}} | |||
To Israel's surprise, the Jordanian military intervened. The 48th Infantry Battalion of the Jordanian Army ran into the Israeli forces northwest of Samu; and two companies approaching from the northeast were intercepted by the Israelis, while a platoon of Jordanians armed with two 106 mm recoilless guns entered Samu. The Jordanian Air Force intervened as well and a Jordanian ] fighter was shot down in the action. In the ensuing battles, three Jordanian civilians and 15 soldiers were killed; 54 other soldiers and 96 civilians were wounded. The commander of the Israeli paratroop battalion, Colonel Yoav Shaham, was killed and 10 other Israeli soldiers were wounded.<ref>Bowen 2003, pp. 23–30.</ref><ref>Oren 2002, pp. 33–36.</ref> | |||
Initially, the advance was met with light resistance, as Egyptian intelligence had concluded that it was a diversion for the main attack. As Gonen's lead battalion advanced, it suddenly came under intense fire and took heavy losses. A second battalion was brought up, but was also pinned down. Meanwhile, the 60th Brigade became bogged down in the sand, while the paratroopers had trouble navigating through the dunes. The Israelis continued to press their attack, and despite heavy losses, cleared the Egyptian positions and reached the ] railway junction in a little over four hours.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=180}} | |||
According to the Israeli government, 50 Jordanians were killed, but the true number was never disclosed by the Jordanians, in order to keep up morale and confidence in King Hussein's regime.<ref>Prittie 1969, pp. 245.</ref> The whole battle was short: the Israeli forces crossed the border at 6:00 A.M. and returned by 10:00 A.M. | |||
Gonen's brigade then advanced nine miles to Rafah in twin columns. Rafah itself was circumvented, and the Israelis attacked ], {{convert|8|mi|order=flip}} to the southwest, which was defended by two brigades. Though inferior in numbers and equipment, the Egyptians were deeply entrenched and camouflaged. The Israelis were pinned down by fierce Egyptian resistance and called in air and artillery support to enable their lead elements to advance. Many Egyptians abandoned their positions after their commander and several of his staff were killed.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=180}} | |||
Hussein felt betrayed by the operation. He had been having secret meetings with Israeli foreign ministers ] and ] for three years. According to him he was doing everything he could to stop guerrilla attacks from the West Bank and Jordan. "I told them I could not absorb a serious retaliatory raid, and they accepted the logic of this and promised there would never be one".<ref>Bowen 2003, p. 26 (citing Amman Cables 1456, 1457, 11 December 1966, National Security Files (Country File: Middle East), LBJ Library (Austin, Texas), Box 146).</ref> | |||
The Israelis broke through with tank-led assaults, but Aviram's forces misjudged the Egyptians' flank and were pinned between strongholds before they were extracted after several hours. By nightfall, the Israelis had finished mopping up resistance. Israeli forces had taken significant losses, with Colonel Gonen later telling reporters that "we left many of our dead soldiers in Rafah and many burnt-out tanks." The Egyptians suffered some 2,000 casualties and lost 40 tanks.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=180}} | |||
Two days later, in a memo to ] ], his Special Assistant ] wrote: "retaliation is not the point in this case. This 3000-man raid with tanks and planes was out of all proportion to the provocation and was aimed at the wrong target," and went on to describe the damage done to US and Israeli interests: | |||
<blockquote>They've wrecked a good system of tacit cooperation between Hussein and the Israelis... They've undercut Hussein. We've spent $500 million to shore him up as a stabilizing factor on Israel's longest border and vis-à-vis Syria and Iraq. Israel's attack increases the pressure on him to counterattack not only from the more radical Arab governments and from the Palestinians in Jordan but also from the Army, which is his main source of support and may now press for a chance to recoup its Sunday losses... They've set back progress toward a long term accommodation with the Arabs... They may have persuaded the Syrians that Israel didn't dare attack Soviet-protected Syria but could attack US-backed Jordan with impunity.<ref>, Washington, 15 November 1966. Retrieved 22 October 2005.</ref></blockquote> | |||
==== Advance on Arish ==== | |||
The ] adopted ] unanimously deploring "the loss of life and heavy damage to property resulting from the action of the Government of Israel on 13 November 1966", censuring "Israel for this large-scale military action in violation of the United Nations Charter and of the General Armistice Agreement between Israel and Jordan" and emphasizing "to Israel that actions of military reprisal cannot be tolerated and that, if they are repeated, the Security Council will have to consider further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter to ensure against the repetition of such acts."<ref>]</ref> | |||
] | |||
On 5 June, with the road open, Israeli forces continued advancing towards ]. Already by late afternoon, elements of the 79th Armored Battalion had charged through the {{convert|7|mi|adj=on|order=flip}}-long Jiradi defile, a narrow pass defended by well-emplaced troops of the Egyptian 112th Infantry Brigade. In fierce fighting, which saw the pass change hands several times, the Israelis charged through the position. The Egyptians suffered heavy casualties and tank losses, while Israeli losses stood at 66 dead, 93 wounded and 28 tanks. Emerging at the western end, Israeli forces advanced to the outskirts of Arish.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=181}} As it reached the outskirts of Arish, Tal's division also consolidated its hold on Rafah and Khan Yunis. | |||
Facing a storm of criticism from Jordanians, Palestinians, and his Arab neighbors for failing to protect Samu, Hussein ordered a nation-wide mobilization on November 20.<ref>'King Husain orders nation-wide military service', ''The Times'', Monday, 21 November 1966; pg. 8; Issue 56794; col D.</ref><ref>'Unified Arab command criticizes Jordan's actions', ''The Times'' Saturday, November 26, 1966; pg. 6; Issue 56799; col D.</ref> Hussein complained that Egypt and Syria had failed to protect the West Bank, while "hiding behind UNEF skirts"; this accusation may have been a factor in Nasser's decision to rid his country of the UNEF force on the eve of the Six-Day War.<ref name=bar-on135/> | |||
The following day, 6 June, the Israeli forces on the outskirts of Arish were reinforced by the 7th Brigade, which fought its way through the Jiradi pass. After receiving supplies via an airdrop, the Israelis entered the city and captured the airport at 7:50 am. The Israelis entered the city at 8:00 am. Company commander ] recounted that "Al-Arish was totally quiet, desolate. Suddenly, the city turned into a madhouse. Shots came at us from every alley, every corner, every window and house." An IDF record stated that "clearing the city was hard fighting. The Egyptians fired from the rooftops, from balconies and windows. They dropped grenades into our half-tracks and blocked the streets with trucks. Our men threw the grenades back and crushed the trucks with their tanks."{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=202}}<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.israeli-weapons.com/history/six_day_war/SixDayWar.html |title=Six Day War |publisher=Israeli-weapons|access-date=1 February 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120206185516/http://www.israeli-weapons.com/history/six_day_war/SixDayWar.html |archive-date=6 February 2012|url-status=live}}</ref> Gonen sent additional units to Arish, and the city was eventually taken. | |||
The operation was the largest scale one that Israel was involved with since the Suez Crisis. While the diplomatic and political developments were not as Israel expected, following the operation Hussein worked hard to avoid any further clashes by preventing guerrilla operations from being launched from within Jordan.<ref>Oren 2002, page 127</ref> | |||
Brigadier-General ]'s assignment was to penetrate Sinai south of Tal's forces and north of Sharon's. Yoffe's attack allowed Tal to complete the capture of the Jiradi defile, Khan Yunis. All of them were taken after fierce fighting. Gonen subsequently dispatched a force of tanks, infantry and engineers under Colonel Yisrael Granit to continue down the Mediterranean coast towards the ], while a second force led by Gonen himself turned south and captured Bir Lahfan and Jabal Libni.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Some view the Samu raid as the beginning of the escalation in tensions that led to the war.<ref>Parker 1996, p. 6</ref> According to Moshe Shemesh, a historian and former senior intelligence officer in the IDF, Jordan's military and civilian leaders estimated that Israel's main objective was conquest of the West Bank. They felt that Israel was striving to drag all of the Arab countries into a war. After the Samu raid, these apprehensions became the deciding factor in Jordan's decision to participate in the war. King Hussein was convinced Israel would try to occupy the West Bank whether Jordan went to war, or not.<ref>Shemesh 2008, p. 117</ref> | |||
==== Mid-front (Abu-Ageila) Israeli division ==== | |||
===Israel and Syria=== | |||
{{See also|Battle of Abu-Ageila (1967)}} | |||
In addition to sponsoring attacks against Israel<ref name=bar-on135/> (often through Jordanian territory, much to ]'s chagrin), Syria repeatedly shelled Israeli civilian communities in northeastern ] from positions on the ],<ref>Gilbert 2008.</ref> as part of the dispute over control of the ]s (DMZs), small parcels of land claimed by both Israel and Syria.<ref>Hajjar 1999</ref> Concerning attacks on Israel's territory, Syria maintained that it could not be held responsible for the activities of El-Fatah and El-Asefa, nor for the rise of Palestinian organizations.<ref></ref> | |||
] during the ]]] | |||
Further south, on 6 June, the Israeli 38th Armored Division under Major-General ] assaulted ], a heavily fortified area defended by the Egyptian ] under Major-General Sa'adi Naguib (though Naguib was actually absent<ref name=KandilSSS83>{{Cite book|first=Hazem|last=Kandil|title=Soldiers, Spies, and Statesmen|publisher=Verso|date=2014|isbn=978-1-78168-142-8|pages=83–84}}</ref>) of Soviet World War II armor, which included 90 ] tanks, 22 ] tank destroyers, and about 16,000 men. The Israelis had about 14,000 men and 150 post-World War II tanks including the ], ], and ]s (modified ] tanks).{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Israel was accused of harassing Arab farmers in the ] and opening fire on Syrian military positions, while Israeli armored tractors were cultivating Arab land in the Demilitarized Zone, backed by Israel armed forces illegally placed there. Syria felt that the situation was the result of an Israeli aim to increase tension so as to justify large-scale aggression, and to expand its occupation of the Demilitarized Zone by liquidating the rights of Arab cultivators. Syria stated that in every instance where there was a Syrian firing, it was in return of provocative Israel fire directed against peaceful Arab farmers or Syrian posts.<ref name="Yearbook1967"></ref> Nine years later, ], the Israeli defense minister at the time of the war, stated in an interview not published until 1997 that Israeli policy on the Syrian border between 1949 and 1967 consisted of "snatching bits of territory and holding on to it until the enemy despairs and gives it to us." About events on the Israeli-Syrian border he said: | |||
<blockquote>After all, I know how at least 80 percent of the clashes there started. In my opinion, more than 80 percent, but let's talk about 80 percent. It went this way: We would send a tractor to plow some area where it wasn't possible to do anything, in the demilitarized area, and knew in advance that the Syrians would start to shoot. If they didn't shoot, we would tell the tractor to advance farther, until in the end the Syrians would get annoyed and shoot. And then we would use artillery and later the air force also, and that's how it was. I did that, and Laskov and Czera did that, and Yitzhak did that, but it seemed to me that the person who most enjoyed these games was Dado. We thought that we could change the lines of the ceasefire accords by military actions that were less than war. That is, to seize some territory and hold it until the enemy despairs and gives it to us.<ref>Schmemann, Serge. (1997, 11 May). , ''The New York Times''. See also Shlaim 2001, pp. 235-236; Eyal Zisser, June 1967: Israel's capture of the Golan Heights, ''Israel Studies'', Vol 7, 168-194.</ref></blockquote> | |||
Two armored brigades in the meantime, under Avraham Yoffe, slipped across the border through sandy wastes that Egypt had left undefended because they were considered impassable. Simultaneously, Sharon's tanks from the west were to engage Egyptian forces on Um-Katef ridge and block any reinforcements. Israeli infantry would clear the three trenches, while heliborne paratroopers would land behind Egyptian lines and silence their artillery. An armored thrust would be made at al-Qusmaya to unnerve and isolate its garrison.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Historian and Israeli ambassador to the United States, ] said that "There is an element of truth to Dayan's claim", though he considers the ceasefire violations justified as "Israel regarded the de-militarized zones in the north as part of their sovereign territory".<ref name=OrenQA>. (2007, 5 June). The Jerusalem Post.</ref> | |||
As Sharon's division advanced into the Sinai, Egyptian forces staged successful delaying actions at Tarat Umm, Umm Tarfa, and Hill 181. An Israeli jet was downed by anti-aircraft fire, and Sharon's forces came under heavy shelling as they advanced from the north and west. The Israeli advance, which had to cope with extensive minefields, took a large number of casualties. A column of Israeli tanks managed to penetrate the northern flank of ], and by dusk, all units were in position. The Israelis then brought up ninety 105 mm and 155 mm artillery cannon for a preparatory barrage, while civilian buses brought reserve infantrymen under Colonel ] and helicopters arrived to ferry the paratroopers. These movements were unobserved by the Egyptians, who were preoccupied with Israeli probes against their perimeter.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=182}} | |||
In 1966, Egypt and Syria signed a defense pact whereby each country would support the other if it were attacked. According to ], Egyptian Foreign Minister ] told him that the ] had persuaded Egypt to enter the pact with two ideas in mind: to reduce the chances of a punitive attack on Syria by Israel and to bring the Syrians under Egyptian President ]'s moderating influence.<ref>Rikhye 1980, p. 143 (author interview).</ref> | |||
]]] | |||
During a visit to London in February 1967, Israeli Foreign Minister ] briefed journalists on Israel's "hopes and anxieties" explaining to those present that, although the governments of ], Jordan and the ] (Egypt's official name until 1971) seemed to have decided against active confrontation with Israel, it remained to be seen whether Syria could maintain a minimal level of restraint at which hostility was confined to rhetoric.<ref>'Intentions of Syria Crucial: Mr. Eban surveys Israel's hopes and anxieties', ''The Times'', Thursday, 23 February 1967; pg. 4; Issue 56873; col A.</ref> | |||
As night fell, the Israeli assault troops lit flashlights, each battalion a different colour, to prevent ] incidents. At 10:00 pm, Israeli artillery began a barrage on Um-Katef, firing some 6,000 shells in less than twenty minutes, the most concentrated artillery barrage in Israel's history.{{Sfnp|Dunstan|2012|p=125|ps=.{{verify source|date=December 2021|reason=according to Google books, the book does not have 125 pages.}}}}<ref>Leslie Stein, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160101175251/https://books.google.com/books?id=nWkYAAAAQBAJ&pg=PT181 |date=1 January 2016 }}, Polity Press, 2013 p. 181</ref> Israeli tanks assaulted the northernmost Egyptian defenses and were largely successful, though an entire armored brigade was stalled by mines, and had only one mine-clearance tank. Israeli infantrymen assaulted the triple line of trenches in the east. To the west, paratroopers commanded by Colonel ] landed behind Egyptian lines, though half the helicopters got lost and never found the battlefield, while others were unable to land due to mortar fire.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=201}}{{Sfnp|Hammel|1992|p=239}} | |||
On April 7, 1967, a minor border incident escalated into a full-scale aerial battle over the Golan Heights, resulting in the loss of six Syrian ]s to ] (IAF) ]s, and the latter's flight over ].<ref>Aloni 2001, p. 31.</ref> Tanks, heavy mortars, and artillery were used in various sections along the 47 mile (76 km) border in what was described as "a dispute over cultivation rights in the demilitarized zone south-east of ]." Earlier in the week, Syria had twice attacked an Israeli tractor working in the area and when it returned on the morning of April 7 the Syrians opened fire again. The Israelis responded by sending in armor-plated tractors to continue ploughing, resulting in further exchanges of fire. Israeli aircraft dive-bombed Syrian positions with 250 and 500 kg bombs. The Syrians responded by shelling Israeli border settlements heavily, and Israeli jets retaliated by bombing the village of Sqoufiye, destroying around 40 houses in the process. At 15:19 Syrian shells started falling on ]; over 300 landed within the kibbutz compound in 40 minutes.<ref>Bowen 2003, pp. 30–31 citing : Report of ground/air action on Israeli/Syrian border on 7 April 1967, from Defence and Military Attaché's office, Tel Aviv, 11 April 1967 (Fee required); also : Syria/Israel, account of incident from Eastern Department; attack on Sqoufiye reported by UNTSO PRO/FCO 17/473, 10 April 1967 (Fee required).</ref> The ] (UNTSO) attempted to arrange a ceasefire, but Syria declined to co-operate unless Israeli agricultural work was halted.<ref>'Jets and tanks in fierce clash by Israel and Syria', ''The Times'', Saturday, 8 April 1967; pg. 1; Issue 56910; col A.</ref> | |||
Those that successfully landed on target destroyed Egyptian artillery and ammunition dumps and separated gun crews from their batteries, sowing enough confusion to significantly reduce Egyptian artillery fire. Egyptian reinforcements from Jabal Libni advanced towards Um-Katef to counterattack but failed to reach their objective, being subjected to heavy air attacks and encountering Israeli lodgements on the roads. Egyptian commanders then called in artillery attacks on their own positions. The Israelis accomplished and sometimes exceeded their overall plan, and had largely succeeded by the following day. The Egyptians suffered about 2,000 casualties, while the Israelis lost 42 dead and 140 wounded.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=201}}{{Sfnp|Hammel|1992|p=239}}<ref>{{Cite book |last=Gavish |first=Yeshayahu |title=Red Flag |publisher=Kinneret Zamora pavilion |year=2016 |page=183}}</ref> | |||
Speaking to a ] party meeting in ] on May 11 ] ] warned that Israel would not hesitate to use air power on the scale of 7 April in response to continued border terrorism, and on the same day Israeli envoy Gideon Rafael presented a letter to the president of the ] warning that Israel would "act in self-defense as circumstances warrant".<ref>'Warning by Israelis Stresses Air Power', ''New York Times'', 12 May 1967, p. 38.</ref> Writing from Tel Aviv on May 12, James Feron reported that some Israeli leaders had decided to use force against Syria "of considerable strength but of short duration and limited in area" and quoted "one qualified observer" who "said it was highly unlikely that Egypt (then officially called ]), Syria's closest ally in the Arab world, would enter the hostilities unless the Israeli attack were extensive".<ref>Feron, 13 May 1967, p. 1.</ref> In early May the Israeli cabinet authorized a limited strike against Syria, but Rabin's renewed demand for a large-scale strike to discredit or topple the Ba'ath regime was opposed by Eshkol.<ref>Oren 2002, p. 51.</ref> BBC journalist Jeremy Bowen reports: | |||
<blockquote> | |||
The toughest threat was reported by the news agency United Press International (UPI) on 12 May: 'A high Israeli source said today that Israel would take limited military action designed to topple the Damascus army regime if Syrian terrorists continue sabotage raids inside Israel. Military observers said such an offensive would fall short of all-out war but would be mounted to deliver a telling blow against the Syrian government.' In the West as well as the Arab world the immediate assumption was that the unnamed source was Rabin and that he was serious. In fact, it was Brigadier-General ], the head of military intelligence, and the story was overwritten. Yariv mentioned 'an all-out invasion of Syria and conquest of Damascus' but only as the most extreme of a range of possibilities. But the damage had been done. Tension was so high that most people, and not just the Arabs, assumed that something much bigger than usual was being planned against Syria.<ref>Bowen 2003, pp. 32–33.</ref><ref>Herbert 1967, p. 1 col E.</ref> | |||
</blockquote> | |||
Border incidents multiplied and numerous Arab leaders, both political and military, called for an end to Israeli reprisals. Egypt, then already trying to seize a central position in the Arab world under Nasser, accompanied these declarations with plans to re-militarize the Sinai. Syria shared these views, although it didn't prepare for an immediate invasion. The ] actively backed the military needs of the ]. It was later revealed that on May 13 a Soviet intelligence report given by Soviet President ] to Egyptian Vice President ] claimed falsely that Israeli troops were massing along the Syrian border.<ref>Bregman 2002, pp. 68–69.</ref><ref>Black 1992, p. 210.</ref> In May 1967, ], then Syria's Defense Minister declared: "Our forces are now entirely ready not only to repulse the aggression, but to initiate the act of liberation itself, and to explode the Zionist presence in the Arab homeland. The ], with its finger on the trigger, is united... I, as a military man, believe that the time has come to enter into a battle of annihilation."<ref>Bard 2002, p. 196.</ref> | |||
Yoffe's attack allowed Sharon to complete the capture of the Um-Katef, after fierce fighting. The main thrust at Um-Katef was stalled due to mines and craters. After IDF engineers had cleared a path by 4:00 pm, Israeli and Egyptian tanks engaged in fierce combat, often at ranges as close as ten yards. The battle ended in an Israeli victory, with 40 Egyptian and 19 Israeli tanks destroyed. Meanwhile, Israeli infantry finished clearing out the Egyptian trenches, with Israeli casualties standing at 14 dead and 41 wounded and Egyptian casualties at 300 dead and 100 taken prisoner.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=212}} | |||
===Removal of U.N. peacekeepers from Egypt=== | |||
{{See also|Waiting period (Six-Day War)}} | |||
At 10:00 p.m. on May 16, the commander of ], General ], was handed a letter from General Mohammed Fawzy, Chief of Staff of the ], reading: "To your information, I gave my instructions to all U.A.R. armed forces to be ready for action against Israel, the moment it might carry out any aggressive action against any Arab country. Due to these instructions our troops are already concentrated in Sinai on our eastern border. For the sake of complete security of all U.N. troops which install ] along our borders, I request that you issue your orders to withdraw all these troops immediately." Rikhye said he would report to the Secretary-General for instructions.<ref>Rikhye 1980, pp. 16–19.</ref> | |||
==== Other Israeli forces ==== | |||
The ] ] attempted to negotiate with the Egyptian government, but on May 18 the Egyptian Foreign Minister informed nations with troops in UNEF that the UNEF mission in Egypt and the Gaza Strip had been terminated and that they must leave immediately. Egyptian forces then prevented UNEF troops from entering their posts. The Governments of ] and ] decided to withdraw their troops from UNEF, regardless of the decision of U Thant. While this was taking place, U Thant suggested that UNEF be redeployed to the Israeli side of the border, but Israel refused, arguing that UNEF contingents from countries hostile to Israel would be more likely to impede an Israeli response to Egyptian aggression than to stop that aggression in the first place.<ref>Oren 2002, p. 72</ref> The ] of Egypt then informed U Thant that the Egyptian government had decided to terminate UNEF's presence in the Sinai and the Gaza Strip, and requested steps that would withdraw the force as soon as possible. The UNEF commander was given the order to begin withdrawal on May 19.<ref>United Nations. </ref><ref>BBC On this Day, . Retrieved 8 October 2005.</ref> Egyptian president ] then began the re-militarization of the Sinai, and concentrated tanks and troops there.<ref name = "MFA: The Arab-Israeli Wars">{{cite web| url = http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/History/Modern+History/Centenary+of+Zionism/The+Arab-Israeli+Wars.htm| title = The Arab-Israeli Wars| accessdate = 2007-03-04| date = 2003-09-02| last = Lorch| first = Netanel| publisher = Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs}}</ref> | |||
Further south, on 5 June, the ] under Colonel ], initially positioned as a ruse to draw off Egyptian forces from the real invasion routes, attacked the fortified bunkers at Kuntilla, a strategically valuable position whose capture would enable Mandler to block reinforcements from reaching Um-Katef and to join Sharon's upcoming attack on ]. The defending Egyptian battalion outnumbered and outgunned, fiercely resisted the attack, hitting several Israeli tanks. Most of the defenders were killed, and only three Egyptian tanks, one of them damaged, survived. By nightfall, Mandler's forces had taken Kuntilla.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=202}} | |||
With the exceptions of Rafah and Khan Yunis, Israeli forces had initially avoided entering the ]. Israeli Defense Minister ] had expressly forbidden entry into the area. After Palestinian positions in Gaza opened fire on the Negev settlements of ] and ], IDF Chief of Staff ] overrode Dayan's instructions and ordered the 11th Mechanized Brigade under Colonel Yehuda Reshef to enter the Strip. The force was immediately met with heavy artillery fire and fierce resistance from Palestinian forces and remnants of the Egyptian forces from Rafah.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
The withdrawal of UNEF was to be spaced over a period of some weeks. The troops were to be withdrawn by air and by sea from Port Said. The withdrawal plan envisaged that the last personnel of UNEF would leave the area on June 30, 1967. On the morning of May 27, Egypt demanded that the Canadian contingent be evacuated within 48 hours "on grounds of the attitude adopted by the Government of Canada in connection with UNEF and the United Arab Republic Government's request for its withdrawal, and "to prevent any probable reaction from the people of the United Arab Republic against the Canadian Forces in UNEF."" The withdrawal of the Canadian contingent was accelerated and completed on May 31, with the effect that UNEF was left without its logistics and air support components. In the war itself 15 members of the remaining force were killed and the rest evacuated through Israel.<ref name="Yearbook1967" /> | |||
By sunset, the Israelis had taken the strategically vital Ali Muntar ridge, overlooking ], but were beaten back from the city itself. Some 70 Israelis were killed, along with Israeli journalist Ben Oyserman and American journalist ]. Twelve members of ] were also killed. On the war's second day, 6 June, the Israelis were bolstered by the ] under Colonel ] and took Gaza City along with the entire Strip. The fighting was fierce and accounted for nearly half of all Israeli casualties on the southern front. Gaza rapidly fell to the Israelis.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
], who served as the Chief of the General Staff for Israel during the war stated: "I do not believe that Nasser wanted war. The two divisions he sent into Sinai on May 14 would not have been enough to unleash an offensive against Israel. He knew it and we knew it." ] also stated that "The Egyptian army concentrations in the Sinai approaches did not prove that Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him." <ref>Gerner 1994, p. 112</ref> Former Chief of Staff of the armed forces, ] (a deputy chief during the war) had stated: "the entrance of the Egyptians into Sinai was not a casus belli," but argued instead that the Egyptian blockade of the Straits of Tiran ultimately caused the war. Major General ], the Chief of Logistics for the Armed Forces during the war, said the survival argument was "a bluff which was born and developed only after the war... ..."When we spoke of the war in the General Staff, we talked of the political ramifications if we didn't go to war —what would happen to Israel in the next 25 years. Never of survival today."<ref>. (1972, 19 June). Time Magazine.</ref> Peled also stated that "To pretend that the Egyptian forces massed on our frontiers were in a position to threaten the existence of Israel constitutes an insult not only to the intelligence of anyone capable of analyzing this sort of situation, but above all an insult to Zahal (Israeli military)."<ref>Gerteiny & Ziegler 2007, p. 142</ref> | |||
Meanwhile, on 6 June, two Israeli reserve brigades under Yoffe, each equipped with 100 tanks, penetrated the Sinai south of Tal's division and north of Sharon's, capturing the road junctions of ], Bir Lahfan, and Arish, taking all of them before midnight. Two Egyptian armored brigades counterattacked, and a fierce battle took place until the following morning. The Egyptians were beaten back by fierce resistance coupled with airstrikes, sustaining heavy tank losses. They fled west towards Jabal Libni.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=211}} | |||
===The Straits of Tiran=== | |||
] | |||
==== The Egyptian Army ==== | |||
In 1967, Israeli leaders repeatedly threatened to invade Syria and overthrow the Syrian government if Palestinian guerrilla actions across the border did not cease.<ref name="countrystudies.us"></ref> In addition, the ] fed the Syrian government false information that Israel was planning to invade Syria.<ref name=npr>. Retrieved 28 December 2008.</ref> On May 13, the Soviets informed Egypt officially that Israel was massing troops and was planning on invading Syria.<ref>Benny Morris Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-2001. Pg 304</ref> On May 22, Egypt responded by announcing, in addition to the UN withdrawal,<ref name=npr/> that the ] would be closed to "all ships flying Israeli flags or carrying strategic materials", with effect from May 23.<ref>'Egypt Closes Gulf Of Aqaba To Israel Ships: Defiant move by Nasser raises Middle East tension', ], Tuesday, May 23, 1967; pg. 1; Issue 56948; col A.</ref> | |||
During the ground fighting, remnants of the ] attacked Israeli ground forces but took losses from the Israeli Air Force and from Israeli anti-aircraft units. Throughout the last four days, Egyptian aircraft flew 150 sorties against Israeli units in the Sinai.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Many of the Egyptian units remained intact and could have tried to prevent the Israelis from reaching the ], or engaged in combat in the attempt to reach the canal, but when the Egyptian Field Marshal ] heard about the fall of ], he panicked and ordered all units in the Sinai to retreat. This order effectively meant the defeat of Egypt.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
The rights of Egypt regarding the Straits of Tiran had been debated at the General Assembly pursuant to Israel's withdrawal from the Sinai following the ]. A number of states, including ], ], ], the ], ], the ] and the ] argued that the Straits were international waters, and, as such, all vessels had the right of "free and unhampered passage" through them. ], however, argued that Egypt was entitled to require foreign ships to obtain its consent before seeking access to the gulf because its territorial sea covered the Strait of Tiran. It too recognized the right of "innocent passage" through such waters, but argued it was up to the coastal State to decide which passage was "innocent".<ref>Jia 1998.</ref> Nasser stated, "Under no circumstances can we permit the Israeli flag to pass through the Gulf of Aqaba." There were ambiguities about how rigorous the blockade would be, and particularly about whether it would apply to non-Israeli flag vessels. Citing international law, ] considered the closure of the straits to be illegal, and it had stated it would consider such a blockade a '']'' in 1957 when it withdrew from the ] and ].<ref>. Accessed October 13, 2008.</ref> Egypt stated that the Gulf of Aqaba had always been a national inland waterway subject to the sovereignty of the only three legitimate ] States — Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt — who had the right to bar enemy vessels. The representative of the United Arab Republic further stated that "Israel's claim to have a port on the Gulf was considered invalid, as Israel was alleged to have occupied several miles of coastline on the Gulfline, including Umm Rashrash, in violation of Security Council resolutions of 1948 and the Egyptian-Israel General Armistice Agreement."<ref>'The Situation in the Middle East: Communications Relating to the Observance of the Armistice Agreements in the Period January-May 1967', , Office of Public Information, United Nations, New York.</ref> | |||
Meanwhile, President ], having learned of the results of the Israeli air strikes, decided together with Field Marshal ] to order a general retreat from the Sinai within 24 hours. No detailed instructions were given concerning the manner and sequence of withdrawal.<ref name="ahram1">{{Cite web |url=http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2007/848/sc1.htm |title=The road to Naksa |work=Al-Ahram |author=Mubasher, Abdou |date=7–13 June 2007 |access-date=24 May 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170524214942/http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2007/848/sc1.htm |archive-date=24 May 2017 |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
The Arab states disputed Israel's right of passage through the Straits, noting they had not signed the ] specifically because of article 16(4) which provided Israel with that right.<ref>Christie 1999, p. 104.</ref> To note, state practice and customary international law that ships of all states have a right of innocent passage through territorial seas.<ref name = "icj-cij.org pp29"></ref><ref name = "O'Brien, John p407">O'Brien 2001, ''International Law'', p. 407.</ref> That Egypt had consistently granted passage as a matter of state practice until then suggests that its '']'' in that regard was consistent with practice.<ref>Sandler, Aldy & Al-Khoshman 1993, p. 65.</ref> Moreover, during the Egyptian occupation of the Saudi islands of ] and Tiran in 1950, it provided assurances to the US that the military occupation would not be used to prevent free passage, and that Egypt recognizes that such free passage is "in conformity with the international practice and the recognized principles of international law.".<ref></ref> In 1949 the ] held in the ] that where a ] by a territorial sea foreign ships, including warships, had unsuspendable right of innocent passage through such straits used for international navigation between parts of the high seas, but express provision for innocent passage through straits within the territorial sea of a foreign state was not codified until the 1958 Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone.<ref name = "icj-cij.org pp29"/><ref name = "O'Brien, John p407"/><ref>Boczek 2005, p. 311.</ref> | |||
==== Next fighting days ==== | |||
In the ] debates after the war, the Arab states and their supporters argued that even if international law gave Israel the right of passage, Israel was not entitled to attack Egypt to assert that right, because the closure was not an "armed attack" as defined by Article 51 of the ]. Pursuant to this point, international law professor ] argues that under the doctrine of proportionality, Israel would only be entitled to use such force as would be necessary to secure its right of passage.<ref>Quigley 1990, pp. 166–167.</ref> Others disagreed: after the ] in which Israel conquered Sharm el-Sheikh and opened the blocked Straits, it was forced to withdraw and return the territory to Egypt. At the time, members of the international community pledged that Israel would never again be denied use of the Straits of Tiran. The French representative to the UN, for example, announced that an attempt to interfere with free shipping in the Straits would be against international law, and American President ] went so far as publicly to recognize that reimposing a blockade in the Straits of Tiran would be seen as an aggressive act which would oblige Israel to protect its maritime rights in accordance with Article 51 of the UN Charter.<ref>Bregman 2000, p 47.</ref> United Nations Secretary-General U Thant also went to Cairo to help negotiate an agreement to avoid conflict, but after the closing of the Straits of Tiran, Israeli Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, contended that this was enough to start the war. Eban said, "From May the 24th onward, the question who started the war or who fired the first shot became momentously irrelevant. There is no difference in civil law between murdering a man by slow strangulation or killing him by a shot in the head... From the moment at which the blockade was posed, active hostilities had commenced, and Israel owed Egypt nothing of her Charter rights." <ref></ref> Contrary to this view in a letter written to the ''New York Times'' in June 1967 lawyer ] argued that | |||
{{More citations needed section|date=June 2017}} | |||
<blockquote> | |||
] | |||
The United Arab Republic had a good legal case for restricting traffic through the Strait of Tiran. First it is debatable whether international law confers any right of innocent passage through such a waterway.... {Secondly]... a right of innocent passage is not a right of free passage for any cargo at any time. In the words of the Convention on the Territorial Sea: 'Passage is innocent so long as it is not prejudicial to the peace, good order, or security of the coastal state... taking the facts as they were I, as an international lawyer, would rather defend before the International Court of Justice the legality of the U.A.R's action in closing the Strait of Tiran than to argue the other side of the case...<ref>Fisher, Roger letter to the ''New York Times'', 9 June 1967 quoted in Finkelstein, 2003, p. 138.</ref> | |||
] | |||
</blockquote> | |||
] | |||
As Egyptian columns retreated, Israeli aircraft and artillery attacked them. Israeli jets used ] bombs during their sorties. The attacks destroyed hundreds of vehicles and caused heavy casualties. At Jabal Libni, retreating Egyptian soldiers were fired upon by their own artillery. At Bir Gafgafa, the Egyptians fiercely resisted advancing Israeli forces, knocking out three tanks and eight half-tracks, and killing 20 soldiers. Due to the Egyptians' retreat, the Israeli High Command decided not to pursue the Egyptian units but rather to bypass and destroy them in the mountainous passes of West Sinai.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
The Israeli government asked the U.S. and UK to open the ], as they guaranteed they would in 1957. ]'s proposal of an international maritime force to quell the crisis was adopted by President Johnson, but received little support, with only Britain and the Netherlands offering to contribute ships. The British cabinet later stated that there was a new balance of power in the Middle East, led by the United Arab Republic, that was A) to the detriment of Israel and the Western powers and B) something Israel was going to have to learn to live with. | |||
Therefore, in the following two days (6 and 7 June), all three Israeli divisions (Sharon and Tal were reinforced by an armored brigade each) rushed westwards and reached the passes. Sharon's division first went southward then westward, via ], to ] with air support. It was joined there by parts of Yoffe's division, while its other units blocked the ]. These passes became killing grounds for the Egyptians, who ran right into waiting Israeli positions and suffered heavy losses in both soldiers and vehicles. According to Egyptian diplomat ], 10,000 men were killed in one day alone, and many others died from thirst. Tal's units stopped at various points to the length of the Suez Canal.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Yitzhak Rabin reported that the cabinet was deadlocked over the issue of the blockade.<ref>Rabin 1996, p. 91</ref> Interior Minister ] in particular had pointed out that the Straits had been closed from 1951 to 1956 without the situation endangering Israel's security.<ref>Rabin 1996, p. 80]</ref> In a 30 March 1968 Ma’ariv interview Defense Minister Moshe Dayan explained: "What do you mean, unavoidable? It was, of course, possible to avoid the war if the Straits had stayed closed to Israeli shipping.<ref>Bober 1972, p. 81</ref> | |||
Israel's blocking action was partially successful. Only the Gidi pass was captured before the Egyptians approached it, but at other places, Egyptian units managed to pass through and cross the canal to safety. Due to the haste of the Egyptian retreat, soldiers often abandoned weapons, military equipment, and hundreds of vehicles. Many Egyptian soldiers were cut off from their units had to walk about {{convert|200|km}} on foot before reaching the Suez Canal with limited supplies of food and water and were exposed to intense heat. Thousands died as a result. Many Egyptian soldiers chose instead to surrender to the Israelis, who eventually exceeded their capabilities to provide for prisoners. As a result, they began directing soldiers towards the Suez Canal and only imprisoned high-ranking officers, who were expected to be exchanged for captured Israeli pilots.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
===Egypt and Jordan=== | |||
During May and June the Israeli government had worked hard to keep Jordan out of any war; it was concerned about being attacked on multiple fronts, and did not want to have to deal with the Jordanian West Bank. However, Jordan's King Hussein got caught up in the wave of pan-Arab nationalism preceding the war;{{ref label|reference_name_G2|g|b}} and so, on May 30, Jordan signed a mutual defense treaty with Egypt, thereby joining the military alliance already in place between Egypt and Syria. The move surprised both Egyptians and foreign observers, because President Nasser had generally been at odds with Hussein, calling him an "imperialist lackey" just days earlier.<ref name="bbc onthisday">BBC On this Day, . Retrieved 8 October 2005.</ref> Nasser said that any differences between him and Hussein were erased "in one moment" and declared: "Our basic objective will be the destruction of Israel. The Arab people want to fight."<ref name="bbc onthisday"/> | |||
According to some accounts, during the Egyptian retreat from the Sinai, a unit of ] based on a Soviet warship in ] at the time came ashore and attempted to cross the Suez Canal eastward. The Soviet force was reportedly decimated by an Israeli air attack and lost 17 dead and 34 wounded. Among the wounded was the commander, Lt. Col. Victor Shevchenko.<ref name=ginor>Ginor, Isabella and Remez, Gideon: ''The Soviet-Israeli War, 1967–1973: The USSR's Military Intervention in the Egyptian-Israeli Conflict'', p. 23</ref> | |||
At the end of May 1967, Jordanian forces were given to the command of an Egyptian general, ].<ref>Mutawi 2002, p. 16.</ref> On the same day, Nasser proclaimed: "The armies of Egypt, Jordan and Syria are poised on the borders of Israel ... to face the challenge, while standing behind us are the armies of ], ], ], ] and the whole Arab nation. This act will astound the world. Today they will know that the Arabs are arranged for battle, the critical hour has arrived. We have reached the stage of serious action and not of more declarations."<ref>Leibler 1972, p. 60.</ref> Israel called upon Jordan numerous times to refrain from hostilities. According to Mutawi, Hussein was caught on the horns of a galling dilemma: allow Jordan to be dragged into war and face the brunt of the Israeli response, or remain neutral and risk full-scale insurrection among his own people. Army Commander-in-Chief General ] warned in a press conference that "If Jordan does not join the war a civil war will erupt in Jordan".<ref>quoted in Mutawi 2002, p. 102.</ref> However, according to ], Hussein's actions were prompted by his feelings of Arab nationalism.{{ref label|reference_name_G3|g|c}} | |||
During the offensive, the ] landed six ] from the ] naval commando unit to infiltrate ] harbor. The divers sank an Egyptian ] before being taken prisoner. Shayetet 13 commandos also infiltrated ] harbor, but found no ships there. A planned commando raid against the ] never materialized. Both Egyptian and Israeli warships made movements at sea to intimidate the other side throughout the war but did not engage each other. Israeli warships and aircraft hunted for Egyptian submarines throughout the war.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
On June 3, days before the war, Egypt flew to Amman two battalions of commandos tasked with infiltrating Israel's borders and engaging in attacks and bombings so as to draw IDF into a Jordanian front and ease the pressure on the Egyptians. Soviet-made artillery and Egyptian military supplies and crews were also flown to Jordan.<ref name=segevs>Segev 1967, pp. 82, 175-191.</ref> | |||
On 7 June, Israel began its attack on ]. The ] started the operation with a probe of Egyptian naval defenses. An aerial reconnaissance flight found that the area was less defended than originally thought. At about 4:30 am, three Israeli ]s opened fire on Egyptian shore batteries, while paratroopers and commandos boarded helicopters and ] transport planes for an assault on Al-Tur, as Chief of Staff Rabin was convinced it was too risky to land them directly in Sharm el-Sheikh.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=248}} The city had been largely abandoned the day before, and reports from air and naval forces finally convinced Rabin to divert the aircraft to Sharm el-Sheikh. There, the Israelis engaged in a pitched battle with the Egyptians and took the city, killing 20 Egyptian soldiers and taking eight more prisoners. At 12:15 pm, Defense Minister Dayan announced that the Straits of Tiran constituted an international waterway open to all ships without restriction.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=248}} | |||
] | |||
Israel's own sense of concern regarding Jordan's future role originated in the Jordanian control of the Palestinian ]. This put Arab forces just 17 kilometers from Israel's coast, a jump-off point from which a well-coordinated tank assault would likely cut Israel in two within half an hour.<ref name=segevs/> Hussein had doubled the size of Jordan's army in the last decade and had US training and arms delivered as recently as early 1967, and it was feared that it could be used by other Arab states as ] for operations against Israel; thus, attack from the West Bank was always viewed by the Israeli leadership as a threat to Israel's existence.<ref name=segevs/> At the same time several other Arab states not bordering Israel, including Iraq, Sudan, Kuwait and Algeria, began mobilizing their armed forces. | |||
On 8 June, Israel completed the capture of the Sinai by sending infantry units to ] on the western coast of the peninsula. | |||
==The drift to war== | |||
Several tactical elements made the swift Israeli advance possible: | |||
In his speech to Arab ] on May 26, Nasser announced: "If Israel embarks on an aggression against Syria or Egypt, the battle against Israel will be a general one and not confined to one spot on the Syrian or Egyptian borders. The battle will be a general one and our basic objective will be to destroy Israel."<ref>, Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 13 March 2007.</ref><ref>Seale 1988, p. 131 citing Stephens 1971, p. 479.</ref> | |||
# The surprise attack that quickly gave the ] complete air superiority over the ]. | |||
Speaking to the UN General Assembly in September 1960, Nasser had stated that "The only solution to Palestine is that matters should return to the condition prevailing before the error was committed - i.e., the annulment of Israel's existence." In 1964 he said, "We swear to God that we shall not rest until we restore the Arab nation to Palestine and Palestine to the Arab nation. There is no room for imperialism and there is no room for Britain in our country, just as there is no room for Israel within the Arab nation." In 1965 he asserted, "We shall not enter Palestine with its soil covered in sand, we shall enter it with its soil saturated in blood."<ref>Sachar, 2007. pp. 615-616.</ref> | |||
# The determined implementation of an innovative battle plan. | |||
# The lack of coordination among Egyptian troops. | |||
These factors would prove to be decisive elements on Israel's other fronts as well.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Nasser publicly denied that Egypt would strike first and spoke of a negotiated peace if the Palestinians were allowed to return to their homeland and of a possible compromise over the Strait of Tiran.<ref name="countrystudies.us"/> | |||
=== West Bank === | |||
Israeli ] ] wrote in his autobiography that he found "Nasser's assurance that he did not plan an armed attack" convincing, adding that "Nasser did not want war; he wanted victory without war".<ref>Eban 1977, p. 360.</ref><ref>Rubenberg 1989 pp. 107–110.</ref> Writing from Egypt on June 4, 1967, '']'' journalist ] observed: "Cairo does not want war and it is certainly not ready for war. But it has already accepted the possibility, even the likelihood, of war, as if it had lost control of the situation."<ref>Reston, James 'The Issue in Cairo: Israel a U.S. "Base"', ''New York Times'', 5 June 1967, p. 1.</ref> | |||
], 5–7 June.]] | |||
====Egyptian control of Jordanian forces==== | |||
Writing in 2002, ] ] journalist ] expressed a view that was prevalent in Israel before the war that the country "was surrounded by Arab states dedicated to its eradication. Egypt was ruled by Gamal Abdel Nasser, a firebrand nationalist whose army was the strongest in the Arab Middle East. Syria was governed by the radical ], constantly issuing threats to push Israel into the sea."<ref name=npr/> With what Israel saw as provocative acts by Nasser, including the blockade of the Straits and the mobilization of forces in the Sinai, creating military and economic pressure, and the United States temporizing because of its entanglement in the ], Israel's political and military elite came to feel that preemption was not merely militarily preferable, but transformative. | |||
King Hussein had given control of his army to Egypt on 1 June, on which date Egyptian General Riad arrived in ] to take control of the Jordanian military.{{Efn|Shlaim writes: "To understand Hussein's conduct during the June 1967 War it is essential to recall that he had handed over command of his army to Egypt under the terms of his pact with Nasser. On 1 June, General Riad arrived in Amman and assumed command of the Jordanian armed forces."{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|p=112}}}} | |||
Egyptian Field Marshal Amer used the ] of the first hours of the conflict to send a cable to Amman that he was victorious; he claimed as evidence a radar sighting of a squadron of Israeli aircraft returning from bombing raids in Egypt, which he said was an Egyptian aircraft en route to attack Israel.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=184–185}} In this cable, sent shortly before 9:00 am, Riad was ordered to attack.{{Efn|On the initial Jordanian attack, Shlaim writes: "The cable was from First Vice-President and Deputy Supreme Commander Field Marshal Abd al-Hakim Amer. Amer was a nincompoop who largely owed his rapid promotion to his friendship with Nasser... He was inexperienced in military affairs, impulsive, and prone to wishful thinking... Amer's cable to Riad was a pack of lies... On the basis of these alleged successes, Amer ordered Riad to open a new front against the enemy and launch offensive operations. By the time Hussein arrived at the headquarters, Riad had already given the orders for the artillery to move to the front lines and bombard Israeli airbases and other targets; an infantry brigade to occupy the Israeli enclave on Mount Scopus in Jerusalem; the two Egyptian commando battalions to infiltrate enemy territory from the West Bank at dusk; and the air force to be put on combat alert and commence airstrikes immediately. Although these decisions were made in his absence, Hussein made no attempt to cancel them or to delay the opening of fire until the information from Cairo could be checked. Jordan was thus committed to war by the decision of an Egyptian general who was acting on the orders of a serial blunderer in Cairo."{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|p=113}}}} | |||
===Diplomacy and intelligence assessments=== | |||
The Israeli cabinet met on May 23 and decided to launch an attack if the Straits of Tiran were not re-opened by May 25. Following an approach from United States ] ] to allow time for the negotiation of a nonviolent solution, Israel agreed to a delay of ten days to two weeks.<ref>Gelpi 2002, p. 143.</ref> UN Secretary General, ], visited Cairo for mediation and recommended a moratorium in the Straits of Tiran and a renewed diplomatic effort to solve the crisis. Egypt agreed, but Israel rejected these proposals.<ref>- 1967 Year in Review: Six Day War - http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1967/Six-Day-War/12303074818188-2/ -</ref> Nasser's concessions did not necessarily suggest that he was making a concerted effort to avoid war. The decision benefited him both politically and strategically. Agreeing to diplomacy helped garner international political support. Moreover, every delay gave Egypt time to complete its own military preparations and coordinate with the other Arab forces. Also, Israel's rejection did not necessarily demonstrate a desire for war so much as it demonstrated the urgency it felt the situation warranted. Israel felt it could not afford to sustain total mobilization for long.<ref name = "ac.il-2005">James 2005</ref> Caught up in Arab enthusiasm for military action and encouraged by the lack of response to the closure of the Straits, Egyptian Field Marshal Amer planned for initiating an attack on Israel in late May. He told one of his generals that "This time we will be the ones to start the war." This was counter to Nasser's strategy of pushing Israel to start the war. Historian ] states that Egyptian sources are divided over why Nasser did not veto Amer's plan. Oren suggests that "Nasser was apprised of but lacked the political strength to override Amer's order. Also, the preparation of an Egyptian invasion of Israel had certain advantages for Nasser...." <ref>Oren 2002, electronic edition, Section "Amer's Dawn".</ref> | |||
====Initial attack==== | |||
The U.S. also tried to mediate, and Nasser agreed to send his vice-president to Washington to explore a diplomatic settlement. Most American diplomats who worked in the Middle East were sympathetic to Nasser's views on the Straits, with several of them arguing that the U.S. should ignore both its on-the-record promises to Israel regarding the Straits being open and international law; a few diplomats who were not as impressed by threats from Arab nations advised the Johnson Administration to back the flotilla option as a "show of force" that would forestall war from breaking out. The meeting did not happen because Israel launched its offensive. Some analysts suggest that Nasser took actions aimed at reaping political gains, which he knew carried a high risk of precipitating military hostilities. On this view, Nasser's willingness to take such risks was based on his fundamental underestimation of Israel's capacity for independent and effective military action.<ref name = "ac.il-2005"/> | |||
One of the Jordanian brigades stationed in the ] was sent to the ] area in order to link with the Egyptians. | |||
The IDF's strategic plan was to remain on the defensive along the Jordanian front, to enable focus in the expected campaign against Egypt. | |||
On May 25, 1967, Israeli Foreign Minister ] landed in Washington “with instructions to discuss American plans to re-open the Strait of Tiran”. As soon as he arrived, he was given new instructions in a cable from the Israeli government. The cable said that Israel had learned of an imminent Egyptian attack, which overshadowed the blockade. No longer was he to emphasize the strait issue; he was instructed to ‘inform the highest authorities of this new threat and to request an official statement from the United States that an attack on Israel would be viewed as an attack on the United States.”According to most sources, including those involved, the new instructions were sent at the instigation of Chief of Staff ], who was eager to force an American decision – either Johnson would have to commit to specific American action then, or Israel would be free to act on its own.<ref name=QuandtPP/> Historian ] explains Eban's reaction to the new instructions: "Eban was livid. Unconvinced that Nasser was either determined or even able to attack, he now saw Israelis inflating the Egyptian threat - and flaunting their weakness - in order to extract a pledge that the President, Congress-bound, could never make." He described the cable as an '... act of momentous irresponsibility... eccentric...' which 'lacked wisdom, veracity and tactical understanding,' and later came to the conclusion that the genesis of the cable was Rabin's indecisive state of mind.<ref>Oren 2002, pp. 102–103.</ref> | |||
Intermittent machine-gun exchanges began taking place in Jerusalem at 9:30 am, and the fighting gradually escalated as the Jordanians introduced mortar and recoilless rifle fire. Under the orders from General Narkis, the Israelis responded only with small-arms fire, firing in a flat trajectory to avoid hitting civilians, holy sites or the Old City. At 10:00 am on 5 June, the ] began shelling Israel. Two batteries of 155 mm ] cannons opened fire on the suburbs of ] and ]. The commanders of these batteries were instructed to lay a two-hour barrage against military and civilian settlements in central Israel. Some shells hit the outskirts of Tel Aviv.<ref name="Washington Institute for Near East Policy 2002">"On June 5, Israel sent a message to Hussein urging him not to open fire. Despite shelling into West Jerusalem, Netanya, and the outskirts of Tel Aviv, Israel did nothing." {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060216005405/http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC05.php?CID=2080 |date=16 February 2006 }}. Summary of remarks by Michael Oren at the ], 29 May 2002.</ref> | |||
Despite his own skepticism, Eban followed his instructions during his first meeting with Secretary Rusk, Under Secretary Rostow, and Assistant Secretary ]. American intelligence experts spent the night analyzing each of the Israeli claims.<ref name=QuandtPP>Quandt 2005, p. 31-32</ref> On May 26, Eban met with ] ], Defense Secretary ], and finally with President ]. In a memo to the President, Rusk rejected the claim of an Egyptian and Syrian attack being imminent, plainly stating "our intelligence does not confirm Israeli estimate".<ref name=ruskmemo>{{cite web |url=http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d71 |title=Memorandum From Secretary of State Rusk to President Johnson |year=1967|accessdate=2010-04-29}}</ref> According to declassified documents from the ], President Johnson and other top officials in the administration did not believe war between Israel and its neighbors was necessary or inevitable.<ref name=Salon>{{cite web |url=http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2007/06/04/six_day_war |title=Rethinking Israel's David-and-Goliath past | |||
|author=Tolan, Sandy|date=June 4, 2007|accessdate=2010-04-29}}</ref> "All of our intelligence people are unanimous that if the ] attacks, you will whip hell out of them", Johnson told Eban during a visit to the White House on May 26.<ref name=Salon/><ref name=CIA/><ref>Baylis Thomas, ''How Israel was won: a concise history of the Arab-Israeli conflict,'' Lexington Books, 1999, p. 163</ref> This assertion was made in accordance with a CIA assessment that Israel could “defend successfully against simultaneous Arab attacks on all fronts . . . or hold on any three fronts while mounting successfully a major offensive on the fourth."<ref name=Salon/><ref name=CIA>{{cite web |url=https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-studies/studies/vol49no1/html_files/arab_israeli_war_1.html |title=CIA Analysis of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War |date=April 15, 2007 |accessdate=2010-04-29}}</ref> Consequently, Johnson declined to airlift special military supplies to Israel or even to publicly support it.<ref name=CIA/> Eban left the White House distraught. | |||
By 10:30 am, Eshkol had sent a message via ] to ] promising not to initiate any action against Jordan if it stayed out of the war.<ref name="Neff1984">{{Cite book|author=Donald Neff|title=Warriors for Jerusalem: the six days that changed the Middle East|url=https://archive.org/details/warriorsforjerus00neff|url-access=registration|year=1984|publisher=Linden Press/Simon & Schuster|isbn=978-0-671-45485-2|page=|quote=Odd Bull: " was a threat, pure and simple and it is not the normal practice of the U.N. to pass on threats from one government to another." As "…this message seemed so important… we quickly sent it…and King Hussein received the message before 10:30 the same morning."|access-date=27 October 2015}}</ref> King Hussein replied that it was too late, and "]".<ref name="Shlaim2000p243" /> At 11:15 am, Jordanian howitzers began a 6,000-shell barrage at Israeli Jerusalem. The Jordanians initially targeted ] ] in the south and ] in the north, then ranged into the city center and outlying neighborhoods. Military installations, the Prime Minister's Residence, and the ] compound were also targeted. Jordanian forces shelled the ] and the ], killing fifteen civilians.<ref>{{Cite news |title=The broom closet where history was made |url=https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/the-broom-closet-where-history-was-made-492065 |access-date=2022-06-11 |website=] |language=en-US |archive-date=11 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220611160925/https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/the-broom-closet-where-history-was-made-492065 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=15 _אזרחים נהרגו ו500" נפצעו בירושלים — דבר 7 יוני 1967 — הספרייה הלאומית של ישראל │ עיתונים |url=https://www.nli.org.il/he/newspapers/dav/1967/06/07/01/article/15 |access-date=2022-06-11 |website=www.nli.org.il |language=he |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517182614/https://www.nli.org.il/he/newspapers/dav/1967/06/07/01/article/15 |url-status=live }}</ref> Israeli ] totalled 20 dead and over 1,000 wounded. Some 900 buildings were damaged, including ], which had its ]-made windows destroyed.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=185–187}} | |||
In a lecture given in 2002, Oren said, "Johnson sat around with his advisors and said, ‘What if their intelligence sources are better than ours?’ Johnson decided to fire off a ] message to his counterpart in the Kremlin, ], in which he said, ‘We've heard from the Israelis, but we can't corroborate it, that your proxies in the Middle East, the Egyptians, plan to launch an attack against Israel in the next 48 hours. If you don't want to start a global crisis, prevent them from doing that.’ At 2:30 a.m. on May 27, Soviet Ambassador to Egypt ] knocked on Nasser's door and read him a personal letter from Kosygin in which he said, ‘We don't want Egypt to be blamed for starting a war in the Middle East. If you launch that attack, we cannot support you.’ ] consulted his sources in the Kremlin, and they corroborated the substance of Kosygin's message. Despondent, Amer told the commander of Egypt's air force, Major General ], that the operation was cancelled."<ref>Michael Oren. (2002, 24 June). ''.'' Transcript of speech to The Commonwealth Club of California. Retrieved 20 July 2010.</ref> According to then Egyptian Vice-President ], as soon as Nasser knew what Amer planned, he cancelled the operation.<ref>Bowen 2003, p. 57 (author interview, Cairo, 15 December 2002).</ref> | |||
Around midday, eight Iraqi Hawker Hunters attacked the ] airfield, destroying a ] transport aircraft and a ]. Four Jordanian Hunters also hit a factory hall in ], killing one civilian and wounding seven.<ref>{{harvnb|Sipos|Cooper|2020|pages=67-68}}</ref> | |||
] | |||
On 30 May, Nasser responded to Johnson's request of 11 days earlier and agreed to send his Vice President, ], to Washington on June 7 to explore a diplomatic settlement in "precisely the opening the ] had sought".<ref>Oren 2002, p. 145.</ref> Historian ] writes that Rusk was "mad as hell" and that Johnson later wrote "I have never concealed my regret that Israel decided to move when it did".<ref>Oren 2002, p. 196.</ref> | |||
==== Israeli cabinet meets ==== | |||
Within Israel's political leadership, it was decided that if the US would not act, and if the UN could not act, then Israel would have to act. On 1 June, ] was made Israeli Defense Minister, and on June 3 the ] administration gave an ambiguous statement; Israel continued to prepare for war. Israel's attack against Egypt on June 5 began what would later be dubbed the Six-Day War. According to ], the IDF pressed for war: "...the concept of 'defensible borders' was not even part of the IDFs own vocabulary. Anyone who will look for it in the military literature of the time will do so in vain. Instead, Israel's commanders based their thought on the 1948 war and, especially, their 1956 triumph over the Egyptians in which, from then Chief of Staff Dayan down, they had gained their spurs. When the 1967 crisis broke they felt certain of their ability to win a 'decisive, quick and elegant' victory, as one of their number, General ], put it, and pressed the government to start the war as soon as possible".<ref>van Creveld 2004, p. 21.</ref> Some of Israel's political leaders, however, hoped for a diplomatic solution.<ref name=npr/> | |||
When the ] convened to decide on a plan of action, ] and ] argued that this was an opportunity to take the ], but ] decided to defer any decision until ] and ] could be consulted.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=244}} ] made proposals for military action, including the capture of ], but the cabinet turned him down. Dayan rejected multiple requests from Narkiss for permission to mount an infantry assault towards Mount Scopus but sanctioned some limited retaliatory actions.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=187–188}} | |||
=== |
==== Initial response ==== | ||
Shortly before 12:30 pm, the ] attacked Jordan's two airbases. The Hawker Hunters were refueling at the time of the attack. The Israeli aircraft attacked in two waves, the first of which cratered the runways and knocked out the control towers, and the second wave destroyed all 21 of Jordan's Hawker Hunter fighters, along with six transport aircraft and two helicopters. One Israeli jet was shot down by ground fire.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=187–188}} | |||
On the eve of the war, Egypt massed approximately 100,000 of its 160,000 troops in the Sinai, including all of its seven divisions (four infantry, two armored and one mechanized), as well as four independent infantry and four independent armored brigades. No less than a third of them were veterans of Egypt's intervention into the ] and another third were reservists. These forces had 950 tanks, 1,100 APCs and more than 1,000 artillery pieces.<ref>Pollack 2004, p. 59</ref> At the same time some Egyptian troops (15,000 - 20,000) were still fighting in Yemen.<ref>Pollack 2004, p. 593</ref><ref>Nordeen & Nicole 1996, p. 191</ref><ref>O'Balance, "War in Yemen", p. 182</ref> Nasser's ambivalence about his goals and objectives was reflected in his orders to the military. The general staff changed the operational plan four times in May 1967, each change requiring the redeployment of troops, with the inevitable toll on both men and vehicles. Towards the end of May, Nasser finally forbade the general staff from proceeding with the ''Qahir'' ("Victory") plan, which called for a light infantry screen in the forward fortifications with the bulk of the forces held back to conduct a massive counterattack against the main Israeli advance when identified, and ordered a forward defense of the Sinai.<ref>Pollack 2004, pp. 61, 81.</ref> In the meantime, he continued to take actions intended to increase the level of mobilization of Egypt, Syria and Jordan, in order to bring pressure on Israel. | |||
Three Israeli ] also attacked ], an airfield in western Iraq used by the ]. During the attack, three MiG-21s, one Hunter, one ] and one ] were destroyed on the ground. They also damaged the runway, although it was repaired by the next morning.<ref>{{harvnb|Sipos|Cooper|2020|pages=67-68}}</ref> The Jordanian radar facility at ] was also destroyed in an Israeli airstrike.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=187–188}} | |||
Syria's army had a total strength of 75,000 and amassed them along the Syrian border.<ref>Ehteshami and Hinnebusch 1997, p. 76.</ref> Jordan's army had 55,000 troops,<ref>Mutawi 2002, p. 42.</ref> including 300 tanks along the Jordanian border, 250 of which were US ], sizable amounts of ] APCs, a new battalion of ], and a ] battalion trained in the new US-built school. They also had 12 battalions of artillery and six batteries of 81 mm and 120 mm mortars.<ref name=segevs/> | |||
Israeli ] jets attacked the Jordanian 40th Brigade with rockets as it moved south from the ]. Dozens of tanks were knocked out, and a convoy of 26 trucks carrying ammunition was destroyed. In Jerusalem, Israel responded to Jordanian shelling with a missile strike that devastated Jordanian positions. The Israelis used the L missile, a ] missile developed jointly with ] in secret.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=187–188}} | |||
Documents captured by the Israelis from various Jordanian command posts record orders from the end of May for the Hashemite Brigade to capture Ramot Burj Bir Mai'in in a night raid, codenamed "Operation Khaled". The aim was to establish a bridgehead together with positions in ] for an armored capture of ] and ]. The "go" codeword was ''Sa'ek'' and end was ''Nasser''. The Jordanians also planned for the capture of ] and ] in the strategic ]. Motza was tasked to Infantry Brigade 27 camped near ]: "The reserve brigade will commence a nighttime infiltration onto Motza, will destroy it to the foundation, and won't leave a remnant or refugee from among its 800 residents".<ref name=segevs/> | |||
The next morning, three Iraqi Hawker Hunters attacked a group of tanks in the process of refueling next to the road between ] and ]. An Iraqi ] also bombed a military installation 10 kilometers southeast of ], killing two Israeli soldiers, while another attacked ] and ], before being shot down near the Megiddo airfield. The aircraft crashed into a military storage complex hidden in a forest, killing its crew and between 11 and 14 Israeli soldiers. Four Israeli Vautours escorted by two Mirages re-attacked the H-3 airfield, resulting in one Hunter crashing on take-off, and a Hunter and a MiG-21 being damaged in air combat.<ref>{{harvnb|Sipos|Cooper|2020|pages=69-72}}</ref> | |||
100 Iraqi tanks and an infantry division were readied near the Jordanian border. Two squadrons of fighter-aircraft, ]s and ] respectively, were rebased adjacent to the Jordanian border.<ref name=segevs/> | |||
On 7 June, four Vautours escorted by four Mirages attacked the H-3 airfield for the third time. This resulted in an air combat with Hunters, piloted by Iraqis, as well as a Jordanian and Pakistani pilot ]. One Hunter was shot down and its pilot killed, while the Israelis lost two Vautours and one Mirage, with two crewmen dead and two taken prisoner.<ref>{{harvnb|Sipos|Cooper|2020|pages=72-74}}</ref> | |||
The Israeli army had a total strength, including reservists, of 264,000, though this number could not be sustained, as the reservists were vital to civilian life.<ref>Stone 2004, p. 217.</ref> James Reston, writing in the ''New York Times'' on May 23, 1967, noted, "In discipline, training, morale, equipment and general competence his army and the other Arab forces, without the direct assistance of the Soviet Union, are no match for the Israelis... Even with 50,000 troops and the best of his generals and air force in Yemen, he has not been able to work his way in that small and primitive country, and even his effort to help the Congo rebels was a flop."<ref>Reston, James 'Washington: Nasser's Reckless Maneuvers', ''New York Times'', 24 May 1967, p. 46.</ref> | |||
==== Jordanian battalion at Government House ==== | |||
On the evening of June 1, Israeli minister of defense ] called Chief of Staff ] and the ], Southern Command Brigadier General Yeshayahu Gavish to present plans against Egypt. Rabin had formulated a plan in which Southern Command would fight its way to the Gaza Strip and then hold the territory and its people hostage until Egypt agreed to reopen the Straits of Tiran; while Gavish had a more comprehensive plan that called for the destruction of Egyptian forces in the Sinai. Rabin favored Gavish's plan, which was then endorsed by Dayan with the caution that a simultaneous offensive against Syria should be avoided.<ref>Hammel 1992, p. 153-152.</ref> | |||
].]] | |||
A Jordanian battalion advanced up Government House ridge and dug in at the perimeter of Government House, the headquarters of the United Nations observers,<ref name="UNISPAL1347">{{Cite web |url=https://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/CD0BEBA6A1E28EFF0525672800567B2C |title=United Nations June 5, 1967 |publisher=United Nations |access-date=1 February 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111226202011/http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/CD0BEBA6A1E28EFF0525672800567B2C |archive-date=26 December 2011 }}</ref>{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=187}}{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=245}} and opened fire on Ramat Rachel, the Allenby Barracks and the Jewish section of ] with mortars and recoilless rifles. UN observers fiercely protested the incursion into the neutral zone, and several manhandled a Jordanian machine gun out of Government House after the crew had set it up in a second-floor window. After the Jordanians occupied ], an advance patrol was sent out and approached Ramat Rachel, where they came under fire from four civilians, including the wife of the director, who were armed with old Czech-made weapons.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=188–189}}<ref>{{Cite web|author=Eric Hammel|date=1992 |url=http://www.pacificamilitary.com/books/f-sixDaysInJune.html |title=The Jordanians Attack West Jerusalem |website=Pacifica Military History |access-date=1 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120308234307/http://www.pacificamilitary.com/books/f-sixDaysInJune.html |archive-date=8 March 2012 |url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
On June 2, Jordan called up all reserve officers, and the West Bank commander met with community leaders in Ramallah to request assistance and cooperation for his troops during the war, assuring them that "in 3 days we'll be in Tel-Aviv".<ref name=segevs/> | |||
The immediate Israeli response was an offensive to retake Government House and its ridge. The Jerusalem Brigade's Reserve Battalion 161, under Lieutenant-Colonel Asher Dreizin, was given the task. Dreizin had two infantry companies and eight tanks under his command, several of which broke down or became stuck in the mud at Ramat Rachel, leaving three for the assault. The Jordanians mounted fierce resistance, knocking out two tanks.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=191–192}} | |||
==The fighting fronts== | |||
===Preliminary air attack=== | |||
{{Main|Operation Focus}} | |||
Israel's first and most critical move was a surprise pre-emptive attack on the ]. Egypt had by far the largest and the most modern of all the Arab air forces, consisting of about 420 combat aircraft,<ref>Oren, 176; Benny Morris, ''Righteous Victims'', 318.</ref> all of them Soviet-built and with a heavy quota of top-of-the line ] capable of attaining Mach 2 speed. Initially, both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.{{ref label|reference_name_H|h|none}} | |||
The Israelis broke through the compound's western gate and began clearing the building with grenades, before General ], commander of the UN observers, compelled the Israelis to hold their fire, telling them that the Jordanians had already fled. The Israelis proceeded to take the Antenna Hill, directly behind Government House, and clear out a series of bunkers to the west and south. The fighting often conducted hand-to-hand, continued for nearly four hours before the surviving Jordanians fell back to trenches held by the Hittin Brigade, which were steadily overwhelmed. By 6:30 am, the Jordanians had retreated to ], having suffered about 100 casualties. All but ten of Dreizin's soldiers were casualties, and Dreizin himself was wounded three times.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=191–192}} | |||
Of particular concern to the Israelis were the 30 ] ]s, capable of inflicting heavy damage on Israeli military and civilian centers.<ref>Pollack 2004, p. 58.</ref> On June 5 at 7:45 Israeli time, as ]s sounded all over Israel, the ] (IAF) launched ] (''Moked''). All but 12 of its nearly 200 operational jets<ref>Oren 2002, p. 172</ref> left the skies of Israel in a mass attack against Egypt's airfields.<ref>Bowen 2003, p. 99 (author interview with Moredechai Hod, 7 May 2002).</ref> The Egyptian defensive infrastructure was extremely poor, and no airfields were yet equipped with ] capable of protecting Egypt's warplanes. Most of the Israeli warplanes headed out over the ] before turning toward Egypt. Others flew over the ].<ref name="Oren 2002">Oren 2002, electronic edition, Section "The War: Day One, June 5".</ref> Meanwhile, the Egyptians hindered their own defense by effectively shutting down their entire air defense system: they were worried that rebel Egyptian forces would shoot down the plane carrying Field Marshal Amer and Lt-Gen. Sidqi Mahmoud, who were en route from al Maza to Bir Tamada in the Sinai to meet the commanders of the troops stationed there. In any event, it did not make a great deal of difference as the Israeli pilots came in below Egyptian ] cover and well below the lowest point at which its ] surface-to-air missile batteries could bring down an aircraft.<ref>Bowen 2003, pp. 114–115 (author interview with General Salahadeen Hadidi who presided over the first court martial of the heads of the air force and the air defence system after the war).</ref> Although the powerful Jordanian radar facility at ] observed the waves of Israeli aircraft and reported the code word for "war" up the Egyptian command chain, Egyptian command and communications problems prevented the warning from reaching the targeted airfields.<ref name="Oren 2002"/> The Israelis employed a mixed attack strategy: bombing and ] runs against the planes themselves, and ] dropped on the runways that rendered them unusable, leaving any undamaged planes unable to take off and therefore helpless targets for later Israeli waves. The attack was more successful than expected, catching the Egyptians by surprise and destroying virtually all of the ] on the ground, with few Israeli casualties. Over 300 Egyptian aircraft were destroyed and 100 Egyptian pilots were killed,<ref>Pollack 2005, p. 474.</ref> although the number of aircraft actually lost by the Egyptians is disputed.<ref>Oren, 176, says 282 out of 420. Morris, 318, says 304 out of 419. Mark Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Indiana, 1994), p. 396, says over 350 planes were destroyed.</ref> Among the Egyptian planes lost were all 30 Tu-16 bombers, as well as 27 out of 40 ] bombers, 12 ] fighter-bombers, over 90 ]s, 20 ]s, 25 ] fighters and around 32 assorted transport planes and helicopters. The Israelis lost 19 planes, including two destroyed in air-to-air combat and 13 downed by anti-aircraft artillery.<ref>Long 1984, p. 19, Table 1.</ref> The attack guaranteed Israeli ] for the rest of the war. | |||
==== Israeli invasion ==== | |||
Before the war, Israeli pilots and ground crews had trained extensively in rapid refitting of aircraft returning from ]s, enabling a single aircraft to sortie up to four times a day (as opposed to the norm in Arab air forces of one or two sorties per day). This enabled the IAF to send several attack waves against Egyptian airfields on the first day of the war, overwhelming the Egyptian Air Force. This also has contributed to the Arab belief that the IAF was helped by foreign air forces (see ]). The Arab air forces themselves were aided by volunteer pilots from the ] acting in independent capacity, as well as some aircraft from ], ], ], ], and ] to make up for the massive losses suffered on the first day of the war.<ref></ref> | |||
{{Further|Battle of Ammunition Hill}} | |||
] | |||
During the late afternoon of 5 June, the Israelis launched an offensive to encircle Jerusalem, which lasted into the following day. During the night, they were supported by intense tank, artillery and mortar fire to soften up Jordanian positions. Searchlights placed atop the Labor Federation building, then the tallest in Israeli Jerusalem, exposed and blinded the Jordanians. The Jerusalem Brigade moved south of Jerusalem, while the mechanized ] and ] under ] encircled it from the north.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=222}} | |||
A combined force of tanks and paratroopers crossed ] near the ]. Gur's 66th paratroop battalion approached the fortified Police Academy. The Israelis used ]es to blast their way through ] leading up to the position while exposed and under heavy fire. With the aid of two tanks borrowed from the Jerusalem Brigade, they captured the Police Academy. After receiving reinforcements, they moved up to attack ].{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=222}}<ref name="Jordanian Front">{{Cite web|url=https://www.sixdaywar.org/war/the-jordanian-front/|title=The Jordanian Front}}</ref> | |||
Following the success of the initial attack waves against the major Egyptian airfields and subsequent air raids, attacks were carried out that afternoon against Israel by the Jordanian, Syrian, and Iraqi air forces. Subsequent attacks against secondary Egyptian airfields as well as Jordanian, Syrian, and Iraqi fields wiped out most of those nations' air forces. By the evening of the first day, the Jordanian air force was wiped out, losing over 20 ] fighters, as well as six transport aircraft and two helicopters. The Syrian Air Force lost some 32 ]s, and 23 ] and ] fighters, and two ] bombers. A number of Iraqi Air Force aircraft were destroyed at H3 base in western Iraq by an Israeli airstrike which included 12 out of 20 MiG-21s, two MiG-17s, five Hunter F6s, and three Il-28 bombers. A lone Iraqi Tu-16 bomber was shot down earlier that day by Israeli anti-aircraft fire while attempting to bomb Tel Aviv. On the morning of June 6, 1967, a Lebanese Hunter, one of 12 Lebanon owned, was shot down over the Lebanon/Israel border by an ] piloted by Uri Even-Nir.<ref>Griffin 2006, p. 336.</ref> | |||
The Jordanian defenders, who were heavily dug-in, fiercely resisted the attack. All of the Israeli officers except for two company commanders were killed, and the fighting was mostly led by individual soldiers. The fighting was conducted at ] in trenches and bunkers and was often hand-to-hand. The Israelis captured the position after four hours of heavy fighting. During the battle, 36 Israeli and 71 Jordanian soldiers were killed.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=222}}<ref name="Jordanian Front" /> Even after the fighting on Ammunition Hill had ended, Israeli soldiers were forced to remain in the trenches due to Jordanian sniper fire from ] until the ] overran that outpost in the afternoon.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.jewishtoronto.com/page.aspx?id=65548|title=Memories from Ammunition Hill|date=2 January 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140102192104/http://www.jewishtoronto.com/page.aspx?id=65548|archive-date=2 January 2014}}</ref> | |||
By nightfall, Israel said it destroyed 416 Arab aircraft, while losing 26 of their own in the first two days of the war. Israeli aircraft shot down included six out of 72 of its ] fighters, four out of its 24 ] fighters, eight out of 60 ] ground attack aircraft, four out of 40 ] ground attack aircraft, and five out of 25 of its ] medium bombers. The numbers of Arab aircraft claimed destroyed by Israel were at first regarded as "greatly exaggerated" by the Western press. However, the fact that the Egyptian, Jordanian, and other Arab air forces made practically no appearance for the remaining days of the conflict proved that the numbers were most likely authentic. Throughout the war, Israeli aircraft continued strafing Arab airfield runways to prevent their return to usability. Meanwhile, Egyptian state-run radio had reported an Egyptian victory, falsely claiming that 70 Israeli planes had been forced down the first day of fighting.<ref name=npr/> | |||
The 66th battalion subsequently drove east, and linked up with the Israeli enclave on ] and its ] campus. Gur's other battalions, the 71st and 28th captured the other Jordanian positions around the ], despite being short on men and equipment and having come under a Jordanian mortar bombardment while waiting for the signal to advance.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=222}}<ref name="Jordanian Front" /> | |||
===Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula=== | |||
] | |||
] | |||
The Egyptian forces consisted of seven ]s: four ], two ], and one ]. Overall, Egypt had around 100,000 troops and 900-950 ]s in the Sinai, backed by 1,100 ]s and 1,000 ] pieces.<ref>Pollack 2004, p. 59.</ref> This arrangement was thought to be based on the Soviet doctrine, where mobile armor units at ] provide a dynamic defense while infantry units engage in defensive battles. | |||
At the same time, the IDF's 4th Brigade attacked the fortress at ], which the Jordanians had abandoned due to heavy Israeli tank fire. The mechanized ] attacked ], but seven tanks were knocked out by mines, forcing the infantry to mount an assault without armored cover. The Israeli soldiers advanced under heavy fire, jumping between rocks to avoid mines and the fighting was conducted at close quarters with knives and bayonets.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Israeli forces concentrated on the border with Egypt included six armored ]s, one infantry brigade, one mechanized infantry brigade, three ] brigades, giving a total of around 70,000 men and 700 tanks, who were organized in three armored divisions. The Israeli plan was to surprise the Egyptian forces in both timing (the attack exactly coinciding with the IAF strike on Egyptian airfields), location (attacking via northern and central Sinai routes, as opposed to the Egyptian expectations of a repeat of the 1956 war, when the IDF attacked via the central and southern routes) and method (using a combined-force flanking approach, rather than direct tank assaults). | |||
The Jordanians fell back after a battle that left two Israeli and eight Jordanian soldiers dead, and Israeli forces advanced through ] towards ], taking four fortified villages along the way. By the evening, the brigade arrived in Ramallah. Meanwhile, the 163rd Infantry Battalion secured ] following a fierce battle, severing the Old City from Bethlehem and Hebron.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
The northernmost Israeli division, consisting of three brigades and commanded by Major General ], one of Israel's most prominent armor commanders, advanced slowly through the ] and ], which were not heavily protected. | |||
Meanwhile, 600 Egyptian commandos stationed in the West Bank moved to attack Israeli airfields. Led by Jordanian intelligence scouts, they crossed the border and began infiltrating through Israeli settlements towards ] and ]. They were soon detected and sought shelter in nearby fields, which the Israelis set on fire. Some 450 commandos were killed, and the remainder escaped to Jordan.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=203}} | |||
The central division (Maj. Gen. ]) and the southern division (Maj. Gen. ]), however, entered the heavily defended Abu-Ageila-Kusseima region, leading to what is known as the ]. Egyptian forces there included one infantry division (the 2nd), a ] of ]s and a tank ], formed of Soviet WW2 armor, which included 90 ] tanks (with 85 mm guns), 22 ] tank destroyers (with 100 mm guns), and about 16,000 men,<ref>Oren 2002, p. 181</ref> while the Israelis had a man-power of about 14,000, and 150 post-WW2 tanks including the ] with 90 mm guns, ], and Super ]s (both types with 105 mm guns). | |||
From the American Colony, the ] moved towards the Old City. Their plan was to approach it via the lightly defended Salah al-Din Street but made a wrong turn onto the heavily defended Nablus Road and ran into fierce resistance. Their tanks fired at point-blank range down the street, while the paratroopers mounted repeated charges. Despite repelling repeated Israeli charges, the Jordanians gradually gave way to Israeli firepower and momentum. The Israelis suffered some 30 casualties – half the original force – while the Jordanians lost 45 dead and 142 wounded.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=222–223}} | |||
Sharon initiated an attack, precisely planned, coordinated and carried out. He sent two of his brigades to the north of ], the first one to break through the defenses at ] to the south, and the second to block the road to ] and to encircle Abu-Ageila from the east. At the same time, a paratrooper force was heliborne to the rear of the defensive positions and attacked the Egyptian artillery positions. Although the paratrooper force's plan quickly fell apart, the confusion sown among the artillery crews helped to slow but not quite stop artillery fire.<ref>Hammel 1992, p. 239</ref> Combined forces of armor, paratroopers, infantry, artillery and combat engineers then attacked the Egyptian position from the front, flanks and rear, cutting the enemy off. The breakthrough battles, which were in sandy areas and minefields, continued for three and a half days until Abu-Ageila fell. | |||
Meanwhile, the Israeli 71st Battalion breached barbed wire and minefields and emerged near Wadi Joz, near the base of Mount Scopus, from where the Old City could be cut off from Jericho and East Jerusalem from Ramallah. Israeli artillery targeted the one remaining route from Jerusalem to the West Bank, and shellfire deterred the Jordanians from counterattacking from their positions at Augusta-Victoria. An Israeli detachment then captured the ] after a brief skirmish.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=222–223}} | |||
Many of the Egyptian units remained intact and could have tried to prevent the Israelis from reaching the ] or engaged in combat in the attempt to reach the canal. However, when the Egyptian Minister of Defense, Field Marshal ] heard about the fall of ], he panicked and ordered all units in the Sinai to retreat. This order effectively meant the defeat of Egypt. | |||
Afterwards, the Israelis broke through to the Jerusalem-Ramallah road. At Tel al-Ful, the Harel Brigade fought a running battle with up to thirty Jordanian tanks. The Jordanians stalled the advance and destroyed some half-tracks, but the Israelis launched air attacks and exploited the vulnerability of the external fuel tanks mounted on the Jordanian tanks. The Jordanians lost half their tanks, and retreated towards ]. Joining up with the 4th Brigade, the Israelis then descended through ] and the site of what is now ], through Jordanian defenses at Mivtar, emerging at Ammunition Hill.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=224}} | |||
Due to the Egyptians' retreat, the Israeli High Command decided not to pursue the Egyptian units but rather to bypass and destroy them in the mountainous passes of West Sinai. Therefore, in the following two days (June 6 and 7), all three Israeli divisions (Sharon and Tal were reinforced by an armored brigade each) rushed westwards and reached the passes. Sharon's division first went southward then westward to ]. It was joined there by parts of Yoffe's division, while its other units blocked the ]. Tal's units stopped at various points to the length of the Suez Canal. | |||
] | |||
Israel's blocking action was partially successful. Only the Gidi pass was captured before the Egyptians approached it, but at other places, Egyptian units managed to pass through and cross the canal to safety. Nevertheless, in four days of operations, Israel defeated the largest and most heavily equipped Arab army, leaving numerous points in the Sinai littered with hundreds of burning or abandoned Egyptian vehicles and military equipment. | |||
With Jordanian defenses in Jerusalem crumbling, elements of the Jordanian 60th Brigade and an infantry battalion were sent from Jericho to reinforce Jerusalem. Its original orders were to repel the Israelis from the Latrun corridor, but due to the worsening situation in Jerusalem, the brigade was ordered to proceed to Jerusalem's Arab suburbs and attack ]. Parallel to the brigade were infantrymen from the Imam Ali Brigade, who were approaching ]. The brigades were spotted by Israeli aircraft and decimated by rocket and cannon fire. Other Jordanian attempts to reinforce Jerusalem were beaten back, either by armored ambushes or airstrikes.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Fearing damage to holy sites and the prospect of having to fight in built-up areas, Dayan ordered his troops not to enter the Old City.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=244}} He also feared that Israel would be subjected to a fierce international backlash and the outrage of Christians worldwide if it forced its way into the Old City. Privately, he told ] that he was also concerned over the prospect of Israel capturing Jerusalem's holy sites, only to be forced to give them up under the threat of international sanctions.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
On June 8, Israel had completed the capture of the Sinai by sending infantry units to ] on the western coast of the peninsula. ], at its southern tip, had already been taken a day earlier by units of the ]. | |||
==== The West Bank ==== | |||
Several tactical elements made the swift Israeli advance possible: first, the surprise attack that quickly gave the ] complete air superiority over ]; second, the determined implementation of an innovative battle plan; third, the lack of coordination among Egyptian troops. These factors would prove to be decisive elements on Israel's other fronts as well. | |||
Israel was to gain almost total control of the West Bank by the evening of 7 June,{{Sfnp|Mutawi|2002|p=138}} and began its ] of the West Bank on that day, issuing a military order, the "Proclamation Regarding Law and Administration (The West Bank Area) (No. 2)—1967", which established the military government in the West Bank and granted the commander of the area full legislative, executive, and judicial power.<ref name="Weill2014">{{citation|author=Sharon Weill|title=The Role of National Courts in Applying International Humanitarian Law|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bDnnAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA19|date=February 2014|publisher=OUP Oxford|isbn=978-0-19-968542-4|page=19|access-date=30 November 2018|archive-date=17 May 2024|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180340/https://books.google.com/books?id=bDnnAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA19#v=onepage&q&f=false|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name=weill2007 /> Jordan had realised that it had no hope of defense as early as the morning of 6 June, just a day after the conflict had begun.{{Sfnp|Mutawi|2002|pp=138-139}} At Nasser's request, Egypt's ] sent a situation update at midday on 6 June:{{Sfnp|Mutawi|2002|p=138}} | |||
<blockquote>The situation on the West Bank is rapidly deteriorating. A concentrated attack has been launched on all axes, together with heavy fire, day and night. Jordanian, Syrian and Iraqi air forces in position H3 have been virtually destroyed. Upon consultation with King Hussein I have been asked to convey to you the following choices: | |||
===West Bank=== | |||
: 1. A political decision to cease fighting to be imposed by a third party (the USA, the Soviet Union or the Security Council). | |||
{{See also|Jordanian campaign (1967)}} | |||
: 2. To vacate the West Bank tonight. | |||
]. June 5–7]] | |||
: 3. To go on fighting for one more day, resulting in the isolation and destruction of the entire Jordanian Army. | |||
] was reluctant to enter the war. ] used the ] of the first hours of the conflict to convince ] that he was victorious; he claimed as evidence a radar sighting of a squadron of Israeli aircraft returning from bombing raids in ] which he said was an Egyptian aircraft en route to attacking Israel.<ref>Oren 2002, pp. 184-185.</ref> One of the Jordanian brigades stationed in the ] was sent to the ] area in order to link with the Egyptians. Hussein decided to attack. | |||
King Hussein has asked me to refer this matter to you for an immediate reply.</blockquote> | |||
An Egyptian order for Jordanian forces to withdraw across the Jordan River was issued at 10 am on 6 June; that afternoon King Hussein learned of the impending ] and decided instead to hold out in the hope that a ceasefire would be implemented soon. It was already too late, as the counter-order caused confusion and in many cases, it was not possible to regain positions that had been left.{{Sfnp|Mutawi|2002|p=139}} | |||
Prior to the war, ] included 11 brigades totaling some 55,000 troops, equipped with some 300 modern Western tanks. Of these, nine brigades (45,000 troops, 270 tanks, 200 artillery pieces) were deployed in the ], including elite armored 40th, and 2 in the ]. The ] was a long-term-service, professional army relatively well-equipped and well-trained. Furthermore, Israeli post-war briefings said that the Jordanian staff acted professionally as well, but was always left "half a step" behind by the Israeli moves. The tiny ] consisted of only 24 UK ] fighters. According to the Israelis, the British-made ] was essentially on par with the French-built ] - the IAF's best plane.<ref>Pollack 2004, pp. 293-294</ref> | |||
]'s ] of ] paratroopers at ]'s ] shortly after its capture. The soldiers in the foreground are (from left) Zion Karasenti, Yitzhak Yifat, and ].]] | |||
Against Jordan's forces on the West Bank, Israel deployed about 40,000 troops and 200 tanks (8 brigades).<ref>Pollack 2004, p. 294</ref> Israeli Central Command forces consisted of five brigades. The first two were permanently stationed near ] and were called the Jerusalem Brigade and the mechanized Harel Brigade. ]'s 55th ] brigade was summoned from the Sinai front. An armored brigade was allocated from the General Staff reserve and advanced toward ], capturing ] in the process. The 10th armored brigade was stationed north of the ]. The Israeli Northern Command provided a division (3 brigades) led by Maj. Gen. ], which was stationed to the north of the West Bank, in the ]. | |||
On 7 June, Dayan ordered his troops not to enter the Old City but, upon hearing that the UN was about to declare a ceasefire, he changed his mind, and without cabinet clearance, decided to capture it.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=244}} Two paratroop battalions attacked Augusta-Victoria Hill, high ground overlooking the Old City from the east. One battalion attacked from Mount Scopus, and another attacked from the valley between it and the Old City. Another paratroop battalion, personally led by Gur, broke into the Old City and was joined by the other two battalions after their missions were complete. The paratroopers met little resistance. The fighting was conducted solely by the paratroopers; the Israelis did not use armor during the battle out of fear of severe damage to the Old City. | |||
In the north, a battalion from Peled's division checked Jordanian defenses in the Jordan Valley. A brigade from Peled's division captured the western part of the West Bank. One brigade attacked Jordanian artillery positions around ], which were shelling ]. The Jordanian 12th Armored Battalion, which outnumbered the Israelis, held off repeated attempts to capture Jenin. Israeli air attacks took their toll, and the Jordanian ]s, with their external fuel tanks, proved vulnerable at short distances, even to the Israeli-modified Shermans. Twelve Jordanian tanks were destroyed, and only six remained operational.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=203}} | |||
The IDF's strategic plan was to remain on the defensive along the Jordanian front, to enable focus in the expected campaign against Egypt. However, on the morning of 5 June, Jordan began shelling targets in west Jerusalem, ], and the outskirts of ].<ref name = "Washington Institute for Near East Policy 2002">"On June 5, Israel sent a message to Hussein urging him not to open fire. Despite shelling into western Jerusalem, Netanya, and the outskirts of Tel Aviv, Israel did nothing." . Summary of remarks by Michael Oren at the ], May 29, 2002.</ref> The ] attacked Israeli airfields. Despite this, both air and artillery attacks caused little damage, and Israel sent a message promising not to initiate any action against Jordan if it stayed out of the war. Hussein replied that it was too late, "]".<ref>Shlaim 2001, pp. 243–244.</ref> On the evening of June 5, the Israeli cabinet convened to decide what to do; ] and ] argued that this was an opportunity to take the ], but Eshkol decided to defer any decision until ] and ] could be consulted.<ref name = "Shlaim p244">Shlaim, 2001, p. 244.</ref> ] made a number of proposals for military action, including the capture of ], but the cabinet turned him down. The Israeli military only commenced action after Jordanian forces made thrusts in the area of Jerusalem. | |||
Just after dusk, Israeli reinforcements arrived. The Jordanians continued to fiercely resist, and the Israelis were unable to advance without artillery and air support. One Israeli jet attacked the Jordanian commander's tank, wounding him and killing his radio operator and intelligence officer. The surviving Jordanian forces then withdrew to Jenin, where they were reinforced by the 25th Infantry Brigade. The Jordanians were effectively surrounded in Jenin.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=203}} | |||
Jordanian troops seized the ] compound, used as the headquarters for the ] in a ] since the ]. In addition, the Jordanians opened a heavy-artillery barrage on western Jerusalem, as well as targeting the center of the country. <ref name="HistoryCentral.com">"Israel promised Jordan that if they did not attack Israel first, Israel would not touch Jordanian positions. After asking for 24 hours to think about it, Jordanian troops opened a heavy-artillery barrage on western Jerusalem, as well as targeting the center of the country. In addition, Jordanian troops seized government houses and the headquarters of the U.N. in Jerusalem.", HistoryCentral.com. URL accessed May 14, 2006.</ref><ref name = "Shlaim p245">Shlaim 2001, p. 245.</ref>. | |||
Jordanian infantry and their three remaining tanks managed to hold off the Israelis until 4:00 am, when three battalions arrived to reinforce them in the afternoon. The Jordanian tanks charged and knocked out multiple Israeli vehicles, and the tide began to shift. After sunrise, Israeli jets and artillery conducted a two-hour bombardment against the Jordanians. The Jordanians lost 10 dead and 250 wounded, and had only seven tanks left, including two without gas, and sixteen APCs. The Israelis then fought their way into Jenin and captured the city after fierce fighting.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=219}} | |||
At the UN Security Council meeting of June 5, 1967 Secretary-General U Thant reported that: | |||
After the Old City fell, the Jerusalem Brigade reinforced the paratroopers, and continued to the south, capturing ] and ]. ] was taken without any resistance.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Goren |first=Shlomo |title=With Might and Strength: An Autobiography |publisher=Toby Press LLC |year=2016 |isbn=978-1-59264-409-4 |pages=281}}</ref> Fearful that Israeli soldiers would exact retribution for the ] of the city's Jewish community, Hebron's residents flew white sheets from their windows and rooftops.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Auerbach |first=Jerold |title=Hebron Jews: Memory and Conflict in the Land of Israel |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers |year=2009 |isbn=978-0-7425-6615-6 |pages=82}}</ref> The Harel Brigade proceeded eastward, descending to the ]. | |||
"at 1330 hours local time today approximately one company of Jordanian soldiers occupied the garden of the Government House. | |||
], Defense Minister ], and Chief of Staff Lt. General ] in the Old City of Jerusalem after its fall to Israeli forces]] | |||
On 7 June, Israeli forces seized ], taking the city after a brief battle that left some 40 Jordanian soldiers dead, with the remainder fleeing. On the same day, one of Peled's brigades seized ]; then it joined one of Central Command's armored brigades to fight the Jordanian forces; as the Jordanians held the advantage of superior equipment and were equal in numbers to the Israelis. | |||
Again, the air superiority of the IAF proved paramount as it immobilized the Jordanians, leading to their defeat. One of Peled's brigades joined with its Central Command counterparts coming from Ramallah, and the remaining two blocked the Jordan river crossings together with the Central Command's 10th. ] sappers blew up the Abdullah and Hussein bridges with captured Jordanian mortar shells, while elements of the Harel Brigade crossed the river and occupied positions along the east bank to cover them, but quickly pulled back due to American pressure. The Jordanians, anticipating an Israeli offensive deep into Jordan, assembled the remnants of their army and Iraqi units in Jordan to protect the western approaches to ] and the southern slopes of the ]. | |||
"General Bull later informed me by an emergency message that Jordanian troops had not with-drawn and were demanding to enter Government House itself and had demanded that no telephone calls be made from Government House. Firing was continuing and mortar shells were now landing within the Government House compound. United Nations Headquarters lost radio contact with UNTSO headquarters in Jerusalem at 0852 hours New York time, at which time Jordanian troops occupied Government House1/. This also means that United Nations Headquarters has lost direct contact with headquarters UNEF, whose messages are routed through UNTSO." | |||
<blockquote> 1/ it is to be noted that the report that Jordanian troops had "occupied" Government House was originally based on incomplete information owing to a {{sic|communicaitons}} breakdown caused by the events in the Government House area. On the basis of a review of events and a checking with the Chief of Staff of UNTSO, it was later determined that the actual facts as regards the reported entry of Jordanian troops into Government House on 5 June 1967 were as follows: at approximately 1445 hours local time, three Jordanian soldiers entered Government House over the protest of UNTSO, but were persuaded by UNTSO staff to leave the building after about ten minutes.<ref name="UNISPAL1347">United Nations 5 June 1967. </ref></blockquote> | |||
As Israel continued its offensive on 7 June, taking no account of the UN ceasefire resolution, the Egyptian-Jordanian command ordered a full Jordanian withdrawal for the second time, in order to avoid an annihilation of the Jordanian army.<ref name=Mutawi140>{{harvp|Mutawi|2002|p=140}}: "Shortly after the order for the withdrawal had been issued , the Jordanians were informed that the UN Security Council was meeting to consider a resolution for an unconditional ceasefire. On learning of this the Jordanian command decided that the order for withdrawal had been premature, since if a ceasefire went into effect that day they would still be in possession of the West Bank. Consequently, the order was countermanded and those forces which had already withdrawn were asked to return to their original positions... The Security Council ceasefire resolution was passed unanimously at 11.00 p.m. on 6 June. However, Jordan's hope that this would enable it to hold the West Bank was destroyed when Israel continued its offensive. On learning of this Riad once again ordered a complete withdrawal from the West Bank as he feared that failure to do so would result in the annihilation of the remains of the Jordanian Army. By nightfall on 7 June most elements of the army had withdrawn to the East Bank and by mid-day on 8 June Jordan was once again the Transjordan of King Abdullah, while Israel completed total occupation of historical Palestine."</ref> This was complete by nightfall on 7 June.<ref name=Mutawi140/> | |||
On June 6, Israeli units were scrambled to attack Jordanian forces in the West Bank. In the afternoon of that same day, Israeli Air Force (IAF) strikes destroyed the Royal Jordanian Air Force. By the evening of that day, the Jerusalem infantry brigade moved south of Jerusalem, while the mechanized Harel and Gur's paratroopers encircled it from the north. The reserve paratroop brigade completed the Jerusalem encirclement in the bloody ]. Fearing damage to holy places and having to fight in built-up areas, Dayan ordered his troops not to go into the city itself.<ref name = "Shlaim p244"/> | |||
After the Old City was captured, Dayan told his troops to "dig in" to hold it. When an armored brigade commander entered the West Bank on his own initiative, and stated that he could see ], Dayan ordered him back. It was only after intelligence reports indicated that Hussein had withdrawn his forces across the Jordan River that Dayan ordered his troops to capture the West Bank.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=245}} According to Narkis: | |||
On June 7, heavy fighting ensued. The infantry brigade attacked the fortress at Latrun, capturing it at daybreak, and advanced through ] towards ]. The Harel brigade continued its push to the mountainous area of northwest Jerusalem, linking the ] campus of ] with the city of Jerusalem. By the evening, the brigade arrived in Ramallah. The IAF detected and destroyed the 60th Jordanian Brigade en route from ] to reinforce Jerusalem. | |||
<blockquote>First, the Israeli government had no intention of capturing the West Bank. On the contrary, it was opposed to it. Second, there was not any provocation on the part of the IDF. Third, the rein was only loosened when a real threat to Jerusalem's security emerged. This is truly how things happened on June 5, although it is difficult to believe. The end result was something that no one had planned.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=246}}</blockquote> | |||
In the north, one battalion from Peled's division was sent to check Jordanian defenses in the Jordan Valley. A brigade belonging to Peled's division captured the western part of the West Bank, another captured ] and the third (equipped with light French ]s) engaged Jordanian ] main battle tanks to the east. | |||
] Paratroopers at ]'s ] shortly after its capture.{{ref label|reference_name_A|a|none}}]] | |||
=== Golan Heights === | |||
Dayan had ordered his troops not to enter Jerusalem; however, upon hearing that the UN was about to declare a ceasefire, he changed his mind, and without cabinet clearance, decided to take the city.<ref name = "Shlaim p244"/> Gur's paratroopers entered the ] of ] via the ], and captured the ] and the ]. The intense battle for the Old City was fought mostly by paratroopers, who had to engage in heavy street fighting. The Israeli high command had ordered the IDF not to use heavy armor in the Old City - since this was an area holy to Judaism, the Israeli government wanted to leave it intact. The Jerusalem brigade then reinforced the paratroops, and continued to the south, capturing ], ] and ]. The Harel brigade proceeded eastward, descending to the ]. | |||
] | |||
In May–June 1967, in preparation for conflict, the Israeli government planned to confine the confrontation to the Egyptian front, whilst taking into account the possibility of some fighting on the Syrian front.<ref name="Shlaim2000p243" /> | |||
In the West Bank, one of Peled's brigades seized ]; then it joined one of Central Command's armored brigades to fight the Jordanian forces; as the Jordanians held the advantage of superior equipment and were equal in numbers to the Israelis. | |||
==== Syrian front 5–8 June ==== | |||
Again, the air superiority of the IAF proved paramount as it immobilized the enemy, leading to its defeat. One of Peled's brigades joined with its Central Command counterparts coming from Ramallah, and the remaining two blocked the Jordan river crossings together with the Central Command's 10th (the latter crossed the Jordan river into the East Bank to provide cover for ] while they blew the Abdullah and Hussein bridges, but was quickly pulled back because of American pressure). | |||
Syria largely stayed out of the conflict for the first four days.<ref name=Shlaim9293>{{harvp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|pp=92–93}}: "Except for some sporadic Syrian shelling of Israeli settlements along the border, Syria stayed pretty much out of the war for the first four days... the Syrians were confused by what they slowly learned was the scale of the destruction on the Egyptian front. They were astounded. They did not understand what was going on, nor did they have the military experience and capability, especially in the officer corps, to react to the new situation. With no air support, how could they move forward against Israel? They reasoned that if they sat tight, they could emerge from this with little damage."</ref><ref>{{harvp|Mutawi|2002|p=182|ps=: "When it came to war, Syria stood aside despite its defence pact with Egypt, while Israel overran Gaza, Sinai and the West Bank. Throughout the critical days between 5 and 8 June 1967, the Egyptian political and military leadership begged Syria to fulfil its commitments and to support Jordan's efforts, but it refused to respond even though Jordan had entered the war in the belief that it would be supported by Syria and Egypt."}}</ref> | |||
False Egyptian reports of a crushing victory against the Israeli army<ref name=npr>{{Cite web |url= https://www.npr.org/news/specials/mideast/history/history4.html |title= Part 4: The 1967 Six Day War |website= ] |access-date= 20 April 2011 |url-status=live |archive-date= 11 May 2011 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20110511205043/http://www.npr.org/news/specials/mideast/history/history4.html}}</ref> and forecasts that Egyptian forces would soon be attacking ] influenced Syria's decision to enter the war – in a sporadic manner – during this period.<ref name=Shlaim9293/> Syrian artillery began shelling northern Israel, and twelve Syrian jets attacked Israeli settlements in the ]. Israeli fighter jets intercepted the Syrian aircraft, shooting down three and driving off the rest.{{Sfnp|Sachar|1976|p=642}} In addition, two ] ] jets, two of the twelve Lebanon had, crossed into Israeli airspace and began strafing Israeli positions in the Galilee. They were intercepted by Israeli fighter jets, and one was shot down.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=237}} | |||
No specific decision had been made to capture any other territories controlled by Jordan. After the Old City was captured, Dayan told his troops to dig in to hold it. When an armored brigade commander entered the West Bank on his own initiative, and stated that he could see ], Dayan ordered him back. It was only after intelligence reports indicated that Hussein had withdrawn his forces across the Jordan River that Dayan ordered his troops to capture the West Bank.<ref name = "Shlaim p245"/> According to Narkis: | |||
<blockquote>First, the Israeli government had no intention of capturing the West Bank. On the contrary, it was opposed to it. Second, there was not any provocation on the part of the IDF. Third, the rein was only loosened when a real threat to Jerusalem's security emerged. This is truly how things happened on June 5, although it is difficult to believe. The end result was something that no one had planned.<ref>Shlaim 2001, p. 246.</ref></blockquote> | |||
On the evening of 5 June, the Israeli Air Force attacked Syrian airfields. The ] lost some 32 ]s, 23 ] and MiG-17 fighters, and two ] bombers, two-thirds of its fighting strength. The Syrian aircraft that survived the attack retreated to distant bases and played no further role in the war. Following the attack, Syria realized that the news it had received from Egypt of the near-total destruction of the Israeli military could not have been true.{{Sfnp|Sachar|1976|p=642}} | |||
===Golan Heights=== | |||
] | |||
False Egyptian reports of a crushing victory against the Israeli army<ref name=npr/> and forecasts that Egyptian artillery would soon be in ] influenced Syria's willingness to enter the war. Syrian leadership, however, adopted a more cautious approach, and instead began shelling and conducting air raids on northern Israel. When the Israeli Air Force had completed its mission in Egypt, and turned around to destroy the surprised Syrian Air Force, Syria understood that the news it had heard from Egypt of the near-total destruction of the Israeli military could not have been true.<ref name = Knopf642>Sachar 1976. p. 642.</ref> During the evening of June 5, Israeli air strikes destroyed two-thirds of the ], and forced the remaining third to retreat to distant bases, without playing any further role in the ensuing warfare. A minor Syrian force tried to capture the water plant at ] (the subject of a fierce escalation two years earlier), ], and ]. But a broader Syrian offensive quickly failed. Several Syrian tanks are reported to have sunk in the Jordan River. Other problems included tanks too wide for bridges, lack of radio communications between tanks and infantry, and units ignoring orders to advance. A post-war Syrian army report concluded "Our forces did not go on the offensive either because they did not arrive or were not wholly prepared or because they could not find shelter from the enemy's planes. The reserves could not withstand the air attacks; they dispersed after their morale plummeted."<ref>Oren 2002, electronic edition, Section "Damascus and Jerusalem".</ref> The Syrian command abandoned hopes of a ground attack and began a massive shelling of Israeli towns in the Hula Valley instead. | |||
]]] | |||
On June 7 and June 8, the Israeli leadership debated about whether the Golan Heights should be attacked as well; the attack on Syria was initially planned for June 8, but was postponed for 24 hours. At 3 AM on June 9, Syria announced its acceptance of the cease-fire. Despite this, four hours later at 7 AM, Israel’s minister of defense, ], “gave the order to go into action against Syria.”{{ref label|reference_name_H1|i|none}} In addition to long-standing Israeli claims on the Mt Hermon area,<ref></ref> Syria also had supported the pre-war raids that had helped raise tensions and had routinely shelled Israel from the Heights, so some Israeli leaders wanted to see Syria punished.<ref name="ReferenceA">Oren 2002, electronic edition, Section "The War: Day Five, June 9".</ref> Military advice was that the attack would be extremely costly, since assailing the heights would be an uphill battle against a strongly fortified enemy. The western side of the Golan Heights consists of a rock escarpment that rises 500 metres (1700 ft) from the ] and the ], and then flattens to a more gently sloping plateau. ] believed such an operation would yield losses of 30,000 and opposed it bitterly. ], on the other hand, was more open to the possibility of an operation in the Golan Heights, as was the head of the Northern Command, ], whose unbridled enthusiasm for and confidence in the operation may have eroded Dayan's reluctance. Eventually, as the situation on the Southern and Central fronts cleared up, intelligence estimated that the likelihood of Soviet intervention had reduced, ] showed some Syrian defenses in the Golan region collapsing, and an intercepted cable showed Nasser urging the President of Syria to immediately accept a cease-fire, Moshe Dayan became more enthusiastic about the idea, and he authorized the operation.<ref name="ReferenceA"/> | |||
On 6 June, a minor Syrian force tried to capture the water plants at ] (the subject of a fierce escalation two years earlier), ], and ]. These attacks were repulsed with the loss of twenty soldiers and seven tanks. An Israeli officer was also killed. But a broader Syrian offensive quickly failed. Syrian reserve units were broken up by Israeli air attacks, and several tanks were reported to have sunk in the Jordan River.{{Sfnp|Sachar|1976|p=642}} | |||
Other problems included tanks being too wide for bridges, lack of radio communications between tanks and infantry, and units ignoring orders to advance. A post-war Syrian army report concluded: | |||
The Syrian army consisted of about 75,000 men grouped in nine brigades, supported by an adequate amount of artillery and armor. Israeli forces used in combat consisted of two brigades (one armored led by ] and the ]) in the northern part of the front at ], and another two (infantry and one of Peled's brigades summoned from Jenin) in the center. The Golan Heights' unique terrain (mountainous slopes crossed by parallel streams every several kilometres running east to west), and the general lack of roads in the area channeled both forces along east-west axes of movement and restricted the ability of units to support those on either flank. Thus the Syrians could move north-south on the plateau itself, and the Israelis could move north-south at the base of the Golan escarpment. An advantage Israel possessed was the excellent intelligence collected by ] operative ] (who was captured and executed in Syria in 1965) regarding the Syrian battle positions. Syria had built extensive defensive fortifications in depths up to 15 kilometers,<ref>Hammel 1992, p. 387</ref> comparable to the ]. | |||
<blockquote>Our forces did not go on the offensive either because they did not arrive or were not wholly prepared or because they could not find shelter from the enemy's aircraft. The reserves could not withstand the air attacks; they dispersed after their morale plummeted.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "Damascus and Jerusalem"}}</blockquote> | |||
As opposed to all the other campaigns, IAF was only partially effective in the Golan because the fixed fortifications were so effective. However, the Syrian forces proved unable to put up an effective defense largely because the officers were poor military leaders and treated their soldiers poorly; often officers would retreat to escape danger, leaving their men confused and ineffective. By the evening of 9 June, the four Israeli brigades had broken through to the plateau, where they could be reinforced and replaced. | |||
The Syrians bombarded Israeli civilian settlements in the ] with two battalions of ], four companies of heavy mortars, and dug-in ] tanks. The Syrian bombardment killed two civilians and hit 205 houses as well as farming installations. An inaccurate report from a Syrian officer said that as a result of the bombardment that "the enemy appears to have suffered heavy losses and is retreating".{{Sfnp|Dunstan|2013|p=}} | |||
On the next day, June 10, the central and northern groups joined in a ] on the plateau, but that fell mainly on empty territory as the Syrian forces fled. Several units joined by Elad Peled climbed to the Golan from the south, only to find the positions mostly empty as well. During the day, the Israeli units stopped after obtaining manoeuvre room between their positions and a line of volcanic hills to the west. In some locations, Israeli troops advanced after an agreed-upon cease-fire to occupy strategically strong positions.<ref>Oren 2002, electronic edition, Section "Playing for the Brink".</ref> To the east, the ground terrain is an open gently sloping plain. This position later became the cease-fire line known as the "]". | |||
==== Israelis debate whether the Golan Heights should be attacked ==== | |||
] reported: "In an effort to pressure the United Nations into enforcing a ceasefire, Damascus Radio undercut its own army by broadcasting the fall of the city of ] three hours before it actually capitulated. That premature report of the surrender of their headquarters destroyed the morale of the Syrian troops left in the Golan area."<ref>{{cite news |title=A Campaign for the Books |publisher=Time Magazine |date=September 1, 1967 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,837237,00.html}}</ref> | |||
On 7 and 8 June, the Israeli leadership debated about whether to attack the Golan Heights as well. Syria had supported pre-war raids that had helped raise tensions and had routinely shelled Israel from the Heights, so some Israeli leaders wanted to see Syria punished.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "The War: Day Five, June 9"}} Military opinion was that the attack would be extremely costly since it would entail an uphill battle against a strongly fortified enemy. The western side of the Golan Heights consists of a rock escarpment that rises 500 meters (1,700 ft) from the ] and the ], and then flattens to a gently sloping plateau. Dayan opposed the operation bitterly at first, believing such an undertaking would result in losses of 30,000 and might trigger Soviet intervention. Prime Minister ], on the other hand, was more open to the possibility, as was the head of the Northern Command, ], whose unbridled enthusiasm for and confidence in the operation may have eroded Dayan's reluctance.{{Citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Eventually, the situation on the Southern and Central fronts cleared up, intelligence estimated that the likelihood of Soviet intervention had been reduced, ] showed some Syrian defenses in the Golan region collapsing, and an intercepted cable revealed that Nasser was urging the President of Syria to immediately accept a ceasefire. At 3 am on 9 June, Syria announced its acceptance of the ceasefire. Despite this announcement, Dayan became more enthusiastic about the idea and four hours later at 7 am, "gave the order to go into action against Syria"{{Efn|Israel clearly did not want the US Government to know too much about its dispositions for attacking Syria, initially planned for June 8, but postponed for 24 hours. The attack on the ''Liberty'' occurred on June 8, whereas on June 9 at 3 am, Syria announced its acceptance of the cease-fire. Despite this, at 7 am, that is, four hours later, Israel's ], ], "gave the order to go into action against Syria.<ref>{{harvp|Lenczowski|1990|pp=105–115}}, citing Moshe Dayan, ''Story of My Life'', and ], ''From War to War: The Arab–Israeli Confrontation, 1948–1967'', p. 375</ref>}}{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "The War: Day Five, June 9"}} without consultation or government authorization.{{Sfnp|Morris|2001|p=325}} | |||
===War in the air=== | |||
During the Six-Day War, the IAF demonstrated the importance of ] during the course of a modern conflict, especially in a desert theatre.{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}} Following the IAF's ], in which the IAF achieved near total tactical surprise (only four unarmed Egyptian training flights were in the air when the strike began <ref>Oren 2002 p. 171</ref>), it was able to thwart and harass what remained of the Arab air forces and to grant itself air superiority over all fronts; it then complemented the strategic effect of its initial strike by carrying out tactical support operations. | |||
The Syrian army consisted of about 75,000 men grouped in nine brigades, supported by an adequate amount of artillery and armor. Israeli forces used in combat consisted of two brigades (the ] and the ]) in the northern part of the front at ], and another two (infantry and one of Peled's brigades summoned from Jenin) in the center. The Golan Heights' unique terrain (mountainous slopes crossed by parallel streams every several kilometers running east to west), and the general lack of roads in the area channeled both forces along east–west axes of movement and restricted the ability of units to support those on either flank. Thus the Syrians could move north–south on the plateau itself, and the Israelis could move north–south at the base of the Golan escarpment. An advantage Israel possessed was the intelligence collected by ] operative ] (who was captured and executed in Syria in 1965) regarding the Syrian battle positions. Syria had built extensive defensive fortifications in depths up to 15 kilometers.{{Sfnp|Hammel|1992|p=387}} | |||
In contrast, the Arab air forces never managed to mount an effective attack.{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}} Attacks of Jordanian fighters and Iraqi ] bombers into the Israeli rear during the first two days of the war were not successful and led to the destruction of the aircraft.{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}} Several Iraqi and Jordanian aircraft were shot down, while Jordan's air arm was crippled in strikes against its air bases.{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}} | |||
As opposed to all the other campaigns, IAF was only partially effective in the Golan because the fixed fortifications were so effective. The Syrian forces proved unable to put up effective defense largely because the officers were poor leaders and treated their soldiers badly; often officers would retreat from danger, leaving their men confused and ineffective. The Israelis also had the upper hand during close combat that took place in the numerous Syrian bunkers along the Golan Heights, as they were armed with the ], a ] designed for close combat, while Syrian soldiers were armed with the heavier ] assault rifle, designed for combat in more open areas.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
In 1966, Iraqi Captain ] defected by flying his ] to Israel. Israel capitalized on the defection by test-flying the MiG to determine its maximum operational and flight characteristics (its ''envelope''), thus giving Israeli pilots great advantage over their opponents.<ref>Weiss, Reuven (2007, 29 May). ''''. Yedioth Internet.</ref> | |||
====Israeli attack: first day (9 June)==== | |||
On June 6, the second day of the war, King Hussein and Nasser declared that American and British aircraft took part in the Israeli attacks. (See ] below). | |||
] | |||
On the morning of 9 June, Israeli jets began carrying out dozens of sorties against Syrian positions from ] to ], using rockets salvaged from captured Egyptian stocks. The airstrikes knocked out artillery batteries and storehouses and forced transport columns off the roads. The Syrians suffered heavy casualties and a drop in morale, with some senior officers and troops deserting. The attacks also provided time as Israeli forces cleared paths through Syrian minefields. The airstrikes did not seriously damage the Syrians' bunkers and trench systems, and the bulk of Syrian forces on the Golan remained in their positions.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=280}} | |||
===War at sea=== | |||
War at sea was limited. Movements of both Israeli and Egyptian vessels are known to have been used to intimidate the other side, but neither side directly engaged the other at sea. Six Israeli ] sunk an Egyptian ] in ] harbor before being captured. Israeli light boat crews also captured the abandoned town of ] on the southern tip of the Sinai Peninsula on June 7. | |||
About two hours after the airstrikes began, the ], led by Colonel ], advanced into the Golan Heights from ]. Its advance was spearheaded by ] sappers and eight bulldozers, which cleared away barbed wire and mines. As they advanced, the force came under fire, and five bulldozers were immediately hit. The Israeli tanks, with their manoeuvrability sharply reduced by the terrain, advanced slowly under fire toward the fortified village of Sir al-Dib, with their ultimate objective being the fortress at Qala. Israeli casualties steadily mounted.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=281–282}} | |||
On June 8, 1967 ], a ] ] vessel sailing {{convert|13|nmi|km}} off ] (just outside Egypt's ]), was attacked by Israeli ] jets and torpedo boats, nearly sinking the ship, killing 34 sailors and wounding 170. Israel said the attack was a case of mistaken identity, and that the ship had been misidentified as the Egyptian vessel ''El Quseir''. Israel apologized for the mistake, and paid compensation to the victims or their families. After an investigation, the US accepted the explanation that the incident was friendly fire and the issue was closed by the exchange of diplomatic notes in 1987. The surviving crew members still claim, and present some evidence, that the attacks might have been deliberate (see ]). | |||
Part of the attacking force lost its way and emerged opposite Za'ura, a redoubt manned by Syrian reservists. With the situation critical, Colonel Mandler ordered simultaneous assaults on Za'ura and Qala. Heavy and confused fighting followed, with Israeli and Syrian tanks struggling around obstacles and firing at extremely short ranges. Mandler recalled that "the Syrians fought well and bloodied us. We beat them only by crushing them under our treads and by blasting them with our cannons at very short range, from 100 to 500 meters." The first three Israeli tanks to enter Qala were stopped by a Syrian bazooka team, and a relief column of seven Syrian tanks arrived to repel the attackers.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=281–282}} | |||
==Conclusion of conflict and post-war situation== | |||
By June 10, Israel had completed its final offensive in the Golan Heights, and a ] was signed the day after. Israel had seized the ], the ], the ] of the Jordan River (including East Jerusalem), and the ]. Overall, Israel's territory grew by a factor of three, including about one million Arabs placed under Israel's direct control in the newly captured territories. Israel's strategic depth grew to at least 300 kilometers in the south, 60 kilometers in the east and 20 kilometers of extremely rugged terrain in the north, a security asset that would prove useful in the ] six years later. | |||
The Israelis took heavy fire from the houses, but could not turn back, as other forces were advancing behind them, and they were on a narrow path with mines on either side. The Israelis continued pressing forward and called for air support. A pair of Israeli jets destroyed two of the Syrian tanks, and the remainder withdrew. The surviving defenders of Qala retreated after their commander was killed. Meanwhile, Za'ura fell in an Israeli assault, and the Israelis also captured the 'Ein Fit fortress.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=281–282}} | |||
The political importance of the 1967 War was immense; Israel demonstrated that it was not only able, but also willing, to initiate strategic strikes that could change the regional balance. Egypt and Syria learned tactical lessons and would launch an ] in an attempt to reclaim their lost territory.<ref>Brams & Togman 1998, p. 243; Youngs 2001, p. 12</ref> | |||
In the central sector, the Israeli 181st Battalion captured the strongholds of Dardara and Tel Hillal after fierce fighting. Desperate fighting also broke out along the operation's northern axis, where ] attacked thirteen Syrian positions, including the formidable ] position. Navigational errors placed the Israelis directly under the Syrians' guns. In the fighting that followed, both sides took heavy casualties, with the Israelis losing all nineteen of their tanks and half-tracks.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=283}} The Israeli battalion commander then ordered his twenty-five remaining men to dismount, divide into two groups, and charge the northern and southern flanks of Tel Fakhr. The first Israelis to reach the perimeter of the southern approach laid on the ], allowing their comrades to vault over them. From there, they assaulted the fortified Syrian positions. The fighting was waged at extremely close quarters, often hand-to-hand.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=283}} | |||
Speaking three weeks after the war ended, as he accepted an honorary degree from Hebrew University, ] gave his reasoning behind the success of Israel: | |||
On the northern flank, the Israelis broke through within minutes and cleared out the trenches and bunkers. During the seven-hour battle, the Israelis lost 31 dead and 82 wounded, while the Syrians lost 62 dead and 20 captured. Among the dead was the Israeli battalion commander. The Golani Brigade's 51st Battalion took Tel 'Azzaziat, and Darbashiya also fell to Israeli forces.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=283}} | |||
:Our airmen, who struck the enemies' planes so accurately that no one in the world understands how it was done and people seek technological explanations or secret weapons; our armored troops who beat the enemy even when their equipment was inferior to his; our soldiers in all other branches...who overcame our enemies everywhere, despite the latter's superior numbers and fortifications-all these revealed not only coolness and courage in the battle but...an understanding that only their personal stand against the greatest dangers would achieve victory for their country and for their families, and that if victory was not theirs the alternative was annihilation.<ref>Sachar 1976. p. 660.</ref> | |||
] from 9 June about the war and UN reactions.]] | |||
In recognition of contributions, Rabin was given the honor of naming the war for the Israelis. From the suggestions proposed, he "chose the least ostentatious, the Six-Day War, evoking the days of creation."<ref name="ReferenceB">Oren 2002, electronic edition, Section "Aftershocks".</ref> | |||
By the evening of 9 June, the four Israeli brigades had all broken through to the plateau, where they could be reinforced and replaced. Thousands of reinforcements began reaching the front, those tanks and half-tracks that had survived the previous day's fighting were refuelled and replenished with ammunition, and the wounded were evacuated. By dawn, the Israelis had eight brigades in the sector.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Syria's first line of defense had been shattered, but the defenses beyond that remained largely intact. Mount Hermon and the Banias in the north, and the entire sector between Tawfiq and Customs House Road in the south remained in Syrian hands. In a meeting early on the night of 9 June, Syrian leaders decided to reinforce those positions as quickly as possible and to maintain a steady barrage on Israeli civilian settlements.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Dayan's final report on the war to the Israeli general staff listed several shortcomings in Israel's actions, including misinterpretation of Nasser's intentions, overdependence on the United States, and reluctance to act when Egypt closed the Straits. He also credited several factors for Israel's success: Egypt did not appreciate the advantage of striking first and their adversaries did not accurately gauge Israel's strength and its willingness to use it.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> | |||
====Israeli attack: second day (10 June)==== | |||
After the ], Egypt reviewed the causes of its loss of the 1967 war. Issues that were identified included "the individualistic bureaucratic leadership"; "promotions on the basis of loyalty, not expertise, and the army's fear of telling Nasser the truth"; lack of intelligence; and better Israeli weapons, command, organization, and will to fight.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> | |||
Throughout the night, the Israelis continued their advance, though it was slowed by fierce resistance. An anticipated Syrian counterattack never materialized. At the fortified village of Jalabina, a garrison of Syrian reservists, levelling their anti-aircraft guns, held off the Israeli 65th Paratroop Battalion for four hours before a small detachment managed to penetrate the village and knock out the heavy guns.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
Meanwhile, the 8th Brigade's tanks moved south from Qala, advancing six miles to Wasit under heavy artillery and tank bombardment. At the Banias in the north, Syrian mortar batteries opened fire on advancing Israeli forces only after Golani Brigade sappers cleared a path through a minefield, killing sixteen Israeli soldiers and wounding four.{{citation needed|date=June 2022}} | |||
According to ]: | |||
On the next day, 10 June, the central and northern groups joined in a ] on the plateau, but that fell mainly on empty territory as the Syrian forces retreated. At 8:30 am, the Syrians began blowing up their own bunkers, burning documents and retreating. Several units joined by Elad Peled's troops climbed to the Golan from the south, only to find the positions mostly empty. When the 8th Brigade reached Mansura, five miles from Wasit, the Israelis met no opposition and found abandoned equipment, including tanks, in perfect working condition. In the fortified Banias village, Golani Brigade troops found only several Syrian soldiers chained to their positions.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=295}} | |||
:On June 19, 1967, the National Unity Government voted unanimously to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in return for peace agreements. The Golans would have to be demilitarized and special arrangement would be negotiated for the Straits of Tiran. The government also resolved to open negotiations with King Hussein of Jordan regarding the Eastern border.<ref>Herzog 1989, p. 253.</ref> | |||
During the day, the Israeli units stopped after obtaining manoeuvre room between their positions and a line of volcanic hills to the west. In some locations, Israeli troops advanced after an agreed-upon cease-fire<ref>{{Cite video |year=1960|title=Video: Cease-Fire. Uneasy Truce In Mid-East, 1967/06/13 (1967) |url=https://archive.org/details/1967-06-13_Cease-Fire|publisher=]|access-date=22 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130608035234/http://archive.org/details/1967-06-13_Cease-Fire |archive-date=8 June 2013|url-status=live}}</ref> to occupy strategically strong positions.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "Playing for the Brink"}} To the east, the ground terrain is an open gently sloping plain. This position later became the cease-fire line known as the "]". | |||
The Israeli decision was to be conveyed to the Arab nations by the United States. The US was informed of the decision, but not that it was to transmit it. There is no evidence of receipt from Egypt or Syria, and some historians claim that they may have never received the offer.<ref>Shlaim 2001, p. 254.</ref> | |||
'']'' magazine reported: "In an effort to pressure the United Nations into enforcing a ceasefire, Damascus Radio undercut its own army by broadcasting the fall of the city of ] three hours before it actually capitulated. That premature report of the surrender of their headquarters destroyed the morale of the Syrian troops left in the Golan area."<ref>{{Cite news |title=A Campaign for the Books |magazine=] |date=1 September 1967 |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,837237,00.html |access-date=22 July 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101015083148/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,837237,00.html |archive-date=15 October 2010 |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
In September, the ] resolved that there would be "no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel." However, as ] notes, the Khartoum conference effectively marked a shift in the perception of the conflict by the Arab states away from one centered on the question of Israel's legitimacy toward one focusing on territories and boundaries and this was underpinned on November 22 when Egypt and Jordan accepted United Nations Security Council ].<ref>Sela 1997, p. 108.</ref> | |||
== Conclusion == | |||
The June 19 Israeli cabinet decision did not include the ], and left open the possibility of Israel permanently acquiring parts of the ]. On June 25–27, Israel incorporated ] together with areas of the West Bank to the north and south into Jerusalem's new municipal boundaries. | |||
{{Main|Israeli Military Governorate|Israeli occupation of the West Bank}} | |||
{{Quote box | |||
| quote = A week ago, the fateful campaign began. The existence of the State of Israel hung in the balance, the hopes of generations, and the vision that was realised in our own time... During the fighting, our forces destroyed about 450 enemy planes and hundreds of tanks. The enemy forces were decisively defeated in battles. Many fled for their lives or were captured. For the first time since the establishment of the state, the threat to our security has been removed at once from the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem, the West Bank and the northern border. | |||
| source = – ], 12 June 1967 (Address to Israeli Parliament)<ref>{{harvp|Eshkol|1967|pp=39, 49}}</ref> | |||
| width = 33em | |||
}} | |||
] from 13 June about the war]] | |||
By 10 June, Israel had completed its final offensive in the Golan Heights, and a ] was signed the day after. Israel had seized the ], the ], the ] of the Jordan River (including East Jerusalem), and the ].<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Six-Day-War|title=Six-Day War – Middle East |access-date=26 September 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161001103230/https://www.britannica.com/event/Six-Day-War|archive-date=1 October 2016|url-status=live}}</ref> About one million Arabs were placed under Israel's direct control in the newly captured territories. Israel's strategic depth grew to at least 300 kilometers in the south, 60 kilometers in the east, and 20 kilometers of extremely rugged terrain in the north, a security asset that would prove useful in the ] six years later. | |||
Yet another aspect of the war touches on the population of the captured territories: of about one million Palestinians in the West Bank, 300,000 (according to the ]<ref>http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/3464.htm US State Department</ref>) fled to Jordan, where they contributed to the growing unrest. The other 600,000<ref>. Retrieved 17 July 2010.</ref> remained. In the Golan Heights, an estimated 80,000 Syrians fled.<ref>. Retrieved 8 October 2005.</ref> Only the inhabitants of East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights became entitled to receive full Israeli citizenship, as Israel applied its law, administration and jurisdiction to these territories in 1967 and 1981 respectively, and the vast majority in both territories declined to do so. See also ] and ]. | |||
Both Jordan and Egypt eventually withdrew their claims to the West Bank and Gaza (the Sinai was returned on the basis of ] of 1978 and the question of the Golan Heights is still being negotiated with Syria). After Israeli conquest of these newly acquired 'territories,' a large settlement effort was launched to secure Israel's permanent foothold. There are now hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers in these territories, though the Israeli settlements in Gaza were evacuated and destroyed in August 2005 as a part of ]. | |||
Speaking three weeks after the war ended, as he accepted an honorary degree from ], ] gave his reasoning behind the success of Israel: | |||
The 1967 War also laid the foundation for future discord in the region - as on November 22, 1967, the ] adopted ], the "]" formula, which called for Israeli withdrawal "from territories occupied" in 1967 and "the termination of all claims or states of belligerency." | |||
<blockquote>Our airmen, who struck the enemies' planes so accurately that no one in the world understands how it was done and people seek technological explanations or secret weapons; our armoured troops who beat the enemy even when their equipment was inferior to his; our soldiers in all other branches ... who overcame our enemies everywhere, despite the latter's superior numbers and fortifications—all these revealed not only coolness and courage in the battle but ... an understanding that only their personal stand against the greatest dangers would achieve victory for their country and for their families, and that if victory was not theirs the alternative was annihilation.{{Sfnp|Sachar|1976|p=660}}</blockquote> | |||
Some people have argued that the framers of Resolution 242 recognized that some territorial adjustments were likely, and therefore deliberately{{ref label|reference_name_I|j|none}} did not include words ''all'' or ''the'' in the official English language version of the text when referring to "territories occupied" during the war. <ref>For example, Yehuda Blum, "The Territorial Clauses of Security Council Resolution 242", Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (website accessed February 1, 2010). Blum is a former Israeli Ambassador to the U.N. and Professor Emeritus of International Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. http://www.jcpa.org/text/resolution242-blum.pdf</ref> However, the definite article is included in the French text of the resolution ("des territoires occupés"), which is equally authoritative as the English text. <ref>The concept that authorized texts in multiple languages are equally authentic is well founded in international law: "When a treaty has been authenticated in two or more languages, the text is equally authoritative in each language..." Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969 ; French is an official language of the United Nations and of the Security Council: "The present Charter, of which the Chinese, French, Russian, English, and Spanish texts are equally authentic...." U.N. Charter, Article 111 ; "Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish shall be both the official and the working languages of the Security Council." S/96/Rev.7, Provisional Rules of Procedure of the Security Council ; "Similar to Article 111 of the Charter of the United Nations which stipulates that 'the Chinese, French, Russian, English, and Spanish texts are equally authentic", the texts of constitutive acts of treaty-based organizations or the texts of treaties administrered by them have been signed in one or a given number of languages and such texts are considered as authentic texts." Implementation of Multilingualism in the United Nations System, Joing Inspection United, United Nations, 2003 ; "rom the strictly legal viewpoint, the French version of the resolution carries, in every respect, just as much weight as its English counterpart." Toribio de Valdes, The Authoritativeness of the English and French Texts of Security Council Resolution 242 (1967) on the Situation in the Middle East, The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 71, No. 2 (Apr., 1977), pp. 311-316 ; The French delegate at the U.N. Security Council meeting prior to the vote on resolution 242 observed, "We must admit, however, that on the point which the French delegation has always stressed as being essential--the question of withdrawal of the occupation forces--the resolution which has been adopted, if we refer to the French text which is equally authentic with the English, leaves no room for any ambiguity, since it speaks of withdrawal "des territoires occupés", which indisputably corresponds to the expression "occupied territories"."; U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk has acknowledged that "the French version ... is equally authentic" as the English, adding that the U.S. "never contemplated any significant grant of territory to Israel as a result of the June 1967 war." "As I Saw It", Dean and Richard Rusk, W.W. Norton, 1990, ISBN 0393026507, page 389</ref> The resolution recognized the right of "every state in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force." Israel returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1978, after the ], and disengaged from the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2005, though its army frequently re-enters Gaza for military operations and still retains control of border crossings, seaports and airports. | |||
In recognition of contributions, Rabin was given the honor of naming the war for the Israelis. From the suggestions proposed, including the "War of Daring", "War of Salvation", and "War of the Sons of Light", he "chose the least ostentatious, the Six-Day War, evoking the days of creation".{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "Aftershocks"}} | |||
The aftermath of the war is also of religious significance. Under ], Jews were effectively barred from visiting the ] (even though | |||
Article VIII of the ] demanded Israeli Jewish access to the Western Wall).<ref>Fact Sheet #52, Remembering the Six Day War. May 7, 2007. Accessed March 28, 2008. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/talking/52_Remembering67.html</ref> Jewish holy sites were not maintained, and their cemeteries had been desecrated. After the annexation to Israel, each religious group was granted administration over its holy sites. Despite the ]'s importance in Jewish tradition, the ] is under sole administration of a Muslim ], and Jews are barred from conducting services there.<ref>Bard 2002 (ch. 14 online).</ref> | |||
Dayan's final report on the war to the Israeli general staff listed several shortcomings in Israel's actions, including misinterpretation of Nasser's intentions, overdependence on the United States, and reluctance to act when Egypt closed the Straits. He also credited several factors for Israel's success: Egypt did not appreciate the advantage of striking first and their adversaries did not accurately gauge Israel's strength and its willingness to use it.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "Aftershocks"}} | |||
==Casualties== | |||
{{Main|Israeli casualties of war}} | |||
In Egypt, according to ], Nasser had admitted his responsibility for the military defeat in June 1967.<ref name="PodehWinckler2004p110" /> According to historian Abd al-Azim Ramadan, Nasser's mistaken decisions to expel the international peacekeeping force from the Sinai Peninsula and close the Straits of Tiran in 1967 led to a state of war with Israel, despite Egypt's lack of military preparedness.<ref name="PodehWinckler2004p105" /> | |||
Between 776<ref name="Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs">Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008</ref> and 983 Israelis were killed and 4,517 were wounded. 15 Israeli soldiers were captured. Arab casualties were far greater. Between 9,800<ref name="Gammasy p.79">El Gamasy 1993 p. 79</ref> and 15,000<ref name="Chaim Herzog 1982, p. 165">Herzog 1982, p. 165</ref> Egyptian soldiers were listed as killed, wounded or missing in action. An additional 4,338 Egyptian soldiers were captured.<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004">Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2004</ref> Jordanian losses were estimated to be as high as 6,000<ref name="Herzog p. 183">Herzog 1982, p. 183</ref> though Gawrych cites a number of some 700 killed in action with another 2,500 wounded.<ref name=Gawrych3>Gawrych 2000, p. 3</ref> An additional 533 Jordanians were captured.<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/> The Syrians were estimated to have sustained some 1,000 killed in action.<ref name="Randolph Churchill 1967, p. 189">Churchill & Churchill 1967, p. 189</ref> 367 Syrians were captured.<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/> | |||
After the 1973 ], Egypt reviewed the causes of its loss of the 1967 war. Issues that were identified included "the individualistic bureaucratic leadership"; "promotions on the basis of loyalty, not expertise, and the army's fear of telling Nasser the truth"; lack of intelligence; and better Israeli weapons, command, organization, and will to fight.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002e|loc=Section "Aftershocks"}} | |||
==Allegations of Egyptian atrocities against fellow Egyptians== | |||
=== Casualties === | |||
Following the war little remained of Egypt’s seven divisions deployed in Sinai. Thousands of Egyptian soldiers became stragglers and tried desperately to make their way westward toward the Canal Zone. Israel did not have the capacity to take them all prisoner and where possible, facilitated their movement toward the Canal where they would attempt to swim across. "However, one group (of Egyptian stragglers), as they were in mid-stream, were mown down by their own forces on the far side of the Canal with machine-guns."<ref>Churchill & Churchill 1967, pp. 179, 198.</ref> It has been suggested that Nasser did not want Egypt to learn of the true extent of his defeat and thus ordered the killing of survivors who tried to escape<ref name="Id @ pg 179">Churchill & Churchill 1967, p. 179.</ref> Other Egyptian survivors were transferred to Egypt at Qantara and once on the Egyptian side of the Canal, were herded into compounds where they were surrounded by barbed wire.<ref name="Id @ pg 179"/> Winston Churchill, the grandson of the famed former British Prime Minister, notes that Egyptian soldiers who succeeded in making their way back to Egypt, never made it home and instead were kept in cantonments, “to prevent the spread of despondency among the civil population.”<ref>Churchill & Churchill 1967 p. 198</ref> | |||
{{See also|Israeli casualties of war}} | |||
Between 776<ref name="Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs"/> and 983 Israelis were killed and 4,517 were wounded. Fifteen Israeli soldiers were captured. Arab casualties were far greater. Between 9,800<ref name="Gammasy p.79">El Gamasy 1993 p. 79</ref> and 15,000{{Sfnp|Herzog|1982|p=165}} Egyptian soldiers were listed as killed or missing in action. An additional 4,338 Egyptian soldiers were captured.<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/> Jordanian losses are estimated to be 700 killed in action with another 2,500 wounded.{{Sfnp|Gawrych|2000|p=3}}<ref name="tsdwb" /> The Syrians were estimated to have sustained between 1,000{{Sfnp|Churchill|Churchill|1967|p=189}} and 2,500{{Sfnp |Tucker|2010|p=}}<ref name="Sachar, 2013" /> killed in action. Between 367<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004"/> and 591<ref name="Woolf" /> Syrians were captured. | |||
==Allegations that the IDF killed Egyptian prisoners== | |||
After the war, a national debate ensued in Israel regarding allegations that soldiers killed unarmed Egyptians. A few soldiers said that they had witnessed the execution of unarmed prisoners. Gabby Bron, a journalist for '']'', said he had witnessed the execution of five Egyptian prisoners.<ref name="bron">Bron, Gabby , ''Yedioth Ahronoth'', 17 August 1995.</ref> ] said that he had witnessed the murder of three Egyptian POWs by a cook,<ref name="zohar">Bar-Zohar, Michael 'The Reactions of Journalists to the Army's Murders of POWs', ''Maariv'', 17 August 1995.</ref> and Meir Pa'il said that he knew of many instances in which soldiers had killed POWs or Arab civilians.<ref name="pows">Prior 1999, pp. 209–210; Bar-On, Morris and Golani 2002; Fisher, Ronal 'Mass Murder in the 1956 War', ''Ma'ariv'', 8 August 1995.</ref> ], an Israeli military historian, was reported<ref name="laub">Laub, Karin , ''Associated Press'', 16 August 1995. Retrieved from the Wayback Machine. 14 October 2005.</ref> as claiming that there were many incidents in the 1967 war in which Egyptian soldiers were killed by Israeli troops after they had raised their hands in surrender. "It was not an official policy, but there was an atmosphere that it was okay to do it," Milstein said. "Some commanders decided to do it; others refused. But everyone knew about it."<ref name="post">"Israel Reportedly Killed POWs", 17 August 1995</ref> Allegations that Egyptian soldiers fleeing into the desert were shot were confirmed in reports written after the war. Israeli historian and journalist Tom Segev, in his book "1967", quotes one soldier who wrote, "our soldiers were sent to scout out groups of men fleeing and shoot them. That was the order, and it was done while they were really trying to escape".<ref>Segev, T., 2007, p. 374</ref> | |||
Casualties were also suffered by ], the ] that was stationed on the Egyptian side of the border. In three different episodes, Israeli forces attacked a UNEF convoy, camps in which UNEF personnel were concentrated and the UNEF headquarters in ],<ref name=":0" /> resulting in one Brazilian peacekeeper and 14 Indian officials killed by Israeli forces, with an additional seventeen peacekeepers wounded in both contingents.<ref name=":0" /> | |||
According to a '']'' report of September 21, 1995, the Egyptian government announced that it had discovered two shallow mass graves in the Sinai at El Arish containing the remains of 30 to 60 Egyptian prisoners allegedly shot by Israeli soldiers during the 1967 war. Israel responded by sending ], a Deputy Foreign Minister, to Egypt to discuss the matter. During his visit, Dayan offered compensation to the families of victims, but explained that Israel was unable to pursue those responsible owing to its 20-year ]. The Israeli Ambassador to Cairo, David Sultan, asked to be relieved of his post after the Egyptian daily ''Al Shaab'' said he was personally responsible for the killing of 100 Egyptian prisoners, although both the Israeli Embassy and Foreign Ministry denied the charge and said that it was not even clear that Sultan had served in the military.<ref name="nytimes21sep">Ibrahim, Youssef 'Egypt Says Israelis Killed P.O.W.'s in '67 War', ''New York Times'', 21 September 1995.</ref> | |||
== Controversies == | |||
Capt. Milovan Zorc and Miobor Stosic, a military liaison official, who were members of the Yugoslav Reconnaissance Battalion that formed part of the 3,400-strong UNEF deployed as a buffer between Egypt and Israel and witnessed the war, have cast doubt on claims that Israel executed Egyptian prisoners of war in the area where they were stationed. They said that if an Israeli unit had killed some 250 POWs near the Egyptian town of el-Arish, they would likely have come to know about it.<ref> by AP. ''Jerusalem Post'', March 29, 2007. Accessed 17 July 2010.</ref> | |||
{{Main|Controversies relating to the Six-Day War}} | |||
=== Preventative war vs war of aggression === | |||
Declassified IDF documents show that on June 11, 1967, the operations branch of the general staff felt it necessary to issue new orders concerning the treatment of prisoners. The order read: "Since existing orders are contradictory, here are binding instructions. a) Soldiers and civilians who give themselves up are not to be hurt in any way. b) Soldiers and civilians who carry a weapon and do not surrender will be killed... Soldiers who are caught disobeying this order by killing prisoners will be punished severely. Make sure this order is brought to the attention of all IDF soldiers".<ref name="bowen276">Bowen 2003, p. 276 (quoting IDF 100/438/1969 order issued 11 June 1967 at 2310, sent to all three territorial commands, to G1 branch and some other departments of the General Staff).</ref> | |||
{{Further|Preemptive war}} | |||
At the commencement of hostilities, both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.<ref name=Quigley2005p163>{{Cite book|last=Quigley |first=John |title=The Case for Palestine: An International Law Perspective|url=https://archive.org/details/caseforpalestine00quig|url-access=limited|year=2005|publisher=Duke University Press|location=London|isbn=978-0-8223-3539-9|page=}}</ref> The Israeli government later abandoned its initial position, acknowledging Israel had struck first, claiming that it was a preemptive strike in the face of a planned invasion by Egypt.<ref name=Quigley2005p163/><ref name="BBC Panorama">{{Cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/panorama/hi/front_page/newsid_7875000/7875655.stm |title=BBC Panorama |work=] |date=6 February 2009 |access-date=1 February 2012 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110512172600/http://news.bbc.co.uk/panorama/hi/front_page/newsid_7875000/7875655.stm |archive-date=12 May 2011}}</ref> The Arab view was that it was unjustified to attack Egypt.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.sis.gov.eg/En/Story.aspx?sid=1662 |title=Egypt State Information Service |publisher=Sis.gov.eg |access-date=1 February 2012 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120123054519/http://www.sis.gov.eg/En/Story.aspx?sid=1662 |archive-date=23 January 2012}}</ref><ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110319194348/http://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/9a798adbf322aff38525617b006d88d7/cd0beba6a1e28eff0525672800567b2c?OpenDocument |date=19 March 2011 }} (5 June 1967)</ref> Many scholars consider the war a case of preventative war as a form of self-defense.<ref name="Szabo2011p147" /><ref>{{harvp|Quigley|2013|pp=}}. "Terence Taylor wrote in 2004...that 'many scholars' considered Israel to have 'conducted the (1967) action in anticipatory of self-defense'."</ref> The war has been assessed by others as a war of aggression.<ref>{{cite journal |author=Olson, R. W. |date=2013 |title=Quigley, John. The Six-Day War and Israeli self-defense: questioning the legal basis for preventive war |journal=Choice |volume=50 |issue=12 |pages=2312–2313 |url=https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=LitRC&u=anon~80f33a6c&id=GALE%7CA338216958&v=2.1&it=r&sid=googleScholar&asid=9c6a30eb |access-date=14 December 2023 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517182627/https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=LitRC&u=anon~80f33a6c&id=GALE%7CA338216958&v=2.1&it=r&sid=googleScholar&asid=9c6a30eb |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
According to Israeli sources, 4,338 Egyptian soldiers were taken captive by IDF. 11 Israeli soldiers were taken captive by Egyptian forces. POW exchanges were completed on January 23, 1968.<ref name="exchanges">. Retrieved 14 October 2004.</ref> | |||
=== Allegations of atrocities committed against Egyptian soldiers === | |||
==Combat support== | |||
It has been alleged that Nasser did not want Egypt to learn of the true extent of his defeat and so ordered the killing of Egyptian army stragglers making their way back to the Suez canal zone.{{Sfnp|Churchill |Churchill|1967 |p=179}} There have also been allegations from both Israeli and Egyptian sources that Israeli troops killed unarmed Egyptian prisoners.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Bron |first=Gabby |title=Mass Graves |website=umassd.edu |url=http://www.umassd.edu/specialprograms/mideastaffairs/witness2.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070219220611/http://www.umassd.edu/specialprograms/mideastaffairs/witness2.htm |archive-date=19 February 2007}}</ref><ref>Bar-Zohar, Michael 'The Reactions of Journalists to the Army's Murders of POWs', ''Maariv'', 17 August 1995.</ref>{{Sfnp|Prior|1999|pp=209–210}}{{Sfnp|Bar-On|Morris|Golani|2002|p=}}{{Sfnp|Segev|2007|p=374}}<ref>Fisher, Ronal 'Mass Murder in the 1956 War', ''Ma'ariv'', 8 August 1995.</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Laub |first=Karin |title=Historians: Israeli troops killed many Egyptian POWs |url=https://apnews.com/article/25ac46caafc811c70c9367f04ef136fb |access-date=2021-12-24 |website=AP News |date=16 August 1995 |archive-date=8 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220608203246/https://apnews.com/article/25ac46caafc811c70c9367f04ef136fb |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |title=Israel Reportedly Killed POWs in '67 War |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1995/08/17/israel-reportedly-killed-pows-in-67-war/ddf09333-2556-4c4a-b928-6a4614e31ab0/ |access-date=2021-12-24 |newspaper=The Washington Post}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |author=Ibrahim, Youssef |title=Egypt Says Israelis Killed P.O.W.'s in '67 War |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1995/09/21/world/egypt-says-israelis-killed-pow-s-in-67-war.html |work=The New York Times |date=21 September 1995 |access-date=12 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170121001047/http://www.nytimes.com/1995/09/21/world/egypt-says-israelis-killed-pow-s-in-67-war.html |archive-date=21 January 2017 |url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
=== Allegations of military support from the US, UK and Soviet Union === | |||
According to George Lenczowski, as early as May 23, President Johnson secretly authorized supplying Israel by air with a variety of arms systems, even when an embargo on weapons shipments was placed on the Middle East.<ref>Mansour 1994, p. 89</ref> | |||
There have been allegations of direct military support of Israel during the war by the US and the UK, including the supply of equipment (despite an embargo) and the participation of US forces in the conflict.{{Sfnp|Mansour|1994|p=89}}{{Sfnp|Green|1984|p={{page needed|date=December 2021}}}}<ref>{{Cite news |title=Envoys Say Nasser Now Concedes U.S. Didn't Help Israel |work=The New York Times |last=Smith |first=Hedrick |date=15 September 1967 |at=p. 1, col. 5, p. 3, col. 1}}</ref>{{Sfnp|Bowen|2003|p=89}}{{Sfnp|Phythian|2001|pp=193–194}} Many of these allegations and ]{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|pp=8, 53, 60, 75, 193, 199, 297}} have been disputed and it has been claimed that some were given currency in the Arab world to explain the Arab defeat.{{Sfnp|Podeh|Winckler|2004|pp=51–62}} | |||
It has also been claimed that the Soviet Union, in support of its Arab allies, used its naval strength in the Mediterranean to act as a major restraint on the US Navy.{{Sfnp|Hattendorf|2000|p={{page needed|date=December 2021}}}}<ref name="bg1983">{{Cite news |url=https://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/boston/access/663999751.html?FMT=ABS&date=Sep%2016,%201983 |title=McNamara: US Near War in '67 |date=16 September 1983 |work=The Boston Globe |page=1 |access-date=7 July 2017 |via=The Boston Globe Archive |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130324193751/http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/boston/access/663999751.html?FMT=ABS&date=Sep%2016,%201983 |archive-date=24 March 2013}}</ref> | |||
America features prominently in Arab conspiracy theories purporting to explain the June 1967 defeat. ], a confidant of Nasser, claims that President ] was obsessed with Nasser and that Johnson conspired with Israel to bring him down.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|p=8}} The reported Israeli troop movements seemed all the more threatening because they were perceived in the context of a US conspiracy against Egypt. Salah Bassiouny of the Foreign Ministry, claims that Foreign Ministry saw the reported Israeli troop movements as credible because Israel had reached the level at which it could find strategic alliance with the United States.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|p=60}} | |||
Stephen Green wrote in his book that the United States sent reconnaissance aircraft to track nighttime movement of Egyptian ground forces in order to facilitate daytime Israeli air attacks that proved important for Israel's advances.<ref>Green 1984</ref> ] disputes this and suggests that it is a hoax, based on the questionable testimony of a single man.<ref name="parker">Parker 1997</ref> | |||
During the war, Cairo announced that American and British planes were participating in the Israeli attack. Nasser broke off diplomatic relations following this allegation. Nasser's image of the United States was such that he might well have believed the worst. ] implied that Nasser used this deliberate conspiracy in order to accuse the United States as a political cover-up for domestic consumption.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|p=75}} Lutfi Abd al-Qadir, the director of ] during the late 1960s, who accompanied Nasser to his visits in Moscow, had his conspiracy theory that both the Soviets and the Western powers wanted to topple Nasser or to reduce his influence.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|Louis|2012|p=199}} | |||
On the second day of the war, Arab state-run media reported that American and British troops were fighting on Israel's side. Radio Cairo and the government newspaper '']'' made a number of claims, among them: that U.S. and British carrier-based aircraft flew sorties against the Egyptians; that U.S. aircraft based in ]-] attacked Egypt; and that American spy satellites provided imagery to Israel. ], the chief of “Al-Ahram” in the Nasserite period, repeated similar claims at ] channel. Later, Muammar al-Gaddafi's Libyan government confirmed these claims also only to get a pretext for the coup that took place on 1 September 1969. The governments of ] and ] made little effort to either confirm or deny these claims. Similar reports were aired by Radio Damascus and Radio Amman. Egyptian media even said that King Hussein had personally seen radar observations showing British aircraft taking off from aircraft carriers. | |||
=== USS ''Liberty'' incident === | |||
Outside of the Arab world, claims of American and British military intervention were not taken seriously. Britain, the U.S. and Israel denied these allegations. On June 8, Egyptian credibility was further damaged when Israel released an audio recording to the press, which they said was a radio-telephone conversation intercepted two days earlier between Nasser and King Hussein of Jordan.<ref name=tape>"Israelis say tape", 9 June 1967.</ref> | |||
{{Main|USS Liberty incident}} | |||
On 8 June 1967, ], a ] ] vessel sailing {{convert|13|nmi|km}} off ] (just outside Egypt's ]), was attacked by Israeli jets and torpedo boats, nearly sinking the ship, killing 34 sailors and wounding 171. Israel said the attack was a case of mistaken identity, and that the ship had been misidentified as the Egyptian vessel ''El Quseir''. Israel apologized for the mistake and paid compensation to the victims or their families, and to the United States for damage to the ship. After an investigation, the U.S. accepted the explanation that the incident was an accident and the issue was closed by the exchange of diplomatic notes in 1987. Others, including the then ] ] and ] ], some survivors of the attack, and intelligence officials familiar with transcripts of intercepted signals on the day, have rejected these conclusions as unsatisfactory and maintain that the attack was made in the knowledge that the ship was American.<ref>{{Cite news |author=John Crewdson |date=2 October 2007 |title=New revelations in attack on American spy ship |url=http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-liberty_tuesoct02,0,66005.story |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071011020947/http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-liberty_tuesoct02,0,66005.story |archive-date=11 October 2007 |work=] |access-date=26 September 2014 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>Tim Fischer, ({{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171010074006/http://www.theage.com.au/news/opinion/six-days-of-war-40-years-of-secrecy/2007/05/26/1179601730257.html%26rct%3Dj%26frm%3D1%26q%3D%26esrc%3Ds |date=10 October 2017}}). '']'', 27 May 2007.</ref><ref>{{harvp|Quigley|2013|p=}} Cf. ], ''As I Saw it: A Secretary of State's Memoirs'', W. W. Norton, 1990, pp. 386–388.</ref> | |||
{{Quote|Nasser: ...Shall we include also the United States? Do you know of this, shall we announce that the U.S. is cooperating with Israel? | |||
<br />Hussein: Hello. I do not hear, the connection is the worst - the line between you and the palace of the King from which the King is speaking is bad. | |||
<br />Nasser: Hello, will we say the U.S. and England or just the U.S.? | |||
<br />Hussein: The U.S. and England. | |||
<br />Nasser: Does Britain have aircraft carriers? | |||
<br />Hussein: (Answer unintelligible). | |||
<br />Nasser: Good. King Hussein will make an announcement and I will make an announcement. Thank you... Will his Majesty make an announcement on the participation of Americans and the British? | |||
<br />Hussein: (Answer unintelligible). | |||
<br />Nasser: By God, I say that I will make an announcement and you will make an announcement and we will see to it that the Syrians will make an announcement that American and British airplanes are taking part against us from aircraft carriers. We will issue an announcement, we will stress the matter and we will drive the point home.}} | |||
== Aftermath == | |||
In the immediate aftermath of the war, as the extent of the Arab military defeat became apparent, Arab leaders differed on whether to continue to assert that the American military had assisted the Israeli victory. On June 9, 1967, Nasser stated in his resignation speech (his resignation was not accepted): | |||
] | |||
The political importance of the 1967 War was immense. Israel demonstrated again that it was able and willing to initiate strategic strikes that could change the regional balance. Egypt and Syria learned tactical lessons and would ] in an attempt to reclaim their lost territories.{{Sfnp|Brams|Togman|1998|p=243}}{{Sfnp|Youngs|2001|p=12}} | |||
After following other Arab nations in declaring war, ] remained in a ] with Israel until about 1999.<ref>, ''In Bed with Phillip''. {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150802023927/http://www.abc.net.au/rn/features/inbedwithphillip/episodes/151-amos-oz/ |date=2 August 2015}}. 10 September 1991, re-broadcast on ] 23 December 2011.</ref> The United States imposed an embargo on new arms agreements to all Middle East countries, including Israel. The embargo remained in force until the end of 1967, despite urgent Israeli requests to lift it.<ref name="Quandt2001p43" /> | |||
{{quote|What is now established is that American and British aircraft carriers were off the shores of the enemy helping his war effort. Also, British aircraft raided, in broad daylight, positions of the Syrian and Egyptian fronts, in addition to operations by a number of American aircraft reconnoitering some of our positions... Indeed, it can be said without exaggeration that the enemy was operating with an air force three times stronger than his normal force.}} | |||
===Exodus of Arabs from Israeli-occupied territories=== | |||
King Hussein, however, later denied the allegations of American military support. On June 30, he announced in New York that he was "perfectly satisfied" that "no American planes took part, or any British planes either".<ref name=envoys>Smith, 15 Sep. 1967</ref> In September, '']'' reported that Nasser had privately assured Arab leaders, gathered in Sudan to discuss the ], that his earlier claims were false.<ref name=envoys/> | |||
] | |||
{{Main|1967 Palestinian exodus}} | |||
There was extensive displacement of populations in the occupied territories: of about one million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, 280,000 to 325,000 were displaced from their homes.{{Sfnp|Bowker|2003|p=81}} Most of them settled in Jordan.<ref>{{Cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3629923.stm |title=Right of return: Palestinian dream |work=BBC News |date=15 April 2004 |access-date=25 October 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110512172604/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3629923.stm |archive-date=12 May 2011 |url-status=live }}.</ref> The other 700,000<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/www.thejerusalemfund.org/carryover/stats/dist_pop_67.html |title=Distribution of the Palestinian Population And Jewish Settlers in the West Bank and Gaza Since 1967 |access-date=17 July 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100514174927/http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/www.thejerusalemfund.org/carryover/stats/dist_pop_67.html |archive-date=14 May 2010 }}</ref> remained. In the Golan Heights, over 100,000 fled.<ref name=McDowall_p64/> Israel allowed only the inhabitants of East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights to receive full Israeli citizenship, applying its law, administration and jurisdiction to these territories in 1967 and 1981, respectively. The vast majority of the populations in both territories declined to take citizenship. See also ] and ]. | |||
In his book ''Righteous Victims'' (1999), Israeli "]" ] writes: | |||
Nonetheless, these allegations, that the Arabs were fighting the Americans and British rather than Israel alone, took hold in the Arab world. As reported by the British Representative in ], Saudi Arabia, a country at odds with Egypt as a result of the Yemen war: | |||
{{Blockquote|In three villages southwest of Jerusalem and at Qalqilya, houses were destroyed "not in battle, but as punishment ... and in order to chase away the inhabitants ... contrary to government ... policy," Dayan wrote in his memoirs. In Qalqilya, about a third of the homes were razed and about 12,000 inhabitants were evicted, though many then camped out in the environs. The evictees in both areas were allowed to stay and later were given cement and tools by the Israeli authorities to rebuild at least some of their dwellings. | |||
<blockquote>President Abdel Nasser's allegation ... is firmly believed by almost the whole Arab population here who listen to the radio or read the press ... Our broadcast denials are little heard and just not believed. The denials we have issued to the broadcasting service and press have not been published. Even highly educated persons basically friendly to us seem convinced that the allegations are true. Senior foreign ministry officials who received my formal written and oral denials profess to believe them but nevertheless appear skeptical. I consider that this allegation has seriously damaged our reputation in the Arab world more than anything else and has caused a wave of suspicion or feeling against us which will persist in some underlying form for the foreseeable future ... Further denials or attempts at local publicity by us will not dispel this belief and may now only exacerbate local feeling since the Arabs are understandably sensitive to their defeat with a sense of humiliation and resent self-justification by us who in their eyes helped their enemy to bring this about.</blockquote> | |||
But many thousands of other Palestinians now took to the roads. Perhaps as many as seventy thousand, mostly from the Jericho area, fled during the fighting; tens of thousands more left over the following months. Altogether, about one-quarter of the population of the West Bank, about 200–250,000 people, went into exile. ... They simply walked to the Jordan River crossings and made their way on foot to the East Bank. It is unclear how many were intimidated or forced out by the Israeli troops and how many left voluntarily, in panic and fear. There is some evidence of IDF soldiers going around with loudspeakers ordering West Bankers to leave their homes and cross the Jordan. Some left because they had relatives or sources of livelihood on the East Bank and feared being permanently cut off. | |||
Well after the end of the war, the Egyptian government and its newspapers continued to make claims of collusion between Israel, the United Kingdom and the United States. These included a series of weekly articles in ''Al-Ahram'', simultaneously broadcast on Radio Cairo by ]. Heikal attempted to uncover the "secrets" of the war. He presented a blend of facts, documents, and interpretations. Heikal's conclusion was clear-cut: there was a secret U.S.-Israeli collusion against Syria and Egypt. | |||
Thousands of Arabs were taken by bus from East Jerusalem to the ], though there is no evidence of coercion. The free Israeli-organized transportation, which began on June 11, 1967, went on for about a month. At the bridge, they had to sign a document stating that they were leaving of their own free will. Perhaps as many as 70,000 people emigrated from the Gaza Strip to Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world. | |||
According to Israeli historian Elie Podeh: "All post-1967 history textbooks repeated the claim that Israel launched the war with the support of Britain and the United States. The narrative also established a direct link between the 1967 war and former imperialist attempts to control the Arab world, thus portraying Israel as an imperialist stooge. The repetition of this fabricated story, with only minor variations, in all history school textbooks means that all Egyptian schoolchildren have been exposed to, and indoctrinated with, the collusion story." The following example comes from the textbook ''Al-Wisam fi at-Ta'rikh'': | |||
On July 2, the Israeli government announced that it would allow the return of those 1967 refugees who desired to do so, but no later than August 10, later extended to September 13. The Jordanian authorities probably pressured many of the refugees, who constituted an enormous burden, to sign up to return. In practice only 14,000 of the 120,000 who applied were allowed by Israel back into the West Bank by the beginning of September. After that, only a trickle of "special cases" were allowed back, perhaps 3,000 in all. (328–29)}} | |||
<blockquote>The United States' role: Israel was not (fighting) on its own in the (1967) war. Hundreds of volunteers, pilots, and military officers with American scientific spying equipment of the most advanced type photographed the Egyptian posts for it (Israel), jammed the Egyptian defense equipment, and transmitted to it the orders of the Egyptian command.<ref>al-Qusi 1999, p. 284.</ref></blockquote> | |||
In addition, between 80,000 and 110,000 Syrians fled the Golan Heights,{{Sfnp|Morris|2001|p=327}} of which about 20,000 were from the city of Quneitra.<ref>{{Cite encyclopedia |title=Al-Qunayṭirah |year=2010 |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/487614/al-Qunaytirah |access-date=18 July 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100927074414/http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/487614/al-Qunaytirah |archive-date=27 September 2010 |url-status=live |encyclopedia=] Online}}</ref> According to more recent research by the Israeli daily '']'', a total of 130,000 Syrian inhabitants fled or were expelled from the territory, most of them pushed out by the Israeli army.<ref>Shay Fogelman, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100919203211/http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/magazine/the-disinherited-1.304959 |date=19 September 2010 }}, ''Haaretz'', 30 July 2010</ref> | |||
In '']'', historian ] argues that the Arab leadership spread false claims about American involvement in order to secure Soviet support for the Arab side.<ref name="oren216">Oren 2002, pp. 216–218.</ref> After the war, as the extent of the Israeli victory became apparent to the Arab public, these claims helped deflect blame for the defeat away from Nasser and other Arab leaders. In reaction to these claims, Arab oil-producing countries announced either an oil embargo on the United States and Britain or suspended oil exports altogether. | |||
=== Israel and Zionism === | |||
Six Arab countries broke off diplomatic relations with the United States, and Lebanon withdrew its Ambassador.<ref>Smith 14 June 1967, p. 16</ref> More broadly, the Six Day war hastened the process of anti-American radicalization in the Middle East, a process expressed by the growth of both leftist and religious-fundamentalist movements and their increased resort to terrorism as a weapon in their anti-American struggle. In fact, it transcended the Arab countries and spread to Iran, Pakistan and the Third World, whose delegates at the UN began adopting increasingly critical posture toward America.<ref>Lenczowski 1990, p. 113</ref> | |||
Following the war, Israel experienced a wave of national euphoria, and the press praised the military's performance for weeks afterwards. New "victory coins" were minted to celebrate. In addition, the world's interest in Israel grew, and the country's economy, which had been in crisis before the war, flourished due to an influx of tourists and donations, as well as the extraction of oil from the Sinai's wells.{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=309}} The aftermath of the war also saw a ], which lasted for four years.<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.haaretz.com/news/hmo-data-show-lebanon-war-triggered-baby-boom-in-israel-1.214803 |title=HMO Data Show Lebanon War Triggered Baby Boom in Israel |agency=Reuters |date=6 March 2007 |newspaper=Haaretz |access-date=7 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171008030646/https://www.haaretz.com/news/hmo-data-show-lebanon-war-triggered-baby-boom-in-israel-1.214803 |archive-date=8 October 2017 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
The aftermath of the war is also of religious significance. Under ], Jews were expelled from Jerusalem and were effectively barred from visiting the ], despite Article VIII of the ] which required making arrangements for Israeli Jewish access to the Western Wall.{{Sfnp|Tessler|1994|p=}} Jewish holy sites were not maintained, and Jewish cemeteries had been desecrated. After the annexation to Israel, each religious group was granted administration over its holy sites. For the first time since 1948, Jews could visit the Old City of Jerusalem and pray at the Western Wall, the holiest site where Jews are permitted to pray, an event celebrated every year during ].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Aikman |first=David |title=Great Souls: Six Who Changed a Century |publisher=Lexington Books |year=1998 |page= |isbn=978-0-7391-0438-5 |url=https://archive.org/details/greatsouls00davi/page/349}}</ref> | |||
A British guidance telegram to Middle East posts concluded: "The Arabs' reluctance to disbelieve all versions of the big lie springs in part from a need to believe that the Israelis could not have defeated them so thoroughly without outside assistance."<ref>Podeh 2004</ref> | |||
Despite the ] where the ] compound is located being the most important holy site in Jewish tradition, it has been under sole administration of the Jordanian Muslim ], and Jews are barred from praying there, although they are allowed to visit.<ref> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141114150044/http://jcpa.org/article/status-quo-on-temple-mount/ |date=14 November 2014}} November–December 2014</ref><ref> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141116165531/http://www.timesofisrael.com/jerusalem-in-the-unholy-grip-of-religious-fervor/ |date=16 November 2014}}, '']''. 6 November 2014</ref> In Hebron, Jews gained access to the ] – the second-most holy site in Judaism, after the Temple Mount – for the first time since the 14th century (previously Jews were allowed to pray only at the entrance).<ref> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150318073338/http://www.chabad.org/special/israel/points_of_interest_cdo/aid/588225/jewish/Cave-of-the-Patriarchs.htm |date=18 March 2015}} Chabad.org</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Al Tahhan |first=Zena |date=12 April 2023 |title=Who are the Jewish groups entering the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound? |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/4/12/who-are-jewish-groups-entering-al-aqsa-mosque |access-date=23 December 2023 |website=] |archive-date=23 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231223045834/https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/4/12/who-are-jewish-groups-entering-al-aqsa-mosque |url-status=live }}</ref> Other Jewish holy sites, such as ] in ] and ] in ], also became accessible.<ref>{{Cite book |author=Tom Selwyn |title=Contested Mediterranean Spaces: The Case of Rachel's Tomb, Bethlehem, Palestine |publisher=] |pages=276–278}}</ref> | |||
==Non-combat support== | |||
] was in service with the ], in 1967]] | |||
In a 1993 interview for the ] oral history archives, ] ] revealed that a ], the ], on a training exercise near ] was re-positioned towards the eastern ] to be able to defend Israel. The administration "thought the situation was so tense in Israel that perhaps the Syrians, fearing Israel would attack them, or the Russians supporting the Syrians might wish to redress the balance of power and might attack Israel". The Soviets learned of this deployment, which they regarded as offensive in nature, and, in a hotline message from Soviet Premier ], threatened the United States with war.<ref name="oralhistory">Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, 1994</ref> | |||
The war inspired the ], which was swept up in overwhelming support for Israel. According to ], the war enabled American Jews to "walk with their backs straight and flex their political muscle as never before. American Jewish organizations which had previously kept Israel at arms length suddenly proclaimed their Zionism."{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=332}} Thousands of Jewish immigrants arrived from Western countries such as the ], ], ], ] and ] after the war. Many of them returned to their countries of origin after a few years; one survey found that 58% of American Jews who immigrated to Israel between 1961 and 1972 returned to the United States. Nevertheless, immigration to Israel of Jews from Western countries, which was previously only a trickle, was a significant force for the first time.<ref> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171008030931/http://www.haaretz.com/misc/haaretzcomsmartphoneapp/dailybrief/.premium-1.636848 |date=8 October 2017}} Judy Maltz, 13 January 2015. haaretz.com</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/anglo-file/the-40th-anniversary-of-the-six-day-war-rate-of-return-1.221976 |title=The 40th anniversary of the Six-Day War / Rate of return |date=1 June 2007 |work=Haaretz |access-date=10 October 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141110224025/http://www.haaretz.com/weekend/anglo-file/the-40th-anniversary-of-the-six-day-war-rate-of-return-1.221976 |archive-date=10 November 2014 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
The Soviet Union supported its Arab allies.<ref>"Mediterranean Eskadra", 2000</ref> In May 1967, the Soviets started a surge deployment of their naval forces into the East Mediterranean. Early in the crisis they began to shadow the US and British carriers with destroyers and intelligence collecting vessels. The Soviet naval squadron in the Mediterranean was sufficiently strong to act as a major restraint on the U.S. Navy.<ref>Hattendorf 2000</ref> In a 1983 interview with the '']'', McNamara said that "We damn near had war". He said Kosygin was angry that "we had turned around a carrier in the Mediterranean".<ref name="bg1983">''McNamara: Us Near War in <nowiki>'</nowiki>67'', 1983.</ref> | |||
Most notably, the war stirred Zionist passions among Jews in the ], who had by that time been forcibly assimilated. Many Soviet Jews subsequently applied for exit visas and began protesting for their right to immigrate to Israel. Following diplomatic pressure from the West, the Soviet government began granting exit visas to Jews in growing numbers. From 1970 to 1988, ], of whom 165,000 immigrated to Israel and 126,000 immigrated to the United States.<ref>Tolts, Mark. {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131105203728/http://bjpa.org/Publications/downloadPublication.cfm?PublicationID=11924 |date=5 November 2013}}</ref> The great rise in Jewish pride in the wake of Israel's victory also fueled the beginnings of the ], the return of secular Jews to religious Judaism.<ref>{{Cite web |publisher=www.wherewhatwhen.com |title=''The Miracle of '67: Forty Years Since the Six-Day War'' (Rabbi Moshe Goldstein) 2007 |url=http://www.wherewhatwhen.com/read_articles.asp?id=342 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071212195151/http://www.wherewhatwhen.com/read_articles.asp?id=342 |archive-date=12 December 2007}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1984/09/30/magazine/american-jews-rediscover-orthodoxy.html?pagewanted=all |title=American Jews rediscover orthodoxy |date=30 September 1984 |access-date=9 October 2017 |newspaper=The New York Times |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171010055724/http://www.nytimes.com/1984/09/30/magazine/american-jews-rediscover-orthodoxy.html?pagewanted=all |archive-date=10 October 2017 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Aiken |first=Lisa |title=The Baal Teshuva Survival Guide |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Btma22BvWEoC&q=six-day+war+baal+teshuva&pg=PR7 |publisher=Rossi Publications |year=2009 |isbn=978-0-9779629-3-8 |access-date=20 October 2020 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180331/https://books.google.com/books?id=Btma22BvWEoC&q=six-day+war+baal+teshuva&pg=PR7#v=snippet&q=six-day%20war%20baal%20teshuva&f=false |url-status=live }}</ref> The war gave impetus to a campaign in which the ] of the hasidic ] movement directed his male followers around the world to wear ] (small leather boxes) during morning prayers.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Hundert |first=Gershon David |title=Essential Papers on Hasidism |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yzsTCgAAQBAJ&q=Six-Day+War+tefillin+campaign&pg=PA526 |publisher=New York University Press |year=1991 |page=526 |isbn=978-0-8147-3470-4 |access-date=20 October 2020 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180333/https://books.google.com/books?id=yzsTCgAAQBAJ&q=Six-Day+War+tefillin+campaign&pg=PA526#v=snippet&q=Six-Day%20War%20tefillin%20campaign&f=false |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last1=Heilman |first1=Samuel |last2=Friedman |first2=Menachem |title=The Rebbe: The Life and Afterlife of Menachem Mendel Schneerson |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VWH51mqdpi8C&q=Six-Day+War+tefillin+campaign&pg=PA184 |publisher=Princeton University Press |year=2012 |page=184 |isbn=978-0-691-13888-6 |access-date=20 October 2020 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180332/https://books.google.com/books?id=VWH51mqdpi8C&q=Six-Day+War+tefillin+campaign&pg=PA184#v=snippet&q=Six-Day%20War%20tefillin%20campaign&f=false |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
In his book ''Six Days,'' veteran ] journalist ] claims that on June 4, 1967, the Israeli ship ''Miryam'' left ] with cases of machine guns, 105 mm tank shells, and armored vehicles in "the latest of many consignments of arms that had been sent secretly to Israel from British and American reserves since the crisis started" and that "Israeli transport planes had been running a 'shuttle service' in and out of ] in ]". Bowen claims that ] had written to Eshkol saying that he was glad to help as long as the utmost secrecy was maintained.<ref name="bowen89">Bowen 2003, p. 89.</ref><ref name="phythian193">Phythian 2001, pp. 193–194.</ref> | |||
=== Jews in Arab countries === | |||
==Displaced populations== | |||
{{Main|Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim countries}} | |||
===Arab=== | |||
In his book ''Righteous Victims'', Israeli "]" ] writes: | |||
In the Arab nations, populations of minority Jews faced persecution and expulsion following the Israeli victory, contributing to the ], which had been ongoing since 1948. As a result, Jewish populations in Arab countries further diminished as many Jews emigrated to Israel and other Western countries. According to historian and ambassador ]:{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|pp=306–307}} | |||
<blockquote>In three villages southwest of Jerusalem and at Qalqilya, houses were destroyed "not in battle, but as punishment ... and in order to chase away the inhabitants ... ---contrary to government...policy," Dayan wrote in his memoirs. In Qalqilya, about a third of the homes were razed and about 12,000 inhabitants were evicted, though many then camped out in the environs. The evictees in both areas were allowed to stay and later were given cement and tools by the Israeli authorities to rebuild at least some of their dwellings. | |||
<blockquote>Mobs attacked Jewish neighborhoods in Egypt, Yemen, Lebanon, Tunisia, and Morocco, burning synagogues and assaulting residents. A ], left 18 Jews dead and 25 injured; the survivors were herded into detention centers. Of Egypt's 4,000 Jews, 800 were arrested, including the chief rabbis of both ] and ], and their property sequestered by the government. The ancient communities of ] and ] were placed under house arrest, their leaders imprisoned and fined. A total of 7,000 Jews were expelled, many with merely a satchel.</blockquote> | |||
But many thousands of other Palestinians now took to the roads. Perhaps as many as seventy thousand, mostly from the Jericho area, fled during the fighting; tens of thousands more left over the following months. Altogether, about one-quarter of the population of the West Bank, about 200-250,000 people, went into exile. ... They simply walked to the Jordan River crossings and made their way on foot to the East Bank. It is unclear how many were intimidated or forced out by the Israeli troops and how many left voluntarily, in panic and fear. There is some evidence of IDF soldiers going around with loudspeakers ordering West Bankers to leave their homes and cross the Jordan. Some left because they had relatives or sources of livelihood on the East Bank and feared being permanently cut off. | |||
=== Antisemitism in Communist countries === | |||
Thousands of Arabs were taken by bus from East Jerusalem to the Allenby bridge, though there is no evidence of coercion. The free Israeli-organized transportation, which began on June 11, 1967, went on for about a month. At the bridge they had to sign a document stating that they were leaving of their own free will. Perhaps as many as seventy thousand people emigrated from the Gaza Strip to Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world. | |||
Following the war, a series of antisemitic purges began in Communist countries.<ref name=RE-R-2>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=u75GldeYqUIC&pg=PA390 |title=Excel HSC Modern History |first=Ronald |last=Ringer |page=390 |publisher=Pascal Press |date=2006 |access-date=10 September 2013 |isbn=978-1-74125-246-0 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160101175251/https://books.google.com/books?id=u75GldeYqUIC&pg=PA390 |archive-date=1 January 2016 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="W-R">Włodzimierz Rozenbaum, CIAO: Intermarium, ''National Convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies'', Atlanta, Ga., 8–11 October 1975.</ref> Some 11,200 Jews from Poland immigrated to Israel during the ] and the following year.<ref name="ipn238"> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121028060145/http://ipn.gov.pl/portal/en/2/238/Communiqu_Investigation_regarding_communist_state_officers_who_publicly_incited_.html |date=28 October 2012 }} '']'', ]. Publication on Polish site of IPN: 25 July 2007.</ref> | |||
=== War of Attrition === | |||
On July 2 the Israeli government announced that it would allow the return of those 1967 refugees who desired to do so, but no later than August 10, later extended to September 13. The Jordanian authorities probably pressured many of the refugees, who constituted an enormous burden, to sign up to return. In practice only 14,000 of the 120,000 who applied were actually allowed by Israel back into the West Bank by the beginning of September. After that, only a trickle of "special cases" were allowed back, perhaps 3,000 in all.(328-9)</blockquote> | |||
Following the war, Egypt initiated clashes along the Suez Canal in what became known as the ].<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230310045535/https://books.google.com/books?id=Qc-xfP6b3gsC&pg=PA107&dq=%2522War+of+Attrition%2522+1967 |date=10 March 2023 }}, Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, Lexington Books, page 107</ref> | |||
=== Palestinian terrorism === | |||
In addition, between 80,000 and 110,000 Syrians fled the Golan Heights,<ref>Morris (2001) p. 327</ref> of which about 20,000 were from the city of Quneitra.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/487614/al-Qunaytirah|title=Al-Qunayṭirah|accessdate=2010-07-18 |work=] Online |year=2010}}</ref> | |||
As a result of Israel's victory, the Palestinian leadership concluded that the Arab world was not able to defeat Israel in open warfare, which in turn led to an increase in ] attacks with an international reach.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |last=Sharpe |first=M.E. |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/44956358 |title=Philosophical perspectives on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict |date=1997 |publisher=Routledge |others=Tomis Kapitan |isbn=978-0-585-19042-6 |location=Armonk, N.Y. |pages=30 |oclc=44956358 |quote=The 1967 war marked a sharp rise in Palestinians' self-consciousness, convincing many that if their homeland was to be liberated, then it was they who must do it. Outgunned and outmanned by the Israeli military, their fighters resorted to guerilla tactics from staging grounds in Jordan and Lebanon. Some, like George Habash of the PFLP spoke of turning the Occupied Territories into an "inferno whose fires consume the usurpers" (Hirst, 1984, 282). While this did not happen, by 1969 the activities of Habash and others were in the international spotlight as a consequence of cross-border raids and airplane hijackings. No incident was more spectacular than the hostage taking by the Black September group that led to the deaths of eleven Israeli athletes and five Palestinian commandos during the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich. |access-date=8 June 2022 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180336/https://search.worldcat.org/title/44956358 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Wilkinson |first=Paul |date=1978 |title=Terrorism: The International Response |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/40395011 |journal=The World Today |volume=34 |issue=1 |pages=5–13 |jstor=40395011 |issn=0043-9134 |quote=Since 1967, when desperate Palestinian groups took to international terrorism in the wake of the Arab defeat in the Six-Day War, terrorism has become the characteristic weapon of the weak pretending to be strong. |access-date=8 June 2022 |archive-date=8 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220608200457/https://www.jstor.org/stable/40395011 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Abrahms |first=Max |date=2004 |title=Are Terrorists Really Rational? The Palestinian Example |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2004.04.001 |journal=Orbis |volume=48 |issue=3 |pages=533–549 |doi=10.1016/j.orbis.2004.04.001 |issn=0030-4387 |quote=Yet until the combined forces of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria were defeated for the second time in less than two decades, the Palestinians deferred to their Arab hosts to spearhead the abortive Palestinian national cause. Only after the 1967 War did the Palestinian leadership pursue a policy of self-reliance that depended on terrorism as its primary political strategy. |access-date=8 June 2022 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517182517/https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0030438704000365?via%3Dihub |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>Jenkins, B. M. (1978). International terrorism: trends and potentialities. ''Journal of International Affairs'', 115-123. "Some perceive today's terrorism as the outgrowth of unique political circumstances prevailing in the late 1960s: the Israeli defeat of the Arabs in 1967, which caused Palestinians to abandon their dependence on Arab military power and turn to terrorism."</ref> While the ] (PLO) was established in 1964, it became more active after the Six-Day War; its actions gave credibility to those who claimed that only terror could end Israel's existence.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Chermak |first=Steven M. |editor-first1=Steven M |editor-first2=Joshua D |editor-last1=Chermak |editor-last2=Freilich |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315235691 |title=Transnational Terrorism |date=2016 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-315-23569-1 |pages=5–13 |doi=10.4324/9781315235691 |s2cid=242423150 |quote=The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), founded in 1967, became active in 1967 The PLO originated after the extraordinary collapse of Arab armies in the six days of the 1967 Middle East war; its existence and persistence gave credibility to supporters who argued that only terror could remove Israel |access-date=8 June 2022 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180910/https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781315235691/transnational-terrorism-steven-chermak-joshua-freilich |url-status=live }}</ref> Also after the war, the ] emerged, with its leader ] speaking of turning the occupied territories into an "inferno whose fires consume the usurpers".<ref name=":1" /> These events led to a series of hijackings, bombings, and kidnappings that culminated in the ] during the ].<ref name=":1" /> | |||
=== |
=== Peace and diplomacy === | ||
] following the Six-Day War. From left to right: ] of Saudi Arabia, ] of Egypt, ] of Yemen, ] of Kuwait and ] of Iraq, 2 September 1967]] | |||
With the loss of Arab lands, the minority Jews living in the Arab world immediately faced persecution and expulsion, following the Israeli victory. According to historian Michael B. Oren, | |||
Following the war, Israel made an offer for peace that included the return of most of the recently captured territories. According to ]: | |||
{{Blockquote|On June 19, 1967, the National Unity Government voted unanimously to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in return for peace agreements. The Golans would have to be demilitarized and special arrangement would be negotiated for the Straits of Tiran. The government also resolved to open negotiations with King Hussein of Jordan regarding the Eastern border.{{Sfnp|Herzog|1989|p=253}}}} | |||
<blockquote>mobs attacked Jewish neighborhoods in Egypt, ], ], ], and ], burning synagogues and assaulting residents. A pogrom in ], left 18 Jews dead and 25 injured; the survivors were herded into detention centers. Of Egypt's 4,000 Jews, 800 were arrested, including the chief rabbis of both ] and ], and their property sequestered by the government. The ancient communities of ] and ] were placed under house arrest, their leaders imprisoned and fined. A total of 7,000 Jews were expelled, many with merely a satchel.<ref>Oren 2002, pp. 306–07</ref></blockquote> | |||
The 19 June Israeli cabinet decision did not include the ] and left open the possibility of Israel permanently acquiring parts of the ]. On 25–27 June, Israel incorporated ] together with areas of the West Bank to the north and south into Jerusalem's new municipal boundaries. | |||
==See also== | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] (also known as the October War) | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
The Israeli decision was to be conveyed to the Arab nations by the United States. The U.S. was informed of the decision, but not that it was to transmit it. There is no evidence of receipt from Egypt or Syria, and some historians claim that they may never have received the offer.{{Sfnp|Shlaim|2007|p=254}} | |||
===Key people involved=== | |||
* ], President of ] | |||
In September, the ] resolved that there would be "no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel". ] notes that the Khartoum conference effectively marked a shift in the perception of the conflict by the Arab states away from one centered on the question of Israel's legitimacy, toward one focusing on territories and boundaries. This was shown on 22 November when Egypt and Jordan accepted ].{{Sfnp|Sela|1997|p=108}} ] forestalled any movement toward direct negotiations with Israel. In dozens of speeches and statements, Nasser posited the equation that any direct peace talks with ] were tantamount to surrender.<ref>{{Cite book|author1=Itamar Rabinovich|author2=Haim Shaked|title=From June to October: The Middle East Between 1967 And 1973|publisher=Transaction Publishers|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vNQ3K5HfiHAC&pg=PA192|isbn=978-1-4128-2418-7|page=192|year=1978|quote=In dozens of speeches and statements, Nasser posited the equation that any direct peace talks with Israel were tantamount to surrender. His efforts to forestall any movement toward direct negotiations ...|access-date=27 October 2015|archive-date=17 May 2024|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180925/https://books.google.com/books?id=vNQ3K5HfiHAC&pg=PA192#v=onepage&q&f=false|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
* King ] of ] | |||
* ], Secretary General of the ] | |||
After the war, the entire Soviet bloc of Eastern Europe (with the exception of Romania) broke off diplomatic relations with Israel.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Webman |first=Esther |title=The Global Impact of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion: A Century-Old Myth |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xWusAgAAQBAJ&q=the+Communist+states%2C+with+the+exception+of+Romania%2C+broke+off+diplomatic+relations+with+Israel&pg=PA132 |publisher=Routledge |year=2011 |page=133 |isbn=978-0-415-59892-7 |access-date=20 October 2020 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180950/https://books.google.com/books?id=xWusAgAAQBAJ&q=the+Communist+states%2C+with+the+exception+of+Romania%2C+broke+off+diplomatic+relations+with+Israel&pg=PA132#v=snippet&q=the%20Communist%20states%2C%20with%20the%20exception%20of%20Romania%2C%20broke%20off%20diplomatic%20relations%20with%20Israel&f=false |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
* ], Prime Minister of ] | |||
* ], Israeli Defence Minister | |||
The 1967 War laid the foundation for future discord in the region, as the Arab states resented Israel's victory and did not want to give up territory. | |||
On 22 November 1967, the ] adopted ], the "]" formula, which called for Israeli withdrawal "from territories occupied" in 1967 and "the termination of all claims or states of belligerency". Resolution 242 recognized the right of "every state in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force." Israel returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1978, after the ]. In the summer of 2005, Israel ] and evacuated all civilians from the Gaza Strip. Its army frequently re-enters Gaza for military operations and still retains control of the seaports, airports and most of the border crossings. | |||
=== Long term === | |||
], the ], the ].]] | |||
Israel made peace with Egypt following the ] of 1978 and completed a staged withdrawal from the Sinai in 1982. The position of the other ] has been a long-standing and bitter cause of conflict for decades between Israel and the Palestinians, and the Arab world in general. Jordan and Egypt eventually withdrew their claims to sovereignty over the West Bank and Gaza, respectively. Israel and Jordan signed a ].<ref>Asher Susser, "Fifty Years since the Six-Day War," ''The RUSI Journal'' (2017) 162:3, 40-48, DOI: 10.1080/03071847.2017.1353270</ref> | |||
After the Israeli occupation of these territories, the ] movement launched a ] in these areas to secure a permanent foothold. There are now hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers in the West Bank. They are a matter of controversy within Israel, both among the general population and within different political administrations, supporting them to varying degrees. Palestinians consider them a provocation. The Israeli settlements in Gaza were evacuated in August 2005 as a part of ].<ref>Susser, "Fifty Years since the Six-Day War,"</ref><ref>Idith Zertal and Akiva Eldar, ''Lords of the Land: The War over Israel's Settlements in the Occupied Territories, 1967-2007'' (Nation Books, 2007), ch. 1.</ref> | |||
== See also == | |||
* '']'', a 2017 Israeli philosophy book on the West Bank occupation that launched a public dialogue on the war's 50th anniversary | |||
* ], Israeli Foreign Minister | * ], Israeli Foreign Minister | ||
* ] | |||
* ], ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ], U.S. Defense Secretary | |||
* ] | |||
* ], Soviet Leader | |||
== |
== References == | ||
=== Explanatory notes === | |||
1. {{note label|reference_name_A|a|none| Photograph:}} | |||
:It was twenty minutes after the capture of the Western Wall that ] shot his "signature" photograph of three Israeli paratroopers gazing in wonder up at the wall |
# {{note label|reference_name_A|a|none| Photograph:}}<br>It was twenty minutes after the capture of the Western Wall that ] shot his "signature" photograph of three Israeli paratroopers gazing in wonder up at the wall.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Kaniuk |first=Yoram |url=http://www.digitaljournalist.org/issue0003/arm01.htm |title=June 10, 1967 – Israeli paratroopers reach the Western Wall |work=The Digital Journalist |access-date=2 December 2008 |archive-date=29 June 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110629070235/http://digitaljournalist.org/issue0003/arm01.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> As part of the terms for his access to the front lines, Rubinger handed the ] to the Israeli government, who then distributed this image widely. Although he was displeased with the violation of his copyright, the widespread use of his photo made it famous,<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.thejc.com/life-and-culture/all/david-rubinger-in-the-picture-1.1825 |title=David Rubinger in the picture |newspaper=The Jewish Chronicle |first=Eric |last=Silver |date=16 February 2006 |access-date=9 October 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221008235049/https://www.thejc.com/life-and-culture/all/david-rubinger-in-the-picture-1.1825 |archive-date=8 October 2022 |url-status=bot: unknown }}</ref> and it is now considered a defining image of the conflict and one of the best-known in the history of Israel.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Urquhart |first=Conal |date=6 May 2007 |title=Six days in June |work=The Observer |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2007/may/06/israelandthepalestinians.features1 |access-date=2 December 2008 |archive-date=31 August 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130831074215/http://www.theguardian.com/world/2007/may/06/israelandthepalestinians.features1 |url-status=live }}</ref> | ||
# {{note label|reference_name_H|h|none| Both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.}} | |||
::* ] received a message from the Israeli foreign office: "Inform immediately the President of the Sec. Co. that Israel is now engaged in repelling Egyptian land and air forces." At 3:10 am, Rafael woke ambassador ], the Danish President of the Security Council for June, with the news that Egyptian forces had "moved against Israel".{{Sfnp|Bailey|1990|p=225}} | |||
::* , both Israel and Egypt claimed to be repelling an invasion by the other.{{Sfnp|Bailey|1990|p=225}} | |||
::* "Egyptian sources claimed that Israel had initiated hostilities but Israeli officials – Eban and Evron – swore that Egypt had fired first".{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=196}} | |||
::* "Gideon Rafael phoned Danish ambassador Hans Tabor, Security Council president for the month of June, and informed him that Israel was responding to a 'cowardly and treacherous' attack from Egypt...".{{Sfnp|Oren|2002|p=198}} | |||
{{notelist}} | |||
===Citations=== | |||
<!--Note 2-->2. {{note label|reference_name_B|b|none| Expelled the U.N. force:}} | |||
{{reflist| refs= | |||
# "In 1967, Egypt ordered the UN troops out and blocked Israeli shipping routes - adding to already high levels of tension between Israel and its neighbours." "", '']'' website. URL accessed July 17, 2010. | |||
<ref name="Szabo2011p147">{{Cite book|author=Kinga Tibori Szabó|title=Anticipatory Action in Self-Defence: Essence and Limits under International Law|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0FvVW69x-esC&pg=PA147|date=22 August 2011|publisher=Springer Science & Business Media|isbn=978-90-6704-796-8|pages=147, 148|quote=(p. 147) The sequence of events that led to the Israeli pre-emptive strike did indeed create a situation where an armed attack seemed unavoidable. (p. 148 ) Many commentators treat it (the six-day war) as the locus classicus of anticipatory action in self defence|access-date=27 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160101175251/https://books.google.com/books?id=0FvVW69x-esC&pg=PA147|archive-date=1 January 2016|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
# "Buoyed by the almost universal Arab acclaim he received for his actions, Nasser expelled the UNEF forces and announced the closing of the Straits of Tiran" Robert Owen Freedman. ''World Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict'', Pergamon Press, 1979, p. 79. | |||
# "The Israeli attack ended a nerve-wracking three weeks of waiting... begun when Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser expelled the United Nations peacekeepers from the Gaza Strip and the southern tip of the Sinai Peninsula, blockaded the nearby Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships, and deployed his massive army along the Israeli border." Dan Perry, Alfred Ironside. ''Israel and the Quest for Permanence'', McFarland, 1999, p. 18. | |||
# "Soon after Nasser expelled UN forces from the Sinai, Secretary of State Dean Rusk directed State Department officials in Washington, New York, and Moscow to urge the Soviets to restrain their Arab friends." Nigel John Ashton. ''Cold War in the Middle East: Regional Conflict and the Superpowers 1967-73'', Routledge, 2007, p. 18. | |||
# "Nasser... closed the Gulf of Aqaba to shipping, cutting off Israel from its primary oil supplies. He told U.N. peacekeepers in the Sinai Peninsula to leave. He then sent scores of tanks and hundreds of troops into the Sinai closer to Israel. The Arab world was delirious with support," "", '']'' morning edition, October 3, 2002. URL accessed December 28, 2008. | |||
# "...a Middle East crisis erupted on May 16, 1967, when Nasser expelled the UN troops that had policed the Sinai since the end of the Suez-Sinai War in 1957." Peter L. Hahn. ''Crisis and Crossfire: The United States and the Middle East Since 1945'', Potomac Books, 2005 , p. 50. | |||
# "In May, 1967 President Nasser expelled UNEF from Egypt and set in train the events that precipitated Israel's blitzkrieg invasion and conquest of the Sinai." J. L. Granatstein. ''Canadian Foreign Policy: Historical Readings'', Copp Clark Pitman, 1986, p. 236. | |||
<ref name="Gluska2007p152">{{Cite book|author=Ami Gluska|title=The Israeli Military and the Origins of the 1967 War: Government, Armed Forces and Defence Policy 1963–67|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1Z3-LzdcZacC&q=nasser+gafgafa+pilots+ahalan+sahalan&pg=PA152|date=12 February 2007|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-134-16377-9|pages=152|quote="On the evening of 22 May, President Gamal Abdul Nasser, accompanied by ... Egyptian air force base at Bir Gafgafa in Sinai and addressed the pilots and officers. ... 'The Jews are threatening war – we say to them ahlan wa-sahlan (welcome)!"|access-date=20 October 2020|archive-date=17 May 2024|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517180910/https://books.google.com/books?id=1Z3-LzdcZacC&q=nasser+gafgafa+pilots+ahalan+sahalan&pg=PA152#v=snippet&q=nasser%20gafgafa%20pilots%20ahalan%20sahalan&f=false|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
<!--Note 3-->3. {{note label|reference_name_C|c|none| Support from other Arab Nations:}} | |||
# "In 1967, Egypt ordered the UN troops out and blocked Israeli shipping routes - adding to already high levels of tension between Israel and its neighbours." , '']'' website. URL accessed July 17, 2010. | |||
# "In June 1967, Egypt, Syria and Jordan massed their troops on Israel's borders in preparation for an all-out attack." "", '']'' website. URL accessed May 14, 2006. | |||
# "Nasser... closed the Gulf of Aqaba to shipping, cutting off Israel from its primary oil supplies. He told U.N. peacekeepers in the Sinai Peninsula to leave. He then sent scores of tanks and hundreds of troops into the Sinai closer to Israel. The Arab world was delirious with support," , '']'' morning edition, October 3, 2002. URL accessed May 14, 2006. | |||
# "War returned in 1967, when Egypt, Syria and Jordan massed forces to challenge Israel." "", '']'' website. URL accessed March 3, 2007. | |||
<ref name="Quandt2001p43">{{Cite book|author=William B. Quandt|title=Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab–Israeli Conflict Since 1967|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-rmCPnSghbcC&pg=PA36|year=2001|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0-520-22374-5|page=42|quote=once hostilities were under way, the United states imposed an embargo on new arms agreements to all countries of the Middle East, including Israel. The embargo remained in force through the end of the year, despite urgent Israeli requests to lift it.|access-date=27 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160101175251/https://books.google.com/books?id=-rmCPnSghbcC&pg=PA36|archive-date=1 January 2016|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
<!--Note 4-->4. ^ {{note label|reference_name_D1|d|a|4= {{note label|reference_name_D2|d|b| Pre-emptive strike on June 5, 1967:}}}} | |||
# ‘In the Security Council on June 5 Egypt charged Israel with aggression, as did the USSR. But Israel claimed that Egypt had struck first. It told the council that “in the early hours of this morning Egyptian armoured columns moved in an offensive thrust against Israel’s borders. At the same time Egyptian planes took off from airfields in Sinai and struck out towards Israel. Egyptian artillery in the Gaza strip shelled the Israel villages of Kissufim, Nahal-Oz and Ein Hashelosha..." In fact, Egypt had not attacked by land or air and none of its aircraft had approached Israel.’ | |||
# The US Office of Current Intelligence "...soon concluded that the Israelis - contrary to their claims - had fired first." Robarge, 2007. | |||
# “Israel claimed it was a pre-emptive strike in the face of a planned invasion of Israel by these countries.” | |||
# "...Israel launched a pre-emptive strike against Egyptian planes as they stood on the airfields. These events triggered the so-called June war of 1967, but the pre-emptive action of Israel was not condemned by the ] - or indeed by the ] There appeared to be a general feeling, certainly shared by the Western states, that taken in the context this was a lawful use of anticipatory self-defence, and that for Israel to have waited any longer could well have been fatal to her survival." ]. ''The Current Legal Regulation of the Use of Force: Current Legal Regulation Vol10'', Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1986, p. 443. ISBN 90-247-3247-6 | |||
# "War was inevitable under these conditions. Israel, seeing war as inevitable, decided on a pre-emptive strike, launching its attack on 5 June 1967." Goldstein 1992, p. 127. | |||
# "In 1967 Israel was aware of an impending attack by Egypt, to be assisted by Jordan, Iraq and Syria, and won a brilliant and total victory in only six days (consequently the fighting is known as the 'Six-Day War'), largely because they launched a pre-emptive attack on the Arab air forces..." David Robertson. ''The Routledge Dictionary of Politics'', Routledge, 2003, p. 22. ISBN 0-415-32377-0 | |||
# "On 30 May 1967 Jordan joined the Syrian-Egyptian military pact. Despite US attempts to mediate, Israel launched a pre-emptive strike just days later which destroyed the unprepared Egyptian air force..." Martin S. Alexander. ''Knowing Your Friends: Intelligence Inside Alliances and Coalitions from 1914 to the Cold War'', Routledge, 1998, p. 246. ISBN 0-7146-4879-5 | |||
# "On 5 June 1967 Israel attacked Egyptian positions in a pre-emptive strike." Sören Zibrandt von Dosenrode-Lynge, Anders Stubkjær. ''The European Union and the Middle East'', Continuum International Publishing Group, 2002, p. 56. ISBN 0-8264-6088-7 | |||
# "In the end Israel launched a preemptive aerial attack, in which most of the Egyptian airforce was destroyed on the ground within the first three hours of the war, and in six days the war was over." Avner Cohen, ''Israel and the Bomb'', Columbia University Press, 1999, p. 276. ISBN 0-231-10483-9 | |||
# "a massive pre-emptive strike on Egypt." "", '']'' website. URL accessed May 14, 2006. | |||
# "Israel launched a pre-emptive strike on June 5" "", '']'' website. URL accessed May 14, 2006. | |||
# "Most historians now agree that although Israel struck first, this pre-emptive strike was defensive in nature." "", '']'' morning edition, October 3, 2002. URL accessed May 14, 2006. | |||
# "a massive preemptive strike by Israel that crippled the Arabs’ air capacity." , Retrieved 17 July 2010; ] New Encyclopedia. © 2006 ] Education Group via '']'' website, 2006, URL accessed February 17, 2007. | |||
# "In a pre-emptive strike, Israel smashed its enemies’ forces in just six days..." , '']'' website, July 28, 2005. URL accessed March 15, 2007. | |||
# "Yet pre-emptive strikes can often be justified even if they don't meet the letter of the law. At the start of the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel, fearing that Egypt was aiming to destroy the Jewish state, devastated Egypt's air force before its pilots had scrambled their jets." "," Michael Elliott, '']'', July 1, 2002. URL accessed March 15, 2007. | |||
# "the situation was similar to the crisis that preceded the 1967 Six Day war, when Israel took preemptive military action." "", Marguerite Johnson, '']'', May 18, 1981. URL accessed March 15, 2007. | |||
# "Following the Israeli conventional pre-emptive operations in June 1967,..." Aronson, Shlomo. "Israel's Nuclear Programme, the Six Day War and Its Ramifications", in ]. ''Israel: The First Hundred Years'', Routledge, 1999, p. 83. ISBN 0-7146-4962-7 | |||
# "Israel, seeing war as inevitable, decided on a pre-emptive strike, launching its attack on 5 June 1967." Goldstein 1992, p. 127. | |||
# "Thus provoked, the Israelis attacked preemptively and, in what came to be known as the Six-Day War, routed Egyptian, Jordanian, and Syrian troops..." Cohen, Warren I. ''The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations Volume IV'', Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 193. ISBN 0-521-48381-6 | |||
# "As Egypt, Syria and Jordan mobilized their forces in spring 1967 for an evident impending attack, Israel launched a preemptive strike." , '']'', Website. Accessed January 7, 2007. | |||
# "Are there good examples of preemptive or preventive war—that is, ones that were proper to fight? Taking the most promising of the two categories—preemption—only one actual case seems clearly right: the Israeli attack on Egypt and Syria in June 1967." Betts, Richard K. , ''Ethics and International Affairs'', Volume 17, No. 1 (Spring 2003). | |||
# "While he and I agree that World War I and the Six Day War are preemptive, we code six cases differently." Reiter, Dan. "Exploding the Powder Keg Myth: Preemptive Wars Almost Never Happen", ''International Security'', Vol. 20, No. 2 (Autumn, 1995), pp. 5–34. | |||
# "Ironically, when the timing, character and success of Israel's pre-emptive strike surprised the Soviets and obviated their planned intervention, it also put a damper on the festive occasion..." Ginor, Isabella. , '']'', Volume 7, No. 3 (September 2003). | |||
# "It was also the primacy of Security interests over moral rectitude that prompted Israel, in the opening blow of the 1967 Six-Day War, to preemptively attack Egypt's warplanes on their bases." Brown, Seyom. ''International Relations in a Changing Global System'', Westview Press, 1996, p. 138, footnote 6. ISBN 0-8133-2353-3 | |||
# "Israel attacked preemptively, destroying the Egyptian and Syrian air forces on the ground, and went to win a decisive victory in six days." ] ''Preemption: A Knife That Cuts Both Ways''. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2006. p. 81. | |||
# "Israel staged a sudden preemptive air assault and destroyed Egypt’s air force on the ground" ] '''', accessed 30 May 2010. | |||
# “Cognizant since its inception of Egypt’s leading role in the Arab world, its growing military power and untiring defense of the Palestinian case in world forums, Israel launched a treacherous assault on June 5, 1967...” | |||
# “Various Israeli officials said later... that 'Israel had not in fact anticipated an imminent attack by Egypt when it struck June 5'”. | |||
# “... declassified documents from the LBJ Presidential Library in Austin, Texas, indicate that top officials in the Johnson administration—including Johnson's most pro-Israeli Cabinet members—did not believe war between Israel and its neighbors was necessary or inevitable, at least until the final hour. In these documents, Israel emerges as a vastly superior military power, its opponents far weaker than the menacing threat Israel portrayed, and war itself something that Nasser, for all his saber-rattling, tried to avoid until the moment his air force went up in smoke...” | |||
# “... all US intelligence... had characterized Nasser's troops in the Sinai as "defensive in nature". (ibid) | |||
# “(Nasser) seemed to think that he could 'ride out the storm' and that, ultimately, ‘discretion would prevail in Tel Aviv'. ("Nasser", Sir Anthony Nutting, Constable, London, 1972. p. 408) | |||
# “President Johnson told Eban that even after instructing his ‘experts to assume all the facts that the Israelis had given them to be true’, it was still their ‘unanimous view that there is no Egyptian intention to make an imminent attack’ – a conclusion according to Eban, also reached by Israeli intelligence”. (“Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict”; ], p. 134] | |||
# “Mossad chief Meir Amit (stated) ‘Egypt was not ready for a war’ and Nasser did not want a war’” (ibid p. 134) | |||
# “The Israeli-compiled Middle East Record stated that ‘most observers agree’ that Nasser did not intend to launch an attack ‘and that his pledges to U Thant and to the Great Powers not to start shooting should, therefore, be accepted at their face value’.” (ibid p. 134) | |||
# “... it is generally agreed Nasser was sincere when he later said that he had no intention of launching an attack against Israel; on the contrary as he said in his 23 July speech, he believed that ‘any attack on Israel would expose us to great dangers.” (Cockburn and Cockburn, “Dangerous Liaison”, 1991, p. 137) | |||
# “The claim that Israel was in danger of imminent destruction was propaganda aimed at the Israeli public no less than Israel’s Western sympathisers, part of what Seale has described as “one of the most extensive and remarkable exercises in psychological warfare ever attempted. Foreign intelligence agencies were in agreement that Israel would make short work of Arab armies...” | |||
# “Far from trying to avert conflict, the conclusion is inescapable that Israel’s military command did everything it could to bring it on.” (ibid.) | |||
# “... all the evidence (is that) Israel was trying to bring the Arab states to war by May 1967... when Nasser closed the Strait of Tiran, the Israelis knew he had walked into their trap – had taken the bait – and could ‘barely restrain themselves’. They wanted to attack at once. Their concern was not to defuse the crisis but to destroy Arab military capacity and bring down Nasser before the moment passed.” (ibid.) | |||
#"The Israeli first strike is...a clear case of legitimate anticipation." Walzer, Michael. (2006 ). ''''. Basic Books. ISBN 0465037070. | |||
# "The United States has often walked a fine line between preemption and prevention. In fact there have only been a handful of clear-cut cases of military preemption by any states in the last 200 years. (Israeli preemption in the Six Day War of 1967 is perhaps the most cited example)” U.S. Department of State (2002). | |||
# The Six Day War is, "A classic example of preemptive war." Henry Shue, David Rodin | |||
# "Classic examples of preemptive wars include the July Crisis of 1914 and the Six Day War of 1967 in which Israel preemptively attacked Egypt…" Mueller Karl P. (2007). . (PDF). Rand Corporation. ISBN 978-0-8330-3881-4. | |||
# “The Six Day War between Israel and alliance of Egypt, Syria, Jordan and Iraq was an example of preemption.” And, “It exemplifies preemption.” Kegley, Charles W.; Raymond, Gregory A. (2009). ''''. Wadsworth Publishing. 3 edition. ISBN 0495569275. | |||
# "Preemptive attack is morally justified when three conditions are fulfilled: The existence of an intention to injure, the undertaking of military preparations that increase the level of danger, and the need to act immediately because of a higher degree of risk. Since these conditions were met in Israel’s Six Day War, Israel’s preemptive attack on Egypt on June 5, 1967 was a legitimate act of self-defense.” Amstutz, Mark R. (2008). ''''. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 0742556042. | |||
<!--ref name="Mangold2013p135">{{Cite book|author=Peter Mangold|title=Superpower Intervention in the Middle East|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ld9SAQAAQBAJ&pg=PA135|date=14 October 2013|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-04683-5|pages=135–}}</ref--> | |||
<!--Note 5-->5. {{note label|reference_name_E|e|none}} Robarge, 2007; U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara told Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban that the U.S. intelligence assessment was that "the Egyptian deployments were defensive in character and anticipatory of a possible Israeli attack". ; The Israeli ambassador to the U.S. Michael B. Oren has acknowledged that "By all reports Israel received from the Americans, and according to its own intelligence, Nasser had no interest in bloodshed..." Israel's assessment was that "Nasser would have to be deranged to take on an Israel backed by France and the U.S. Sixth Fleet. War, according to the Israelis, could only come about if Nasser felt he had complete military superiority over the IDF, if Israel were caught up in a domestic crisis, and, most crucially, was isolated internationally—a most unlikely confluence." Oren 2002, pp. 59–60). | |||
<!--ref name="BenjaminMiller-p145">{{Cite book|author=Benjamin Miller|title=When Opponents Cooperate: Great Power Conflict and Collaboration in World Politics|url=http://michiganbooks.google.com/books?id=h_228vUgpM4C&pg=PA145|year=2002|publisher=University of BenjaminMiller Press|isbn=0-472-08872-6|page=145}}</ref--> | |||
<!--Note 6-->6. {{note label|reference_name_F|f|none| The Arab viewpoint:}} | |||
# “Cognizant since its inception of Egypt’s leading role in the Arab world, its growing military power and untiring defense of the Palestinian case in world forums, Israel launched a treacherous assault on June 5, 1967...” | |||
# "Israel has committed a treacherous premeditated aggression against the United Arab Republic...While we in the United Arab Republic...have declared our intention not to initiate any offensive action and have fully co-operated in the attempts that were made to relieve the tension in the area", M. A. El Kony, Permanent Representative of the United Arab Republic (Egypt), (5 June 1967) | |||
# “The myth of Israel as victim is also reflected in the conventional wisdom about the 1967 war, which claims that Egypt and Syria are principally responsible for starting it... It is clear from the release of new documents about the war, however, that the Arabs did not intend to initiate a war against Israel in the late spring of 1967, much less try to destroy the Jewish state.” (John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt; The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy, Penguin Books, pp. 84–85). | |||
# “Avi Shlaim, a distinguished Israeli ‘new historian’ writes, ‘There is general agreement among commentators that Nasser neither wanted nor planned to go to war with Israel’. (ibid p. 85) | |||
# “Serious diplomatic efforts were also under way to solve the crisis peacefully. Yet Israel chose to attack anyway, because its leaders ultimately preferred war to a peaceful resolution of the crisis. In particular, Israel’s military commanders wanted to inflict significant military defeats on their two main adversaries – Egypt and Syria – in order to strengthen Israeli deterrence over the long term... In short, Israel was not preempting an impending attack when it struck the first blow on June 5, 1967. Instead, it was launching a preventive war – a war aimed at affecting the balance of power over time.”(ibid p. 85) | |||
# “Various Israeli officials said later... that 'Israel had not in fact anticipated an imminent attack by Egypt when it struck June 5'”. | |||
# Israel's former Commander of the Air Force, General Ezer Weitzman, regarded as a hawk, stated that there was "no threat of destruction" but that the attack on Egypt, Jordan and Syria was nevertheless justified so that Israel could "exist according the scale, spirit, and quality she now embodies." Menahem Begin, the first Likud Prime Minister of Israel, also said: "In June 1967, we again had a choice. The Egyptian Army concentrations in the Sinai approaches do not prove that Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him." Quoted in ] (1999) ''The Fateful Triangle'', South End Press, p. 100. ISBN 0896086011. Quote from ''Ha'aretz'', March 29, 1972; for a more extensive quote, see Cooley, ''Green March, Black September'', p. 162. | |||
# "I do not think Nasser wanted war. The two divisions he sent to The Sinai would not have been sufficient to launch an offensive war. He knew it and we knew it." Yitzhak Rabin, Israel's Chief of Staff in 1967, in Le Monde on 28 February 1968. | |||
# "Moshe Dayan, the celebrated commander who, as Defense Minister in 1967, gave the order to conquer the Golan... many of the firefights with the Syrians were deliberately provoked by Israel, and the kibbutz residents who pressed the Government to take the Golan Heights did so less for security than for the farmland... They didn't even try to hide their greed for the land...We would send a tractor to plow some area where it wasn't possible to do anything, in the demilitarized area, and knew in advance that the Syrians would start to shoot. If they didn't shoot, we would tell the tractor to advance further, until in the end the Syrians would get annoyed and shoot. And then we would use artillery and later the air force also, and that's how it was...The Syrians, on the fourth day of the war, were not a threat to us.'" The New York Times, May 11, 1997. | |||
<!--ref name="Bailey1985p48">{{Cite book|author=Sydney Dawson Bailey|title=The Making of Resolution 242|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bVddOoQbBa0C&pg=PA48|date=1 January 1985|publisher=Brill Archive|isbn=90-247-3073-2|pages=48–|quote=During the night of 26/27 May...the Soviet ambassadors in Tel Aviv and Cairo roused the two heads of government from their beds with urgent messages...urged Israel to settle the conflict by non-military means...advised Nasser that the Israelis had alleged that Egypt was about to attack Israel, perhaps even dawn the next morning...urged Egypt not to go to war}}</ref--> | |||
<!--Note 7-->7. ^ {{note label|reference_name_G1|g|a|4= {{note label|reference_name_G2|g|b|4= {{note label|reference_name_G3|g|c}}}}}} "In May-June 1967 Eshkol's government did everything in its power to confine the confrontation to the Egyptian front. Eshkol and his colleagues took into account the possibility of some fighting on the Syrian front. But they wanted to avoid having a clash with Jordan and the inevitable complications of having to deal with the predominantly Palestinian population of the West Bank. | |||
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The fighting on the eastern front was initiated by Jordan, not by Israel. King Hussein got carried along by a powerful current of Arab nationalism. On 30 May he flew to Cairo and signed a defense pact with Nasser. On 5 June, Jordan started shelling the Israeli side in Jerusalem. This could have been interpreted either as a salvo to uphold Jordanian honor or as a declaration of war. Eshkol decided to give King Hussein the benefit of the doubt. Through General ], the Norwegian commander of UNTSO, he sent the following message the morning of 5 June: 'We shall not initiate any action whatsoever against Jordan. However, should Jordan open hostilities, we shall react with all our might, and the king will have to bear the full responsibility of the consequences.' King Hussein told General Bull that it was too late; the die was cast." Shlaim, 2000, pp. 243–244. | |||
<!--ref name=Shlaim2012p63>{{Cite book |last=Shlaim |first=Avi |title=The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Origins and Consequences |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8YhNPNeBh8IC&pg=PA106 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2012 |page=63 |isbn=978-1-107-00236-4 |quote="he claimed in a public speech to have been aware of all the implications: "Taking over Sharm El Sheikh meant confrontation with Israel. It also means that we ready to enter a general war with Israel. It was not a separate operation"..}}</ref--> | |||
<!--Note 8-->8.{{note label|reference_name_H|h|none| Both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.}} | |||
#“Gideon Rafael received a message from the Israeli foreign office: ‘inform immediately the President of the Sec. Co. that Israel is now engaged in repelling Egyptian land and air forces.” At 3:10 am, Rafael woke ambassador Hans Tabor, the Danish President of the Security Council for June, with the news that Egyptian forces had ‘moved against Israel" . Bailey 1990, p. 225. | |||
# , both Israel and Egypt claimed to be repelling an invasion by the other…". Bailey 1990, p. 225. | |||
# "Egyptian sources claimed that Israel had initiated hostilities but Israeli officials – Eban and Evron – swore that Egypt had fired first” Oren 2002, p. 196). | |||
# "Gideon Rafael phoned Danish ambassador Hans Tabor, Security Council president for the month of June, and informed him that Israel was responding to a ‘cowardly and treacherous’ attack from Egypt…" Oren, p. 198. | |||
<!--Note 9-->9. {{note label|reference_name_H1|i|none}} Lenczowski 1990, p. 105-115, Citing Moshe Dayan, ''Story of My Life'', and ], ''From War to War: The Arab-Israeli Confrontation, 1948-1967'', p. 375<Blockquote> Israel clearly did not want the US government to know too much about its dispositions for attacking Syria, initially planned for June 8, but postponed for 24 hours. It should be pointed out that the attack on the Liberty occurred on June 8, whereas on June 9 at 3 AM, Syria announced its acceptance of the cease-fire. Despite this, at 7 AM, that is, four hours later, Israel’s minister of defense, ], “gave the order to go into action against Syria.”</Blockquote> | |||
<ref name="PodehWinckler2004p105">{{harvp|Podeh|Winckler|2004|pp=105–106}}: "the prominent historian and commentator Abd al-Azim Ramadan, In a series of articles published in AlWafd, subsequently compiled in a hook published in 2000, Ramadan criticized the Nasser cult, .... The events leading up to the nationalization of the Suez Canal Company, as other events during Nasser's rule, Ramadan wrote, showed Nasser to be far from a rational, responsible leader. ... His decision to nationalize the Suez Canal was his alone, made without political or military consultation. ... The source of all this evil. Ramadan noted, was Nasser's inclination to solitary decision making... the revolutionary regime led by the same individual—Nasser—repeated its mistakes when it decided to expel the international peacekeeping force from the Sinai Peninsula and close the Straits of Tiran in 1967. Both decisions led to a state of war with Israel, despite the lack of military preparedness."</ref> | |||
<!--Note 10-->10. {{note label|reference_name_I|j|none| Phrasing of the Resolution}} | |||
:Mr. George Brown, British Foreign Secretary in 1967, on 19 January 1970: "I have been asked over and over again to clarify, modify or improve the wording, but I do not intend to do that. The phrasing of the Resolution was very carefully worked out, and it was a difficult and complicated exercise to get it accepted by the UN Security Council. "I formulated the Security Council Resolution. Before we submitted it to the Council, we showed it to Arab leaders. The proposal said 'Israel will withdraw from territories that were occupied', and not from 'the' territories, which means that Israel will not withdraw from all the territories." The Jerusalem Post, January 23, 1970. | |||
<ref name="PodehWinckler2004p110">{{harvp|Podeh|Winckler|2004|pp=110–111}}: "The most outstanding exponent of the Nasserist narrative was Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, who also embodied the revolutionary heritage personally as Nasser's closest aid and the editor in chief of the state-sponsored dailies Al-Akhbar and Al-Ahram.... Haykal acknowledged that Nasser had erred in various fields, noting that he had admitted, for example, his responsibility for the military defeat in the June 1967 War."</ref> | |||
==Footnotes== | |||
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}} | |||
<ref name=shemesh2007p118>{{Cite book|last=Shemesh|first=Moshe|title=Arab Politics, Palestinian Nationalism and the Six Day War: The Crystallization of Arab Strategy and Nasir's Descent to War, 1957–1967|year=2007|publisher=Sussex Academic Press|isbn=978-1-84519-188-7|page=118|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4u-ZheMnqf8C&pg=PA118|quote=The Jordanian leadership's appraisal of the repercussions of the Samu' raid was a major factor in King Husayn's decision to join Nasir's war chariot by signing a joint defense pact with Egypt on May 30, 1967. This was the determining factor for Jordan's participation in the war that would soon break out.... Convinced after the Samu' raid that Israel's strategic goal was the West Bank, Husayn allied himself to Nasir out of a genuine fear that, in a comprehensive war, Israel would invade the West Bank whether or not Jordan was an active participant.|access-date=27 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160101175251/https://books.google.com/books?id=4u-ZheMnqf8C&pg=PA118|archive-date=1 January 2016|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
<ref name="Shlaim2000p243">{{harvp|Shlaim|2000|pp=243–244}}: "In May–June 1967 ]'s government did everything in its power to confine the confrontation to the Egyptian front. Eshkol and his colleagues took into account the possibility of some fighting on the Syrian front. But they wanted to avoid having a clash with Jordan and the inevitable complications of having to deal with the predominantly Palestinian population of the West Bank. The fighting on the eastern front was initiated by Jordan, not by Israel. King Hussein got carried along by a powerful current of Arab nationalism. On 30 May he flew to Cairo and signed a defense pact with Nasser. On 5 June, Jordan started shelling the Israeli side in Jerusalem. This could have been interpreted either as a salvo to uphold Jordanian honour or as a declaration of war. Eshkol decided to give King Hussein the benefit of the doubt. Through General ], the Norwegian commander of UNTSO, he sent the following message the morning of 5 June: "We shall not initiate any action whatsoever against Jordan. However, should Jordan open hostilities, we shall react with all our might, and the king will have to bear the full responsibility of the consequences." King Hussein told General Bull that it was too late; the die was cast."</ref> | |||
<!--ref name=Shlaim2012p106>{{Cite book |last=Shlaim |first=Avi |title=The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Origins and Consequences |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8YhNPNeBh8IC&pg=PA106 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2012 |page=106 |isbn=978-1-107-00236-4 |quote=Nasser responded by taking three successive steps that made war virtually inevitable: he deployed his troops in Sinai near Israel's border on 14 May; expelled the UNEF from the Gaza Strip and Sinai on 19 May; and closed the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping on 22 May.}}</ref--> | |||
<!--ref name=SchiffHaber1976p11>''Israel, Army and defense – A dictionary'', ] & ], editors, Zmora, Bitan, Modan, 1976, Tel Aviv ]</ref--> | |||
<!--ref name="Rubin">{{Cite book|last=Rubin|first=Barry M. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zbQKILIgAwQC&pg=PP1|year=1994|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-76803-1|page=11|title=Revolution Until Victory?: The Politics and History of the PLO}}</ref--> | |||
<!--ref name="TimeSamu1">, '']'', 25 November 1966</ref--> | |||
<!--ref name=MZ242>{{Cite book|last=Maoz|first=Zeev|title=Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel's Security and Foreign Policy |year=2009|publisher=The University of Michigan Press|isbn=0-472-03341-7|page=242|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hHQe4qn-EmUC&pg=PA242}}</ref--> | |||
<!--ref name=MZ84>{{Cite book|last=Maoz|first=Zeev|title=Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel's Security and Foreign Policy |year=2009|publisher=The University of Michigan Press|isbn=0-472-03341-7|page=84|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hHQe4qn-EmUC&pg=PA84|quote=The domestic struggle in Syria grew into a competition in radical rhetoric vis-a-vis Israel. ... the Ba'ath regime in Syria provided both Logistical and practical support to the PLO. Most infiltrations to Israel after 1965 originated from the Syrian border. Syria also increased its own military actions against Israel by shelling Israeli settlements in the border area. These actions entailed significant costs, as Israeli artillery and air force repeatedly pounded Syrian positions on the Golan Height. Yet, as long as Israel's responses were limited and did not involve any raids on Syrian positions, this was an acceptable price for the struggling regime in Damascus.<P>By the fall of 1966 and spring of 1967, things seemed to be getting out of hand. Israeli-initiated encroachments into the demilitarized zones (DMZ) along the Syrian border became more frequent and intense. Israeli leaders made repeated statements to the effect that the Syrian regime was directly responsible for the border clashes and that Israel may act directly against the Syrian regime}}</ref--> | |||
<!--<ref name="CIAestimate1967">{{Cite web|author1=Sherman Kent for the Central Intelligence Agency's Board of National Estimates|title=Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968 Volume XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis and War, 1967, Document 79 79. Memorandum From the Central Intelligence Agency's Board of National Estimates to Director of Central Intelligence Helms|url=https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d79|location=Washington|date=26 May 1967|quote=The most likely course seems to be for Nasser to hold to his present winnings as long as he can, and in as full measure as he can. As of the moment he has vastly enhanced his own prestige in Egypt and throughout the Arab world, diminished the standing of Israel and, at least for the moment, administered a serious setback to the US. Moreover, by simply standing where he is he places the Israelis in an extremely difficult position. He keeps the crisis at high pitch, and as long as this continues the Israelis must remain mobilized. This they cannot do for long without adverse effects upon their economy. 5. The Israelis face dismaying choices. Surprised and shaken by Nasser's action, they failed to take the instant military counteraction which might have been most effective. If they attack now they will face far more formidable opposition than in the rapid campaign of 1956. We believe that they would still be able to drive the Egyptians away from the entrance to the Strait of Tiran, but it would certainly cost them heavy losses of men and materiel. We are not sure that they have sufficient stockpiles of ammunition and equipment for a war lasting more than three or four weeks, and it is possible that they would not embark upon a major campaign without prior assurances from the US of adequate resupply.|access-date=14 June 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170627044650/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1964-68v19/d79|archive-date=27 June 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> --> | |||
<ref name=Colonomos2013p25>{{Cite book |last=Colonomos |first=Ariel |title=The Gamble of War: Is it Possible to Justify Preventive War? |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_YSWUQvAIEUC&q=Egypt+carried+out+mass+mobilization+of+its+troops+on+the+Israeli+border+and+during+the+night+of+May+22%E2%80%9323%2C+Nasser+decided+to+close+the+Straits+of+Tiran%2C+which+control+access+to+the+Red+Sea%2C+to+Israeli+shipping&pg=PA25 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |year=2013 |page=25 |isbn=978-1-137-01894-6 |access-date=20 October 2020 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517181403/https://books.google.com/books?id=_YSWUQvAIEUC&q=Egypt+carried+out+mass+mobilization+of+its+troops+on+the+Israeli+border+and+during+the+night+of+May+22%E2%80%9323%2C+Nasser+decided+to+close+the+Straits+of+Tiran%2C+which+control+access+to+the+Red+Sea%2C+to+Israeli+shipping&pg=PA25#v=snippet&q=Egypt%20carried%20out%20mass%20mobilization%20of%20its%20troops%20on%20the%20Israeli%20border%20and%20during%20the%20night%20of%20May%2022%E2%80%9323%2C%20Nasser%20decided%20to%20close%20the%20Straits%20of%20Tiran%2C%20which%20control%20access%20to%20the%20Red%20Sea%2C%20to%20Israeli%20shipping&f=false |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
<ref name="MeirStraitsSpeech">{{Cite web |quote=Interference, by armed force, with ships of Israeli flag exercising free and innocent passage in the Gulf of Aqaba and through the Straits of Tiran will be regarded by Israel as an attack entitling it to exercise its inherent right of self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter and to take all such measures as are necessary to ensure the free and innocent passage of its ships in the Gulf and in the Straits. |title=Statement to the General Assembly by Foreign Minister Meir, 1 March 1957 |url=http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign+Relations/Israels+Foreign+Relations+since+1947/1947-1974/26+Statement+to+the+General+Assembly+by+Foreign+Mi.htm |publisher=Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs – The State of Israel |access-date=13 October 2008 |url-status=live |archive-date=13 October 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071013232255/http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign+Relations/Israels+Foreign+Relations+since+1947/1947-1974/26+Statement+to+the+General+Assembly+by+Foreign+Mi.htm}}</ref> | |||
<ref name="Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs">Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2008). '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090306170527/http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/History/Modern+History/Israel+wars/The+Six-Day+War+-+June+1967.htm |date=6 March 2009 }}.''</ref> | |||
<ref name="Israel Ministry 2004">Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2004). '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070222065211/http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/2000_2009/2004/1/Background%20on%20Israeli%20POWs%20and%20MIAs |date=22 February 2007 }}''.</ref> | |||
==References== | |||
{{refbegin|3}} | |||
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* {{Cite book |last=Prior |first=Michael |year=1999 |title=Zionism and the State of Israel: A Moral Inquiry |place=London |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-20462-0}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Quigley |first=John |year=2013 |author-link=John Quigley (academic) |title=The Six-Day War and Israeli Self-Defense: Questioning the Legal Basis for Preventive War |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-03206-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0zEi3qGWLFIC |access-date=27 October 2015 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517181915/https://books.google.com/books?id=0zEi3qGWLFIC |url-status=live }} | |||
* {{Cite book |editor-last1=Rauschning |editor-first1=Dietrich |editor-last2=Wiesbrock |editor-first2=Katja |editor-last3=Lailach |editor-first3=Martin |year=1997 |title=Key Resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly 1946–1996 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AyM4AAAAIAAJ&dq=997+%22Official+Records+of+the+Security+Council%22%2C+Fourth+Year%2C+%22Special+Supplement%22+No.3.&pg=PA30 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-59704-3 |access-date=3 January 2022 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517181912/https://books.google.com/books?id=AyM4AAAAIAAJ&dq=997+%22Official+Records+of+the+Security+Council%22%2C+Fourth+Year%2C+%22Special+Supplement%22+No.3.&pg=PA30#v=onepage&q=997%20%22Official%20Records%20of%20the%20Security%20Council%22%2C%20Fourth%20Year%2C%20%22Special%20Supplement%22%20No.3.&f=false |url-status=live }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Sachar |first=Howard M. |year=1976 |title=A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time |place=New York |publisher=Alfred A. Knopf |isbn=978-0-394-48564-5}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Sachar |first=Howard M. |year=2007 |title=A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time |place=New York |publisher=Alfred A. Knopf |isbn=978-0-375-71132-9 |edition=3rd}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Sachar |first=Howard M. |year=2013 |title=A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time |publisher=Random House |isbn=978-0-8041-5049-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0X4BAAAAQBAJ }} {{verify source|date=December 2021|reason=Google books says 2013 publication, link points to 2007 publication, WorldCat says 2007 publication for ISBN. I do not know where Random House came from.}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Segev |first=Tom |year=1967 |title=A Red Sheet: the Six Day War |publisher=|isbn=}}{{full citation needed|date=December 2021}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Segev |first=Tom |year=2007 |title=1967: Israel, the War, and the Year that Transformed the Middle East |publisher=Metropolitan Books |isbn=978-0-8050-7057-6}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Sela |first=Avraham |year=1997 |title=The Decline of the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Middle East Politics and the Quest for Regional Order |publisher=SUNY Press |isbn=978-0-7914-3537-3}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Shlaim |first=Avi |title=The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World |publisher=W. W. Norton & Company |year=2000 |isbn=978-0-393-32112-8}} {{ISBN|978-0-393-04816-2}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Shlaim |first=Avi |year=2007 |title=Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace |publisher=Vintage Books |isbn=978-1-4000-7828-8}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last1=Shlaim |first1=Avi |last2=Louis |first2=William Roger |year=2012 |title=The 1967 Arab–Israeli War: Origins and Consequences |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-107-00236-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8YhNPNeBh8IC&pg=PA199 |access-date=27 October 2015 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517182032/https://books.google.com/books?id=8YhNPNeBh8IC&pg=PA199#v=onepage&q&f=false |url-status=live }} | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Sipos |first1=Milos |last2=Cooper |first2=Tom |title=Wings of Iraq, Volume 1: The Iraqi Air Force, 1931-1970 |date=2020 |publisher=Helion & Company Publishing |location=Warwick, UK |isbn=978-1-913118-74-7}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Stone |first=David |year=2004 |title=Wars of the Cold War |publisher=Brassey's |isbn=978-1-85753-342-2}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Tessler |first=Mark A. |title=A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict |year=1994 |url=https://archive.org/details/historyofisraeli00tess_0 |publisher=Indiana University Press |isbn=978-0-253-35848-6 |url-access=registration }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Tucker |first=Spencer C. |year=2004 |title=Tanks: An Illustrated History of Their Impact |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-1-57607-995-9}} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Tucker |first=Spencer C. |year=2010 |title=The Encyclopedia of Middle East Wars. The United States in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq Conflicts |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-1-85109-947-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=U05OvsOPeKMC |access-date=20 October 2020 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517181937/https://books.google.com/books?id=U05OvsOPeKMC |url-status=live }} | |||
* {{Cite book |last=Tucker |first=Spencer C. |year=2015 |title=Wars That Changed History: 50 of the World's Greatest Conflicts: 50 of the World's Greatest Conflicts |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-1-61069-786-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xhGFCgAAQBAJ |access-date=25 June 2019 |archive-date=17 May 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517181916/https://books.google.com/books?id=xhGFCgAAQBAJ |url-status=live }} | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Youngs |first=Tim |date=24 January 2001 |title=Developments in the Middle East Peace Process 1991–2000 |place=London |publisher=International Affairs and Defence Section, House of Commons Library |url=http://www.parliament.uk/commons/lib/research/rp2001/rp01-008.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090717074012/http://www.parliament.uk/commons/lib/research/rp2001/rp01-008.pdf |archive-date=2009-07-17 |journal=Economic Indicators |issn=1368-8456 |id=Research Paper 01/08 }} | |||
{{refend}} | |||
== Further reading == | |||
{{Refbegin|30em}} | |||
* al-Qusi, Abdallah Ahmad Hamid. (1999). ''Al-Wisam fi at-Ta'rikh''. Cairo: Al-Mu'asasa al-'Arabiya al-Haditha. No ISBN available. | |||
* Aloni, Shlomo (2001). ''Arab–Israeli Air Wars 1947–1982''. Osprey Aviation. {{ISBN|978-1-84176-294-4}} | |||
* Alteras, Isaac. (1993). '''', University Press of Florida. {{ISBN|978-0-8130-1205-6}}. | |||
* Bachmutsky, Roi. "Otherwise occupied: The legal status of the Gaza strip 50 years after the six-day war." ''Virginia Journal of International Law'' 57 (2017): 413+ {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517181915/https://www.vjil.org/s/bachmusky_proof.pdf |date=17 May 2024 }}. | |||
* {{Cite book |editor-last=Bar-On |editor-first=Mordechai |year=2006 |title=Never-Ending Conflict: Israeli Military History |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |isbn=978-0-275-98158-7}} | |||
* Barzilai, Gad (1996). ''Wars, Internal Conflicts, and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East''. New York University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-7914-2944-0}} | |||
* Ben-Gurion, David. (1999). Ben-Gurion diary: May–June 1967. ''Israel Studies'' 4(2), 199–220. | |||
* Black, Ian (1992). ''Israel's Secret Wars: A History of Israel's Intelligence Services''. Grove Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8021-3286-4}} | |||
* Bober, Arie (ed.) (1972). ''The other Israel''. Doubleday Anchor. {{ISBN|978-0-385-01467-0}}. | |||
* Boczek, Boleslaw Adam (2005). ''International Law: A Dictionary''. Scarecrow Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8108-5078-1}} | |||
* Borowiec, Andrew. (1998). ''Modern Tunisia: A Democratic Apprenticeship''. Greenwood Publishing Group. {{ISBN|978-0-275-96136-7}}. | |||
* Brecher, Michael. (1996). Eban and Israeli foreign policy: Diplomacy, war and disengagement. In ''A Restless Mind: Essays in Honor of Amos Perlmutter'', Benjamin Frankel (ed.), pp. 104–117. Routledge. {{ISBN|978-0-7146-4607-7}} | |||
* Bregman, Ahron (2000). ''Israel's Wars, 1947–1993''. Routledge. {{ISBN|978-0-415-21468-1}}. | |||
* Bregman, Ahron (2002). ''Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947''. London: Routledge. {{ISBN|978-0-415-28716-6}} | |||
* Christie, Hazel (1999). ''Law of the Sea''. Manchester: ]. {{ISBN|978-0-7190-4382-6}} | |||
* Colaresi, Michael P. (2005). ''Scare Tactics: The politics of international rivalry''. Syracuse University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8156-3066-1}} | |||
* Cristol, A Jay (2002). ''Liberty Incident: The 1967 Israeli Attack on the U.S. Navy Spy Ship''. Brassey's. {{ISBN|978-1-57488-536-1}} | |||
* ] (1977). ''Abba Eban: An Autobiography''. Random House. {{ISBN|978-0-394-49302-2}} | |||
* ]. (1993). ''The October War''. The American University in Cairo Press. {{ISBN|978-977-424-316-5}}. | |||
* {{Cite news |author=Feron, James |date=13 May 1967 |title=Israelis Ponder Blow at Syrians; Some Leaders Decide That Force is the Only Way to Curtail Terrorism Some Israeli Leaders See Need for Force to Curb Syrians |work=The New York Times |url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20615FD3D5B107B93C1A8178ED85F438685F9 |access-date=25 November 2011 |archive-date=1 March 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120301164239/http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20615FD3D5B107B93C1A8178ED85F438685F9 |url-status=live }} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Finkelstein|first=Norman|title=Image and Reality of the Israel–Palestine Conflict|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vNb5VkyxDlYC&q=Image+and+reality+of+the+Israel-Palestine+conflict|publisher=Verso|year=2003|isbn=978-1-85984-442-7|access-date=20 October 2020|archive-date=17 May 2024|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517183145/https://books.google.com/books?id=vNb5VkyxDlYC&q=Image+and+reality+of+the+Israel-Palestine+conflict#v=snippet&q=Image%20and%20reality%20of%20the%20Israel-Palestine%20conflict&f=false|url-status=live}} | |||
* ] (June 2017). '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170609050512/http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=19230 |date=9 June 2017 }}'' (3 parts, each about 30 min) | |||
* Gelpi, Christopher (2002). ''Power of Legitimacy: Assessing the Role of Norms in Crisis Bargaining''. Princeton University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-691-09248-5}} | |||
* Gerner, Deborah J. (1994). ''One Land, Two Peoples''. Westview Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8133-2180-6}}, p. 112 | |||
* Gerteiny, Alfred G. & Ziegler, Jean (2007). ''The Terrorist Conjunction: The United States, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, and Al-Qā'ida''. Greenwood Publishing Group. {{ISBN|978-0-275-99643-7}}, p. 142 | |||
* Gilbert, Martin. (2008). ''Israel – A History''. McNally & Loftin Publishers. {{ISBN|978-0-688-12363-5}}. Chapter available online: {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090517093055/http://www.sixdaywar.co.uk/nassers_challenge-martin-gilbert.htm |date=17 May 2009 }}. | |||
* Goldstein, Erik (1992). ''Wars and Peace Treaties, 1816–1991''. Routledge. {{ISBN|978-0-415-07822-1}} | |||
* Haddad, Yvonne. (1992). Islamists and the "Problem of Israel": The 1967 Awakening. ''Middle East Journal'', Vol. 46, No. 2, pp. 266–285. | |||
* Hajjar, Sami G. , '']'', Volume VI, February 1999, Number 3. Retrieved 30 September 2006. | |||
* Handel, Michael I. (1973). ''Israel's political-military doctrine''. Center for International Affairs, Harvard University. {{ISBN|978-0-87674-025-5}} | |||
* Herbert, Nicholas (17 May 1967). ''Egyptian Forces On Full Alert: Ready to fight for Syria''. The Times, p. 1; Issue 56943; col E. | |||
* Higham, Robin. (2003). ''100 Years of Air Power and Aviation''. TAMU Press. {{ISBN|978-1-58544-241-6}}. | |||
* Hinnebusch, Raymond A. (2003). ''The international politics of the Middle East''. Manchester University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-7190-5346-7}} | |||
* {{Cite journal |author=Hammel, Eric|title=Sinai air strike: June 5, 1967 |journal=Military Heritage |volume=4 |issue=2 |date=October 2002 |pages=68–73}} | |||
* ] (1991). ''Egypt: Politics and Society''. London: Routledge. {{ISBN|978-0-415-09432-0}} | |||
* Hussein of Jordan (1969). ''My "War" with Israel''. London: Peter Owen. {{ISBN|978-0-7206-0310-1}} | |||
* James, Laura (2005). . ''The Middle East Review of International Affairs''. Volume 9, No. 2, Article 2. | |||
* Jia, Bing Bing. (1998). '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221222164506/https://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN0198265565&id=FkJtP1YVf_8C&pg=PA99&lpg=PA99&ots=89Jun6K8HK&dq=In+contrast,+India+stated+that+Egypt,+whose+territorial+sea+covered+the+Strait&sig=Erb8x7u_FL3Oz4ytfnPHp_F82iE |date=22 December 2022 }}'' (Oxford Monographs in International Law). Oxford University Press, USA. {{ISBN|978-0-19-826556-6}}. | |||
* Katz, Samuel M. (1991) ''Israel's Air Force''; The Power Series. Motorbooks International Publishers & Wholesalers, Osceola, WI. | |||
* Koboril, Iwao and Glantz, Michael H. (1998). ''Central Eurasian Water Crisis''. United Nations University Press. {{ISBN|978-92-808-0925-1}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Laron|first=Guy|title=The Six Day War: The Breaking of the Middle East|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ys4CDgAAQBAJ|date=21 February 2017|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-22632-4|access-date=1 December 2018|archive-date=17 May 2024|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240517183116/https://books.google.com/books?id=ys4CDgAAQBAJ|url-status=live}} | |||
* Lavoy, Peter R.; Sagan, Scott Douglas & Wirtz, James J. (Eds.) (2000). ''Planning the Unthinkable: How New Powers Will Use Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical Weapons''. Cornell University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8014-8704-0}}. | |||
* Leibler, Isi (1972). ''The Case For Israel''. Australia: The Executive Council of Australian Jewry. {{ISBN|978-0-9598984-0-8}}. | |||
* Little, Douglas. "Nasser Delenda Est: Lyndon Johnson, The Arabs, and the 1967 Six-Day War," in H.W. Brands, ed. ''The foreign policies of Lyndon Johnson : beyond Vietnam'' (1999) pp 145–167. | |||
* Lyndon Baines Johnson Library. (1994). , Special Interview I, 26 March 1993, by Robert Dallek, Internet Copy, LBJ Library. Retrieved 20 July 2010. | |||
* Makiya, Kanan (1998). ''Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq''. University of California Press. {{ISBN|978-0-520-21439-2}} | |||
* Maoz, Zeev (2006). ''Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel's Security & Foreign Policy''. The University of Michigan Press. {{ISBN|978-0-472-03341-6}} | |||
* Miller, Benjamin. (2007). ''States, Nations, and the Great Powers: The Sources of Regional War and Peace''. Cambridge University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-521-69161-1}} | |||
* ] (1997). ''Israel's Border Wars, 1949–1956''. Oxford: Oxford University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-19-829262-3}} | |||
* Murakami, Masahiro. (1995). '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100629143654/http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/80858e/80858E00.htm#Contents |date=29 June 2010 }}''. United Nations University Press. {{ISBN|978-92-808-0858-2}}. | |||
* Nordeen, Lon & Nicole, David. (1996). ''Phoenix over the Nile: A history of Egyptian Air Power 1932–1994''. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution. {{ISBN|978-1-56098-626-3}}. | |||
* Oren, Michael. (2005). {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160416043340/http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/israel_studies/v010/10.2oren.pdf |date=16 April 2016 }}, ''Israel Studies'', volume 10, number 2. (Subscription required). | |||
* Oren, Michael. (2006). "The Six-Day War", in Bar-On, Mordechai (ed.), ''Never-Ending Conflict: Israeli Military History''. Greenwood Publishing Group. {{ISBN|978-0-275-98158-7}}. | |||
* Parker, Richard B. (1996). ''The Six-day War: A Retrospective''. University Press of Florida. {{ISBN|978-0-8130-1383-1}}. | |||
* {{Cite journal|last=Parker|first=Richard B.|date=August 1997|title=USAF in the Sinai in the 1967 War: Fact or Fiction|journal=Journal of Palestine Studies|volume=XXVII|issue=1|pages=67–75|doi=10.1525/jps.1997.27.1.00p0164l|url=http://www.thelibertyincident.com/docs/Parker2.pdf|access-date=27 February 2010|archive-date=10 October 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171010073008/http://www.thelibertyincident.com/docs/Parker2.pdf|url-status=live}} | |||
* Pimlott, John. (1983). Middle East Conflicts: From 1945 to the Present. Orbis. {{ISBN|978-0-85613-547-7}}. | |||
* ] (2014). ''The Lion's Gate: On the Front Lines of the Six Day War''. Sentinel HC, 2014. {{ISBN|978-1-59523-091-1}} | |||
* Quandt, William B. (2005). ''Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab–Israeli Conflict Since 1967''. Brookings Institution Press and the University of California Press; 3 edition. {{ISBN|978-0-520-24631-7}} | |||
* Quigley, John B. (2005). ''Case for Palestine: An International Law Perspective''. Duke University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8223-3539-9}} | |||
* Quigley, John B. (1990). ''Palestine and Israel: A Challenge to Justice''. Duke University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-8223-1023-5}} | |||
* Rabil, Robert G. (2003). ''Embattled Neighbors: Syria, Israel, and Lebanon''. Lynne Rienner Publishers. {{ISBN|978-1-58826-149-6}} | |||
* Rabin, Yitzhak (1996). ''The Rabin Memoirs''. University of California Press. {{ISBN|978-0-520-20766-0}}. | |||
* Rezun, Miron (1990). "Iran and Afghanistan." In A. Kapur (Ed.). ''Diplomatic Ideas and Practices of Asian States'' (pp. 9–25). Brill Academic Publishers. {{ISBN|978-90-04-09289-1}} | |||
* Rikhye, Indar Jit (1980). ''The Sinai Blunder''. London: Routledge. {{ISBN|978-0-7146-3136-3}} | |||
* Robarge, David S. (2007). '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100426205732/https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/csi-publications/csi-studies/studies/vol49no1/html_files/arab_israeli_war_1.html |date=26 April 2010 }}'', Center for the Study of Intelligence, Vol. 49 No. 1 | |||
* ] (1989). ''Israel and the American National Interest''. University of Illinois Press. {{ISBN|978-0-252-06074-8}} | |||
* Sadeh, Eligar (1997). ''Militarization and State Power in the Arab–Israeli Conflict: Case Study of Israel, 1948–1982''. Universal Publishers. {{ISBN|978-0-9658564-6-1}} | |||
* Sandler, Deborah; Aldy, Emad & Al-Khoshman Mahmoud A. (1993). ''Protecting the Gulf of Aqaba. – A regional environmental challenge''. Environmental Law Institute. 0911937463. | * Sandler, Deborah; Aldy, Emad & Al-Khoshman Mahmoud A. (1993). ''Protecting the Gulf of Aqaba. – A regional environmental challenge''. Environmental Law Institute. 0911937463. | ||
* Seale, Patrick (1988). ''Asad: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle East''. University of California Press. ISBN |
* Seale, Patrick (1988). ''Asad: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle East''. University of California Press. {{ISBN|978-0-520-06976-3}} | ||
* {{Cite book |last=Segev |first=Tom |title=Israel in 1967 |publisher=Keter |year=2005 |isbn=978-965-07-1370-6}} | |||
* Segev, Samuel (1967). A Red Sheet: the Six Day War. | |||
* Shafqat, Saeed (2004). ''''. In Kaniz F. Yusuf (Ed.) ''Unipolar World & The Muslim States''. Islamabad: Pakistan Forum, pp 217–246. | |||
* {{cite book | author=Segev, Tom | title=Israel in 1967 | publisher=Keter | year=2005 | isbn=965-07-1370-0}} | |||
* Shemesh, Moshe (2008). ''Arab Politics, Palestinian Nationalism and the Six Day War''. Sussex Academic Press. {{ISBN|978-1-84519-188-7}}. | |||
* Segev, Tom (2007). ''1967: Israel, the War, and the Year that Transformed the Middle East '' Metropolitan Books. ISBN:978080507057-6 | |||
* Smith, Grant (2006). ''Deadly Dogma''. Institute for Research: Middle Eastern Policy. {{ISBN|978-0-9764437-4-2}} | |||
* Sela, Avraham (1997). ''The Decline of the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Middle East Politics and the Quest for Regional Order''. SUNY Press. ISBN 0-7914-3537-7 | |||
* {{Cite news |work=The New York Times |last=Smith |first=Hedrick |title=As the Shock Wears Off; Arab World, Appraising Its Defeat, Is Split as It Gropes for Strategy |date=15 June 1967 |page=16 |url=https://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0816FE3B5E137A93C7A8178DD85F438685F9 |access-date=28 June 2006 |archive-date=14 October 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071014125853/http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0816FE3B5E137A93C7A8178DD85F438685F9 |url-status=live }} | |||
* Shafqat, Saeed (2004). ''''. In Kaniz F.Yusuf (Ed.) ''Unipolar World & The Muslim States''. Islamabad: Pakistan Forum, pp 217–246. | |||
* Shemesh, Moshe (2008). ''Arab Politics, Palestinian Nationalism and the Six Day War''. Sussex Academic Press. ISBN 1845191889. | |||
* {{cite book | author=Shlaim, Avi | title=The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World | publisher=W. W. Norton & Company | year=2000, 2001 | isbn=0-393-32112-6}} ISBN 0-393-04816-0 | |||
* Shlaim, Avi (2007) ''Lion of Jordan: The Life of King Hussein in War and Peace'' Vintage Books ISBN:9781400078288 | |||
* {{cite news|work = The New York Times|last = Smith|first = Hedrick|title = As the Shock Wears Off; Arab World, Appraising Its Defeat, is Split as it Gropes for Strategy|date = 1967-06-14|page = 16|url = http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0816FE3B5E137A93C7A8178DD85F438685F9|format = PDF subscription required|accessdate = 2006-06-28}} | |||
* {{cite news|title = Envoys Say Nasser Now Concedes U.S. Didn't Help Israel|work = The New York Times|last = Smith|first = Hedrick|date = 1967-09-15|pages = Page 1, Col. 5, Page 3, Col. 1|accessdate = 2007-07-28}} | |||
* Stein, Janice Gross. (1991). The Arab-Israeli War of 1967: Inadvertent War Through Miscalculated Escalation, in ''Avoiding War: Problems of Crisis Management'', Alexander L. George, ed. Boulder: Westview Press. | * Stein, Janice Gross. (1991). The Arab-Israeli War of 1967: Inadvertent War Through Miscalculated Escalation, in ''Avoiding War: Problems of Crisis Management'', Alexander L. George, ed. Boulder: Westview Press. | ||
* Stephens, Robert H. (1971). ''Nasser: A Political Biography''. London: Allen Lane/The Penguin Press. ISBN |
* Stephens, Robert H. (1971). ''Nasser: A Political Biography''. London: Allen Lane/The Penguin Press. {{ISBN|978-0-7139-0181-8}} | ||
* {{Cite news |url=http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2007/06/04/six_day_war |title=Rethinking Israel's David-and-Goliath past |author=Tolan, Sandy |work=Salon.com |date=4 June 2007 |access-date=29 April 2010 |archive-date=3 February 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110203001935/http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2007/06/04/six_day_war |url-status=dead }} | |||
* Stone, David (2004). ''Wars of the Cold War''. Brassey's. ISBN 1-85753-342-9 | |||
* United Nations (1967, 5 June). . Provisional agenda (S/PV.1347/Rev.1). On a subpage of the website of The United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL). | |||
* {{cite web |url=http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/feature/2007/06/04/six_day_war |title=Rethinking Israel's David-and-Goliath past | |||
* ] (2004). ''Defending Israel: A Controversial Plan Toward Peace''. Thomas Dunne Books. {{ISBN|978-0-312-32866-5}} | |||
|author=Tolan, Sandy|publisher=Salon.com|date=June 4, 2007|accessdate=2010-04-29}} | |||
* {{Cite news |work=The New York Times |title=Israelis Say Tape Shows Nasser Fabricated 'Plot'; Recording Said to Be of Phone Call to Hussein Gives Plan to Accuse U.S. and Britain |date=9 June 1967 |page=17 |url=https://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0812F9385E137A93CBA9178DD85F438685F9 |access-date=28 June 2007 |url-access=subscription |archive-date=13 October 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071013155305/http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0812F9385E137A93CBA9178DD85F438685F9 |url-status=live }} | |||
* Tucker, Spencer (2004). ''Tanks: An Illustrated History of Their Impact''. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1576079953 | |||
* " {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100719182857/http://www.fas.org/nuke/guide/russia/agency/mf-med.htm |date=19 July 2010 }}". (September 7, 2000). Federation of American Scientists. | |||
* United Nations (967, 5 June). . Provisional agenda (S/PV.1347/Rev.1). On a subpage of the website of The United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine (UNISPAL). | |||
* ] (2004). ''Defending Israel: A Controversial Plan Toward Peace''. Thomas Dunne Books. ISBN 0-312-32866-4 | |||
* Youngs, Tim. (2001). '''' London: International Affairs and Defence Section, House of Commons Library. ISSN 1368-8456. | |||
{{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
== External links == | |||
==Further reading== | |||
* Barzilai, Gad (1996). ''Wars, Internal Conflicts, and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East''. New York University Press. ISBN 0-7914-2943 | |||
* Cristol, A Jay (2002). ''Liberty Incident: The 1967 Israeli Attack on the U.S. Navy Spy Ship''. Brassey's. ISBN 1-57488-536-7 | |||
* Gat, Moshe (2003). ''Britain and the Conflict in the Middle East, 1964–1967: The Coming of the Six-Day War''. Praeger/Greenwood. ISBN 0-275-97514-2 | |||
* {{cite journal | author=Hammel, Eric| title=Sinai air strike: June 5, 1967 | journal=Military Heritage | volume=4 | issue=2 | month=October | year=2002 | pages=68–73}} | |||
* ] (1991). ''Egypt: Politics and Society''. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-09432-1 | |||
* Hussein of Jordan (1969). ''My "War" with Israel''. London: Peter Owen. ISBN 0-7206-0310-2 | |||
* Katz, Samuel M. (1991) ''Israel's Air Force''; The Power Series. Motorbooks International Publishers & Wholesalers, Osceola, WI. | |||
* Makiya, Kanan (1998). ''Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq''. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21439-0 | |||
* ] (1997). ''Israel's Border Wars, 1949–1956''. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-829262-7 | |||
* Rezun, Miron (1990). Iran and Afghanistan. In A. Kapur (Ed.). ''Diplomatic Ideas and Practices of Asian States'' (pp. 9–25). Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 90-04-09289-7 | |||
* Smith, Grant (2006). ''Deadly Dogma''. Institute for Research: Middle Eastern Policy. ISBN 0-9764437-4-0 | |||
==External links== | |||
{{Commons category|1967 Arab-Israeli War}} | {{Commons category|1967 Arab-Israeli War}} | ||
*. Retrieved 17 July 2010. | * . Retrieved 17 July 2010. | ||
* | * | ||
* | * | ||
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* {{YouTube|C4Ooaqtk-Cg|Video Clip: Sandhurst military historian analysing how King Hussein became involved in the Six Day War.}} | ||
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* {{YouTube|OnsMfKmaizE|Video Clip: Analysis of Israel's Sinai Campaign in 1967 by Sandhurst military historian.}} | ||
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* {{YouTube|OnsMfKmaizE|Video Clip: Military analysis of the attack on Jerusalem and the Jordanian defence.}} | ||
* Encyclopaedia of the Orient | * in the ''Encyclopaedia of the Orient'' | ||
* | * | ||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130824175400/http://www.shapell.org/manuscript.aspx?169472 |date=24 August 2013 }} Shapell Manuscript Foundation | |||
*. Retrieved 17 July 2010. | |||
* . Retrieved 17 July 2010. | |||
* . Retrieved July 17, 2010. | |||
* | |||
*. Retrieved 17 July 2010. | |||
* . Retrieved 22 July 2014. | |||
* | |||
* | |||
* - A historic radio interview with General Uzi Narkiss taken on June 7 - one day after the Six-Day War, describing the battle for Jerusalem | |||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171010073008/http://www.isracast.com/narkiss.asx |date=10 October 2017 }} – A historic radio interview with General Uzi Narkiss taken on 7 June – one day after the Six-Day War, describing the battle for Jerusalem | |||
* - Historic Live Broadcast on Voice of Israel Radio, June 7, 1967. Retrieved 17 July 2010. | |||
* – Historic Live Broadcast on Voice of Israel Radio, 7 June 1967 | |||
* by Isabella Ginor. Published by '']'' (MERIA) Journal Volume 7, Number 3 (September 2003) | |||
* by Isabella Ginor. Published by the journal '']'' (MERIA), Volume 7, Number 3 (September 2003) | |||
*. Retrieved 17 July 2010. | |||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150527234448/http://jafi.org/NR/exeres/4B21CC9B-BCD1-43FA-82F5-4355BE6EED30 |date=27 May 2015 }}. Retrieved 22 July 2014. | |||
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Latest revision as of 04:46, 21 December 2024
1967 war between Israel and Egypt, Jordan, and Syria For other uses, see Six Day War (disambiguation).
Six-Day War | |||||||||
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Part of the Arab–Israeli conflict | |||||||||
A map of military movements during the conflict. Israel proper is shown in royal blue and territories occupied by Israel are shown in various shades of green | |||||||||
| |||||||||
Belligerents | |||||||||
Israel |
Egypt Syria Jordan Iraq Minor involvement: Lebanon | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
Levi Eshkol Moshe Dayan Yitzhak Rabin David Elazar Uzi Narkiss Yeshayahu Gavish Israel Tal Mordechai Hod Shlomo Erell Aharon Yariv Ezer Weizman Rehavam Ze'evi |
Gamal Abdel Nasser Abdel Hakim Amer Mohamed Fawzi Abdul Munim Riad Mohamed Mahmoud Nureddin al-Atassi Hafez al-Assad Ahmed Suidani Hussein of Jordan Zaid ibn Shaker Asad Ghanma Abdul Rahman Arif | ||||||||
Strength | |||||||||
Israel: 264,000 total 250–300 combat aircraft 800 tanks |
Egypt: 160,000 total 100,000 deployed 420 aircraft 900–950 tanks Syria: 75,000 troops Jordan: 55,000 total 45,000 deployed 270 tanks Iraq: 100 tanks Lebanon: 2 combat aircraft Total: 465,000 total 800 aircraft 2,504 tanks | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
Israel: 776–983 killed 4,517 wounded 15 captured 400 tanks destroyed 46 aircraft destroyed |
Egypt: Hundreds of tanks destroyed 452+ aircraft destroyed | ||||||||
15 UN peacekeepers killed (14 Indian, 1 Brazilian) 20 Israeli civilians killed and 1,000+ Israeli civilians injured in Jerusalem 34 US Navy, Marine, and NSA personnel killed 17 Soviet Marines killed (allegedly) 413,000 Palestinians displaced |
Six-Day War | |||||||||||
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The Six-Day War, also known as the June War, 1967 Arab–Israeli War or Third Arab–Israeli War, was fought between Israel and a coalition of Arab states, primarily Egypt, Syria, and Jordan from 5 to 10 June 1967.
Military hostilities broke out amid poor relations between Israel and its Arab neighbors, which had been observing the 1949 Armistice Agreements signed at the end of the First Arab–Israeli War. In 1956, regional tensions over the Straits of Tiran (giving access to Eilat, a port on the southeast tip of Israel) escalated in what became known as the Suez Crisis, when Israel invaded Egypt over the Egyptian closure of maritime passageways to Israeli shipping, ultimately resulting in the re-opening of the Straits of Tiran to Israel as well as the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) along the Egypt–Israel border. In the months prior to the outbreak of the Six-Day War in June 1967, tensions again became dangerously heightened: Israel reiterated its post-1956 position that another Egyptian closure of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping would be a definite casus belli. In May 1967, Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser announced that the Straits of Tiran would again be closed to Israeli vessels. He subsequently mobilized the Egyptian military into defensive lines along the border with Israel and ordered the immediate withdrawal of all UNEF personnel.
On 5 June 1967, as the UNEF was in the process of leaving the zone, Israel launched a series of airstrikes against Egyptian airfields and other facilities. Egyptian forces were caught by surprise, and nearly all of Egypt's military aerial assets were destroyed, giving Israel air supremacy. Simultaneously, the Israeli military launched a ground offensive into Egypt's Sinai Peninsula as well as the Egyptian-occupied Gaza Strip. After some initial resistance, Nasser ordered an evacuation of the Sinai Peninsula; by the sixth day of the conflict, Israel had occupied the entire Sinai Peninsula. Jordan, which had entered into a defense pact with Egypt just a week before the war began, did not take on an all-out offensive role against Israel, but launched attacks against Israeli forces to slow Israel's advance. On the fifth day, Syria joined the war by shelling Israeli positions in the north.
Egypt and Jordan agreed to a ceasefire on 8 June, and Syria on 9 June, and it was signed with Israel on 11 June. The Six-Day War resulted in more than 15,000 Arab fatalities, while Israel suffered fewer than 1,000. Alongside the combatant casualties were the deaths of 20 Israeli civilians killed in Arab forces air strikes on Jerusalem, 15 UN peacekeepers killed by Israeli strikes in the Sinai at the outset of the war, and 34 US personnel killed in the USS Liberty incident in which Israeli air forces struck a United States Navy technical research ship.
At the time of the cessation of hostilities, Israel had occupied the Golan Heights from Syria, the West Bank including East Jerusalem from Jordan, and the Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip from Egypt. The displacement of civilian populations as a result of the Six-Day War would have long-term consequences, as around 280,000 to 325,000 Palestinians and 100,000 Syrians fled or were expelled from the West Bank and the Golan Heights, respectively. Nasser resigned in shame after Israel's victory, but was later reinstated following a series of protests across Egypt. In the aftermath of the conflict, Egypt closed the Suez Canal until 1975.
Background
Main article: Origins of the Six-Day War See also: Waiting period (Six-Day War)After the 1956 Suez Crisis, Egypt agreed to the stationing of a United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) in the Sinai to ensure all parties would comply with the 1949 Armistice Agreements. In the following years there were numerous minor border clashes between Israel and its Arab neighbors, particularly Syria. In early November 1966, Syria signed a mutual defense agreement with Egypt. Soon after this, in response to Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) guerilla activity, including a mine attack that left three dead, the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) attacked the village of as-Samu in the Jordanian-ruled West Bank. Jordanian units that engaged the Israelis were quickly beaten back. King Hussein of Jordan criticized Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser for failing to come to Jordan's aid, and "hiding behind UNEF skirts".
In May 1967, Nasser received false reports from the Soviet Union that Israel was massing on the Syrian border. Nasser began massing his troops in two defensive lines in the Sinai Peninsula on Israel's border (16 May), expelled the UNEF force from Gaza and Sinai (19 May) and took over UNEF positions at Sharm el-Sheikh, overlooking the Straits of Tiran. Israel repeated declarations it had made in 1957 that any closure of the Straits would be considered an act of war, or justification for war, but Nasser closed the Straits to Israeli shipping on 22–23 May. After the war, U.S. President Lyndon Johnson commented:
If a single act of folly was more responsible for this explosion than any other, it was the arbitrary and dangerous announced decision that the Straits of Tiran would be closed. The right of innocent, maritime passage must be preserved for all nations.
On 30 May, Jordan and Egypt signed a defense pact. The following day, at Jordan's invitation, the Iraqi army began deploying troops and armored units in Jordan. They were later reinforced by an Egyptian contingent. On 1 June, Israel formed a National Unity Government by widening its cabinet, and on 4 June the decision was made to go to war. The next morning, Israel launched Operation Focus, a large-scale, surprise air strike that launched the Six-Day War.
Military preparation
Before the war, Israeli pilots and ground crews had trained extensively in rapid refitting of aircraft returning from sorties, enabling a single aircraft to sortie up to four times a day, as opposed to the norm in Arab air forces of one or two sorties per day. This enabled the Israeli Air Force (IAF) to send several attack waves against Egyptian airfields on the first day of the war, overwhelming the Egyptian Air Force and allowed it to knock out other Arab air forces on the same day. This has contributed to the Arab belief that the IAF was helped by foreign air forces (see Controversies relating to the Six-Day War). Pilots were extensively schooled about their targets, were forced to memorize every single detail, and rehearsed the operation multiple times on dummy runways in total secrecy.
The Egyptians had constructed fortified defenses in the Sinai. These designs were based on the assumption that an attack would come along the few roads leading through the desert, rather than through the difficult desert terrain. The Israelis chose not to risk attacking the Egyptian defenses head-on, and instead surprised them from an unexpected direction.
James Reston, writing in The New York Times on 23 May 1967, noted, "In; discipline, training, morale, equipment and general competence his army and the other Arab forces, without the direct assistance of the Soviet Union, are no match for the Israelis. ... Even with 50,000 troops and the best of his generals and air force in Yemen, he has not been able to work his way in that small and primitive country, and even his effort to help the Congo rebels was a flop."
On the eve of the war, Israel believed it could win a war in 3–4 days. The United States estimated Israel would need 7–10 days to win, with British estimates supporting the U.S. view.
Armies and weapons
Armies
The Israeli army had a total strength, including reservists, of 264,000, though this number could not be sustained during a long conflict, as the reservists were vital to civilian life.
Against Jordan's forces on the West Bank, Israel deployed about 40,000 troops and 200 tanks (eight brigades). Israeli Central Command forces consisted of five brigades. The first two were permanently stationed near Jerusalem and were the Jerusalem Brigade and the mechanized Harel Brigade. Mordechai Gur's 55th Paratroopers Brigade was summoned from the Sinai front. The 10th Armored Brigade was stationed north of the West Bank. The Israeli Northern Command comprised a division of three brigades led by Major General Elad Peled which was stationed in the Jezreel Valley to the north of the West Bank.
On the eve of the war, Egypt massed approximately 100,000 of its 160,000 troops in the Sinai, including all seven of its divisions (four infantry, two armored and one mechanized), four independent infantry brigades and four independent armored brigades. Over a third of these soldiers were veterans of Egypt's continuing intervention into the North Yemen Civil War and another third were reservists. These forces had 950 tanks, 1,100 APCs, and more than 1,000 artillery pieces.
Syria's army had a total strength of 75,000 and was deployed along the border with Israel. Professor David W. Lesch wrote that "One would be hard-pressed to find a military less prepared for war with a clearly superior foe" since Syria's army had been decimated in the months and years prior through coups and attempted coups that had resulted in a series of purges, fracturings and uprisings within the armed forces.
The Jordanian Armed Forces included 11 brigades, totaling 55,000 troops. Nine brigades (45,000 troops, 270 tanks, 200 artillery pieces) were deployed in the West Bank, including the elite armored 40th, and two in the Jordan Valley. They possessed sizable numbers of M113 APCs and were equipped with some 300 modern Western tanks, 250 of which were U.S. M48 Pattons. They also had 12 battalions of artillery, six batteries of 81 mm and 120 mm mortars, a paratrooper battalion trained in the new U.S.-built school and a new battalion of mechanized infantry. The Jordanian Army was a long-term-service, professional army, relatively well-equipped and well-trained. Israeli post-war briefings said that the Jordanian staff acted professionally, but was always left "half a step" behind by the Israeli moves. The small Royal Jordanian Air Force consisted of only 24 British-made Hawker Hunter fighters, six transport aircraft and two helicopters. According to the Israelis, the Hawker Hunter was essentially on par with the French-built Dassault Mirage III – the IAF's best plane.
One hundred Iraqi tanks and an infantry division were readied near the Jordanian border. Two squadrons of Iraqi fighter-aircraft, Hawker Hunters and MiG 21s, were rebased adjacent to the Jordanian border.
In the weeks leading up to the Six-Day War, Saudi Arabia mobilized forces for deployment to the Jordanian front. A Saudi infantry battalion entered Jordan on 6 June 1967, followed by another on the 8th. Both were based in Jordan's southernmost city, Ma'an. By 17 June, the Saudi contingent in Jordan had grown to include a single infantry brigade, a tank company, two artillery batteries, a heavy mortar company, and a maintenance and support unit. By the end of July 1967, a second tank company and a third artillery battery had been added. These forces remained in Jordan until the end of 1977, when they were recalled for re-equipment and retraining in the Karak region near the Dead Sea.
The Arab air forces were reinforced by aircraft from Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia to make up for the massive losses suffered on the first day of the war. They were also aided by volunteer pilots from the Pakistan Air Force acting in an independent capacity. PAF pilots like Saiful Azam shot down several Israeli planes.
Weapons
With the exception of Jordan, the Arabs relied principally on Soviet weaponry. Jordan's army was equipped with American weaponry, and its air force was composed of British aircraft.
Egypt had by far the largest and the most modern of all the Arab air forces, consisting of about 420 combat aircraft, all of them Soviet-built and with a large number of top-of-the-line MiG-21s. Of particular concern to the Israelis were the 30 Tu-16 "Badger" medium bombers, capable of inflicting heavy damage on Israeli military and civilian centers.
Israeli weapons were mainly of Western origin. Its air force was composed principally of French aircraft, while its armored units were mostly of British and American design and manufacture. Some light infantry weapons, including the ubiquitous Uzi, were of Israeli origin.
Fighting fronts
Initial attack
Main article: Operation Focus See also: Order of battle for the Six-Day WarThe first and most critical move of the conflict was a surprise Israeli attack on the Egyptian Air Force. Initially, both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.
On 5 June at 7:45 Israeli time, with civil defense sirens sounding all over Israel, the IAF launched Operation Focus (Moked). All but 12 of its nearly 200 operational jets launched a mass attack against Egypt's airfields. The Egyptian defensive infrastructure was extremely poor, and no airfields were yet equipped with hardened aircraft shelters capable of protecting Egypt's warplanes. Most of the Israeli warplanes headed out over the Mediterranean Sea, flying low to avoid radar detection, before turning toward Egypt. Others flew over the Red Sea.
Meanwhile, the Egyptians hindered their own defense by effectively shutting down their entire air defense system: they were worried that rebel Egyptian forces would shoot down the plane carrying Field Marshal Abdel Hakim Amer and Lt-Gen. Sidqi Mahmoud, who were en route from al Maza to Bir Tamada in the Sinai to meet the commanders of the troops stationed there. It did not make a great deal of difference as the Israeli pilots came in below Egyptian radar cover and well below the lowest point at which its SA-2 surface-to-air missile batteries could bring down an aircraft.
Although the powerful Jordanian radar facility at Ajloun detected waves of aircraft approaching Egypt and reported the code word for "war" up the Egyptian command chain, Egyptian command and communications problems prevented the warning from reaching the targeted airfields. The Israelis employed a mixed-attack strategy: bombing and strafing runs against planes parked on the ground, and bombing to disable runways with special tarmac-shredding penetration bombs developed jointly with France, leaving surviving aircraft unable to take off.
The runway at the Arish airfield was spared, as the Israelis expected to turn it into a military airport for their transports after the war. Surviving aircraft were taken out by later attack waves. The operation was more successful than expected, catching the Egyptians by surprise and destroying virtually all of the Egyptian Air Force on the ground, with few Israeli losses. Only four unarmed Egyptian training flights were in the air when the strike began. A total of 338 Egyptian aircraft were destroyed and 100 pilots were killed, although the number of aircraft lost by the Egyptians is disputed.
Among the Egyptian planes lost were all 30 Tu-16 bombers, 27 out of 40 Il-28 bombers, 12 Su-7 fighter-bombers, over 90 MiG-21s, 20 MiG-19s, 25 MiG-17 fighters, and around 32 transport planes and helicopters. In addition, Egyptian radars and SAM missiles were also attacked and destroyed. The Israelis lost 19 planes, including two destroyed in air-to-air combat and 13 downed by anti-aircraft artillery. One Israeli plane, which was damaged and unable to break radio silence, was shot down by Israeli Hawk missiles after it strayed over the Negev Nuclear Research Center. Another was destroyed by an exploding Egyptian bomber.
The attack guaranteed Israeli air supremacy for the rest of the war. Attacks on other Arab air forces by Israel took place later in the day as hostilities broke out on other fronts.
The large numbers of Arab aircraft claimed destroyed by Israel on that day were at first regarded as "greatly exaggerated" by the Western press, but the fact that the Egyptian Air Force, along with other Arab air forces attacked by Israel, made practically no appearance for the remaining days of the conflict proved that the numbers were most likely authentic. Throughout the war, Israeli aircraft continued strafing Arab airfield runways to prevent their return to usability. Meanwhile, Egyptian state-run radio had reported an Egyptian victory, falsely claiming that 70 Israeli planes had been downed on the first day of fighting.
Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula
The Egyptian forces consisted of seven divisions: four armored, two infantry, and one mechanized infantry. Overall, Egypt had around 100,000 troops and 900–950 tanks in the Sinai, backed by 1,100 APCs and 1,000 artillery pieces. This arrangement was thought to be based on the Soviet doctrine, where mobile armor units at strategic depth provide a dynamic defense while infantry units engage in defensive battles.
Israeli forces concentrated on the border with Egypt included six armored brigades, one infantry brigade, one mechanized infantry brigade, three paratrooper brigades, giving a total of around 70,000 men and 700 tanks, who were organized in three armored divisions. They had massed on the border the night before the war, camouflaging themselves and observing radio silence before being ordered to advance.
The Israeli plan was to surprise the Egyptian forces in both timing (the attack exactly coinciding with the IAF strike on Egyptian airfields), and in location (attacking via northern and central Sinai routes, as opposed to the Egyptian expectations of a repeat of the 1956 war, when the IDF attacked via the central and southern routes) and method (using a combined-force flanking approach, rather than direct tank assaults).
Northern (El Arish) Israeli division
On 5 June, at 7:50 am, the northernmost Israeli division, consisting of three brigades and commanded by Major General Israel Tal, one of Israel's most prominent armor commanders, crossed the border at two points, opposite Nahal Oz and south of Khan Yunis. They advanced swiftly, holding fire to prolong the element of surprise. Tal's forces assaulted the "Rafah Gap", an 11-kilometre (7 mi) stretch containing the shortest of three main routes through the Sinai towards El Qantara and the Suez Canal. The Egyptians had four divisions in the area, backed by minefields, pillboxes, underground bunkers, hidden gun emplacements and trenches. The terrain on either side of the route was impassable. The Israeli plan was to hit the Egyptians at selected key points with concentrated armor.
Tal's advance was led by the 7th Armored Brigade under Colonel Shmuel Gonen. The Israeli plan called for the 7th Brigade to outflank Khan Yunis from the north and the 60th Armored Brigade under Colonel Menachem Aviram would advance from the south. The two brigades would link up and surround Khan Yunis, while the paratroopers would take Rafah. Gonen entrusted the breakthrough to a single battalion of his brigade.
Initially, the advance was met with light resistance, as Egyptian intelligence had concluded that it was a diversion for the main attack. As Gonen's lead battalion advanced, it suddenly came under intense fire and took heavy losses. A second battalion was brought up, but was also pinned down. Meanwhile, the 60th Brigade became bogged down in the sand, while the paratroopers had trouble navigating through the dunes. The Israelis continued to press their attack, and despite heavy losses, cleared the Egyptian positions and reached the Khan Yunis railway junction in a little over four hours.
Gonen's brigade then advanced nine miles to Rafah in twin columns. Rafah itself was circumvented, and the Israelis attacked Sheikh Zuweid, 13 kilometres (8 mi) to the southwest, which was defended by two brigades. Though inferior in numbers and equipment, the Egyptians were deeply entrenched and camouflaged. The Israelis were pinned down by fierce Egyptian resistance and called in air and artillery support to enable their lead elements to advance. Many Egyptians abandoned their positions after their commander and several of his staff were killed.
The Israelis broke through with tank-led assaults, but Aviram's forces misjudged the Egyptians' flank and were pinned between strongholds before they were extracted after several hours. By nightfall, the Israelis had finished mopping up resistance. Israeli forces had taken significant losses, with Colonel Gonen later telling reporters that "we left many of our dead soldiers in Rafah and many burnt-out tanks." The Egyptians suffered some 2,000 casualties and lost 40 tanks.
Advance on Arish
On 5 June, with the road open, Israeli forces continued advancing towards Arish. Already by late afternoon, elements of the 79th Armored Battalion had charged through the 11-kilometre (7 mi)-long Jiradi defile, a narrow pass defended by well-emplaced troops of the Egyptian 112th Infantry Brigade. In fierce fighting, which saw the pass change hands several times, the Israelis charged through the position. The Egyptians suffered heavy casualties and tank losses, while Israeli losses stood at 66 dead, 93 wounded and 28 tanks. Emerging at the western end, Israeli forces advanced to the outskirts of Arish. As it reached the outskirts of Arish, Tal's division also consolidated its hold on Rafah and Khan Yunis.
The following day, 6 June, the Israeli forces on the outskirts of Arish were reinforced by the 7th Brigade, which fought its way through the Jiradi pass. After receiving supplies via an airdrop, the Israelis entered the city and captured the airport at 7:50 am. The Israelis entered the city at 8:00 am. Company commander Yossi Peled recounted that "Al-Arish was totally quiet, desolate. Suddenly, the city turned into a madhouse. Shots came at us from every alley, every corner, every window and house." An IDF record stated that "clearing the city was hard fighting. The Egyptians fired from the rooftops, from balconies and windows. They dropped grenades into our half-tracks and blocked the streets with trucks. Our men threw the grenades back and crushed the trucks with their tanks." Gonen sent additional units to Arish, and the city was eventually taken.
Brigadier-General Avraham Yoffe's assignment was to penetrate Sinai south of Tal's forces and north of Sharon's. Yoffe's attack allowed Tal to complete the capture of the Jiradi defile, Khan Yunis. All of them were taken after fierce fighting. Gonen subsequently dispatched a force of tanks, infantry and engineers under Colonel Yisrael Granit to continue down the Mediterranean coast towards the Suez Canal, while a second force led by Gonen himself turned south and captured Bir Lahfan and Jabal Libni.
Mid-front (Abu-Ageila) Israeli division
See also: Battle of Abu-Ageila (1967)Further south, on 6 June, the Israeli 38th Armored Division under Major-General Ariel Sharon assaulted Um-Katef, a heavily fortified area defended by the Egyptian 2nd Infantry Division under Major-General Sa'adi Naguib (though Naguib was actually absent) of Soviet World War II armor, which included 90 T-34-85 tanks, 22 SU-100 tank destroyers, and about 16,000 men. The Israelis had about 14,000 men and 150 post-World War II tanks including the AMX-13, Centurions, and M50 Super Shermans (modified M-4 Sherman tanks).
Two armored brigades in the meantime, under Avraham Yoffe, slipped across the border through sandy wastes that Egypt had left undefended because they were considered impassable. Simultaneously, Sharon's tanks from the west were to engage Egyptian forces on Um-Katef ridge and block any reinforcements. Israeli infantry would clear the three trenches, while heliborne paratroopers would land behind Egyptian lines and silence their artillery. An armored thrust would be made at al-Qusmaya to unnerve and isolate its garrison.
As Sharon's division advanced into the Sinai, Egyptian forces staged successful delaying actions at Tarat Umm, Umm Tarfa, and Hill 181. An Israeli jet was downed by anti-aircraft fire, and Sharon's forces came under heavy shelling as they advanced from the north and west. The Israeli advance, which had to cope with extensive minefields, took a large number of casualties. A column of Israeli tanks managed to penetrate the northern flank of Abu Ageila, and by dusk, all units were in position. The Israelis then brought up ninety 105 mm and 155 mm artillery cannon for a preparatory barrage, while civilian buses brought reserve infantrymen under Colonel Yekutiel Adam and helicopters arrived to ferry the paratroopers. These movements were unobserved by the Egyptians, who were preoccupied with Israeli probes against their perimeter.
As night fell, the Israeli assault troops lit flashlights, each battalion a different colour, to prevent friendly fire incidents. At 10:00 pm, Israeli artillery began a barrage on Um-Katef, firing some 6,000 shells in less than twenty minutes, the most concentrated artillery barrage in Israel's history. Israeli tanks assaulted the northernmost Egyptian defenses and were largely successful, though an entire armored brigade was stalled by mines, and had only one mine-clearance tank. Israeli infantrymen assaulted the triple line of trenches in the east. To the west, paratroopers commanded by Colonel Danny Matt landed behind Egyptian lines, though half the helicopters got lost and never found the battlefield, while others were unable to land due to mortar fire.
Those that successfully landed on target destroyed Egyptian artillery and ammunition dumps and separated gun crews from their batteries, sowing enough confusion to significantly reduce Egyptian artillery fire. Egyptian reinforcements from Jabal Libni advanced towards Um-Katef to counterattack but failed to reach their objective, being subjected to heavy air attacks and encountering Israeli lodgements on the roads. Egyptian commanders then called in artillery attacks on their own positions. The Israelis accomplished and sometimes exceeded their overall plan, and had largely succeeded by the following day. The Egyptians suffered about 2,000 casualties, while the Israelis lost 42 dead and 140 wounded.
Yoffe's attack allowed Sharon to complete the capture of the Um-Katef, after fierce fighting. The main thrust at Um-Katef was stalled due to mines and craters. After IDF engineers had cleared a path by 4:00 pm, Israeli and Egyptian tanks engaged in fierce combat, often at ranges as close as ten yards. The battle ended in an Israeli victory, with 40 Egyptian and 19 Israeli tanks destroyed. Meanwhile, Israeli infantry finished clearing out the Egyptian trenches, with Israeli casualties standing at 14 dead and 41 wounded and Egyptian casualties at 300 dead and 100 taken prisoner.
Other Israeli forces
Further south, on 5 June, the 8th Armored Brigade under Colonel Albert Mandler, initially positioned as a ruse to draw off Egyptian forces from the real invasion routes, attacked the fortified bunkers at Kuntilla, a strategically valuable position whose capture would enable Mandler to block reinforcements from reaching Um-Katef and to join Sharon's upcoming attack on Nakhl. The defending Egyptian battalion outnumbered and outgunned, fiercely resisted the attack, hitting several Israeli tanks. Most of the defenders were killed, and only three Egyptian tanks, one of them damaged, survived. By nightfall, Mandler's forces had taken Kuntilla.
With the exceptions of Rafah and Khan Yunis, Israeli forces had initially avoided entering the Gaza Strip. Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan had expressly forbidden entry into the area. After Palestinian positions in Gaza opened fire on the Negev settlements of Nirim and Kissufim, IDF Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin overrode Dayan's instructions and ordered the 11th Mechanized Brigade under Colonel Yehuda Reshef to enter the Strip. The force was immediately met with heavy artillery fire and fierce resistance from Palestinian forces and remnants of the Egyptian forces from Rafah.
By sunset, the Israelis had taken the strategically vital Ali Muntar ridge, overlooking Gaza City, but were beaten back from the city itself. Some 70 Israelis were killed, along with Israeli journalist Ben Oyserman and American journalist Paul Schutzer. Twelve members of UNEF were also killed. On the war's second day, 6 June, the Israelis were bolstered by the 35th Paratroopers Brigade under Colonel Rafael Eitan and took Gaza City along with the entire Strip. The fighting was fierce and accounted for nearly half of all Israeli casualties on the southern front. Gaza rapidly fell to the Israelis.
Meanwhile, on 6 June, two Israeli reserve brigades under Yoffe, each equipped with 100 tanks, penetrated the Sinai south of Tal's division and north of Sharon's, capturing the road junctions of Abu Ageila, Bir Lahfan, and Arish, taking all of them before midnight. Two Egyptian armored brigades counterattacked, and a fierce battle took place until the following morning. The Egyptians were beaten back by fierce resistance coupled with airstrikes, sustaining heavy tank losses. They fled west towards Jabal Libni.
The Egyptian Army
During the ground fighting, remnants of the Egyptian Air Force attacked Israeli ground forces but took losses from the Israeli Air Force and from Israeli anti-aircraft units. Throughout the last four days, Egyptian aircraft flew 150 sorties against Israeli units in the Sinai.
Many of the Egyptian units remained intact and could have tried to prevent the Israelis from reaching the Suez Canal, or engaged in combat in the attempt to reach the canal, but when the Egyptian Field Marshal Abdel Hakim Amer heard about the fall of Abu-Ageila, he panicked and ordered all units in the Sinai to retreat. This order effectively meant the defeat of Egypt.
Meanwhile, President Nasser, having learned of the results of the Israeli air strikes, decided together with Field Marshal Amer to order a general retreat from the Sinai within 24 hours. No detailed instructions were given concerning the manner and sequence of withdrawal.
Next fighting days
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As Egyptian columns retreated, Israeli aircraft and artillery attacked them. Israeli jets used napalm bombs during their sorties. The attacks destroyed hundreds of vehicles and caused heavy casualties. At Jabal Libni, retreating Egyptian soldiers were fired upon by their own artillery. At Bir Gafgafa, the Egyptians fiercely resisted advancing Israeli forces, knocking out three tanks and eight half-tracks, and killing 20 soldiers. Due to the Egyptians' retreat, the Israeli High Command decided not to pursue the Egyptian units but rather to bypass and destroy them in the mountainous passes of West Sinai.
Therefore, in the following two days (6 and 7 June), all three Israeli divisions (Sharon and Tal were reinforced by an armored brigade each) rushed westwards and reached the passes. Sharon's division first went southward then westward, via An-Nakhl, to Mitla Pass with air support. It was joined there by parts of Yoffe's division, while its other units blocked the Gidi Pass. These passes became killing grounds for the Egyptians, who ran right into waiting Israeli positions and suffered heavy losses in both soldiers and vehicles. According to Egyptian diplomat Mahmoud Riad, 10,000 men were killed in one day alone, and many others died from thirst. Tal's units stopped at various points to the length of the Suez Canal.
Israel's blocking action was partially successful. Only the Gidi pass was captured before the Egyptians approached it, but at other places, Egyptian units managed to pass through and cross the canal to safety. Due to the haste of the Egyptian retreat, soldiers often abandoned weapons, military equipment, and hundreds of vehicles. Many Egyptian soldiers were cut off from their units had to walk about 200 kilometres (120 mi) on foot before reaching the Suez Canal with limited supplies of food and water and were exposed to intense heat. Thousands died as a result. Many Egyptian soldiers chose instead to surrender to the Israelis, who eventually exceeded their capabilities to provide for prisoners. As a result, they began directing soldiers towards the Suez Canal and only imprisoned high-ranking officers, who were expected to be exchanged for captured Israeli pilots.
According to some accounts, during the Egyptian retreat from the Sinai, a unit of Soviet Marines based on a Soviet warship in Port Said at the time came ashore and attempted to cross the Suez Canal eastward. The Soviet force was reportedly decimated by an Israeli air attack and lost 17 dead and 34 wounded. Among the wounded was the commander, Lt. Col. Victor Shevchenko.
During the offensive, the Israeli Navy landed six combat divers from the Shayetet 13 naval commando unit to infiltrate Alexandria harbor. The divers sank an Egyptian minesweeper before being taken prisoner. Shayetet 13 commandos also infiltrated Port Said harbor, but found no ships there. A planned commando raid against the Syrian Navy never materialized. Both Egyptian and Israeli warships made movements at sea to intimidate the other side throughout the war but did not engage each other. Israeli warships and aircraft hunted for Egyptian submarines throughout the war.
On 7 June, Israel began its attack on Sharm el-Sheikh. The Israeli Navy started the operation with a probe of Egyptian naval defenses. An aerial reconnaissance flight found that the area was less defended than originally thought. At about 4:30 am, three Israeli missile boats opened fire on Egyptian shore batteries, while paratroopers and commandos boarded helicopters and Nord Noratlas transport planes for an assault on Al-Tur, as Chief of Staff Rabin was convinced it was too risky to land them directly in Sharm el-Sheikh. The city had been largely abandoned the day before, and reports from air and naval forces finally convinced Rabin to divert the aircraft to Sharm el-Sheikh. There, the Israelis engaged in a pitched battle with the Egyptians and took the city, killing 20 Egyptian soldiers and taking eight more prisoners. At 12:15 pm, Defense Minister Dayan announced that the Straits of Tiran constituted an international waterway open to all ships without restriction.
On 8 June, Israel completed the capture of the Sinai by sending infantry units to Ras Sudar on the western coast of the peninsula.
Several tactical elements made the swift Israeli advance possible:
- The surprise attack that quickly gave the Israeli Air Force complete air superiority over the Egyptian Air Force.
- The determined implementation of an innovative battle plan.
- The lack of coordination among Egyptian troops.
These factors would prove to be decisive elements on Israel's other fronts as well.
West Bank
Egyptian control of Jordanian forces
King Hussein had given control of his army to Egypt on 1 June, on which date Egyptian General Riad arrived in Amman to take control of the Jordanian military.
Egyptian Field Marshal Amer used the confusion of the first hours of the conflict to send a cable to Amman that he was victorious; he claimed as evidence a radar sighting of a squadron of Israeli aircraft returning from bombing raids in Egypt, which he said was an Egyptian aircraft en route to attack Israel. In this cable, sent shortly before 9:00 am, Riad was ordered to attack.
Initial attack
One of the Jordanian brigades stationed in the West Bank was sent to the Hebron area in order to link with the Egyptians.
The IDF's strategic plan was to remain on the defensive along the Jordanian front, to enable focus in the expected campaign against Egypt.
Intermittent machine-gun exchanges began taking place in Jerusalem at 9:30 am, and the fighting gradually escalated as the Jordanians introduced mortar and recoilless rifle fire. Under the orders from General Narkis, the Israelis responded only with small-arms fire, firing in a flat trajectory to avoid hitting civilians, holy sites or the Old City. At 10:00 am on 5 June, the Jordanian Army began shelling Israel. Two batteries of 155 mm Long Tom cannons opened fire on the suburbs of Tel Aviv and Ramat David Airbase. The commanders of these batteries were instructed to lay a two-hour barrage against military and civilian settlements in central Israel. Some shells hit the outskirts of Tel Aviv.
By 10:30 am, Eshkol had sent a message via Odd Bull to King Hussein promising not to initiate any action against Jordan if it stayed out of the war. King Hussein replied that it was too late, and "the die was cast". At 11:15 am, Jordanian howitzers began a 6,000-shell barrage at Israeli Jerusalem. The Jordanians initially targeted kibbutz Ramat Rachel in the south and Mount Scopus in the north, then ranged into the city center and outlying neighborhoods. Military installations, the Prime Minister's Residence, and the Knesset compound were also targeted. Jordanian forces shelled the Beit HaNassi and the Biblical Zoo, killing fifteen civilians. Israeli civilian casualties totalled 20 dead and over 1,000 wounded. Some 900 buildings were damaged, including Hadassah Ein Kerem Hospital, which had its Chagall-made windows destroyed.
Around midday, eight Iraqi Hawker Hunters attacked the Kfar Sirkin airfield, destroying a Noratlas transport aircraft and a Piper Super Cub. Four Jordanian Hunters also hit a factory hall in Netanya, killing one civilian and wounding seven.
Israeli cabinet meets
When the Israeli cabinet convened to decide on a plan of action, Yigal Allon and Menahem Begin argued that this was an opportunity to take the Old City of Jerusalem, but Eshkol decided to defer any decision until Moshe Dayan and Yitzhak Rabin could be consulted. Uzi Narkiss made proposals for military action, including the capture of Latrun, but the cabinet turned him down. Dayan rejected multiple requests from Narkiss for permission to mount an infantry assault towards Mount Scopus but sanctioned some limited retaliatory actions.
Initial response
Shortly before 12:30 pm, the Israeli Air Force attacked Jordan's two airbases. The Hawker Hunters were refueling at the time of the attack. The Israeli aircraft attacked in two waves, the first of which cratered the runways and knocked out the control towers, and the second wave destroyed all 21 of Jordan's Hawker Hunter fighters, along with six transport aircraft and two helicopters. One Israeli jet was shot down by ground fire.
Three Israeli Vautours also attacked H-3, an airfield in western Iraq used by the Iraqi Air Force. During the attack, three MiG-21s, one Hunter, one de Havilland Dove and one Antonov An-12 were destroyed on the ground. They also damaged the runway, although it was repaired by the next morning. The Jordanian radar facility at Ajloun was also destroyed in an Israeli airstrike.
Israeli Fouga Magister jets attacked the Jordanian 40th Brigade with rockets as it moved south from the Damia Bridge. Dozens of tanks were knocked out, and a convoy of 26 trucks carrying ammunition was destroyed. In Jerusalem, Israel responded to Jordanian shelling with a missile strike that devastated Jordanian positions. The Israelis used the L missile, a surface-to-surface missile developed jointly with France in secret.
The next morning, three Iraqi Hawker Hunters attacked a group of tanks in the process of refueling next to the road between Nazareth and Haifa. An Iraqi Tupolev Tu-16 also bombed a military installation 10 kilometers southeast of Afula, killing two Israeli soldiers, while another attacked Netanya and Ramat David Airbase, before being shot down near the Megiddo airfield. The aircraft crashed into a military storage complex hidden in a forest, killing its crew and between 11 and 14 Israeli soldiers. Four Israeli Vautours escorted by two Mirages re-attacked the H-3 airfield, resulting in one Hunter crashing on take-off, and a Hunter and a MiG-21 being damaged in air combat.
On 7 June, four Vautours escorted by four Mirages attacked the H-3 airfield for the third time. This resulted in an air combat with Hunters, piloted by Iraqis, as well as a Jordanian and Pakistani pilot Saiful Azam. One Hunter was shot down and its pilot killed, while the Israelis lost two Vautours and one Mirage, with two crewmen dead and two taken prisoner.
Jordanian battalion at Government House
A Jordanian battalion advanced up Government House ridge and dug in at the perimeter of Government House, the headquarters of the United Nations observers, and opened fire on Ramat Rachel, the Allenby Barracks and the Jewish section of Abu Tor with mortars and recoilless rifles. UN observers fiercely protested the incursion into the neutral zone, and several manhandled a Jordanian machine gun out of Government House after the crew had set it up in a second-floor window. After the Jordanians occupied Jabel Mukaber, an advance patrol was sent out and approached Ramat Rachel, where they came under fire from four civilians, including the wife of the director, who were armed with old Czech-made weapons.
The immediate Israeli response was an offensive to retake Government House and its ridge. The Jerusalem Brigade's Reserve Battalion 161, under Lieutenant-Colonel Asher Dreizin, was given the task. Dreizin had two infantry companies and eight tanks under his command, several of which broke down or became stuck in the mud at Ramat Rachel, leaving three for the assault. The Jordanians mounted fierce resistance, knocking out two tanks.
The Israelis broke through the compound's western gate and began clearing the building with grenades, before General Odd Bull, commander of the UN observers, compelled the Israelis to hold their fire, telling them that the Jordanians had already fled. The Israelis proceeded to take the Antenna Hill, directly behind Government House, and clear out a series of bunkers to the west and south. The fighting often conducted hand-to-hand, continued for nearly four hours before the surviving Jordanians fell back to trenches held by the Hittin Brigade, which were steadily overwhelmed. By 6:30 am, the Jordanians had retreated to Bethlehem, having suffered about 100 casualties. All but ten of Dreizin's soldiers were casualties, and Dreizin himself was wounded three times.
Israeli invasion
Further information: Battle of Ammunition HillDuring the late afternoon of 5 June, the Israelis launched an offensive to encircle Jerusalem, which lasted into the following day. During the night, they were supported by intense tank, artillery and mortar fire to soften up Jordanian positions. Searchlights placed atop the Labor Federation building, then the tallest in Israeli Jerusalem, exposed and blinded the Jordanians. The Jerusalem Brigade moved south of Jerusalem, while the mechanized Harel Brigade and 55th Paratroopers Brigade under Mordechai Gur encircled it from the north.
A combined force of tanks and paratroopers crossed no-man's land near the Mandelbaum Gate. Gur's 66th paratroop battalion approached the fortified Police Academy. The Israelis used Bangalore torpedoes to blast their way through barbed wire leading up to the position while exposed and under heavy fire. With the aid of two tanks borrowed from the Jerusalem Brigade, they captured the Police Academy. After receiving reinforcements, they moved up to attack Ammunition Hill.
The Jordanian defenders, who were heavily dug-in, fiercely resisted the attack. All of the Israeli officers except for two company commanders were killed, and the fighting was mostly led by individual soldiers. The fighting was conducted at close quarters in trenches and bunkers and was often hand-to-hand. The Israelis captured the position after four hours of heavy fighting. During the battle, 36 Israeli and 71 Jordanian soldiers were killed. Even after the fighting on Ammunition Hill had ended, Israeli soldiers were forced to remain in the trenches due to Jordanian sniper fire from Givat HaMivtar until the Harel Brigade overran that outpost in the afternoon.
The 66th battalion subsequently drove east, and linked up with the Israeli enclave on Mount Scopus and its Hebrew University campus. Gur's other battalions, the 71st and 28th captured the other Jordanian positions around the American Colony, despite being short on men and equipment and having come under a Jordanian mortar bombardment while waiting for the signal to advance.
At the same time, the IDF's 4th Brigade attacked the fortress at Latrun, which the Jordanians had abandoned due to heavy Israeli tank fire. The mechanized Harel Brigade attacked Har Adar, but seven tanks were knocked out by mines, forcing the infantry to mount an assault without armored cover. The Israeli soldiers advanced under heavy fire, jumping between rocks to avoid mines and the fighting was conducted at close quarters with knives and bayonets.
The Jordanians fell back after a battle that left two Israeli and eight Jordanian soldiers dead, and Israeli forces advanced through Beit Horon towards Ramallah, taking four fortified villages along the way. By the evening, the brigade arrived in Ramallah. Meanwhile, the 163rd Infantry Battalion secured Abu Tor following a fierce battle, severing the Old City from Bethlehem and Hebron.
Meanwhile, 600 Egyptian commandos stationed in the West Bank moved to attack Israeli airfields. Led by Jordanian intelligence scouts, they crossed the border and began infiltrating through Israeli settlements towards Ramla and Hatzor. They were soon detected and sought shelter in nearby fields, which the Israelis set on fire. Some 450 commandos were killed, and the remainder escaped to Jordan.
From the American Colony, the paratroopers moved towards the Old City. Their plan was to approach it via the lightly defended Salah al-Din Street but made a wrong turn onto the heavily defended Nablus Road and ran into fierce resistance. Their tanks fired at point-blank range down the street, while the paratroopers mounted repeated charges. Despite repelling repeated Israeli charges, the Jordanians gradually gave way to Israeli firepower and momentum. The Israelis suffered some 30 casualties – half the original force – while the Jordanians lost 45 dead and 142 wounded.
Meanwhile, the Israeli 71st Battalion breached barbed wire and minefields and emerged near Wadi Joz, near the base of Mount Scopus, from where the Old City could be cut off from Jericho and East Jerusalem from Ramallah. Israeli artillery targeted the one remaining route from Jerusalem to the West Bank, and shellfire deterred the Jordanians from counterattacking from their positions at Augusta-Victoria. An Israeli detachment then captured the Rockefeller Museum after a brief skirmish.
Afterwards, the Israelis broke through to the Jerusalem-Ramallah road. At Tel al-Ful, the Harel Brigade fought a running battle with up to thirty Jordanian tanks. The Jordanians stalled the advance and destroyed some half-tracks, but the Israelis launched air attacks and exploited the vulnerability of the external fuel tanks mounted on the Jordanian tanks. The Jordanians lost half their tanks, and retreated towards Jericho. Joining up with the 4th Brigade, the Israelis then descended through Shuafat and the site of what is now French Hill, through Jordanian defenses at Mivtar, emerging at Ammunition Hill.
With Jordanian defenses in Jerusalem crumbling, elements of the Jordanian 60th Brigade and an infantry battalion were sent from Jericho to reinforce Jerusalem. Its original orders were to repel the Israelis from the Latrun corridor, but due to the worsening situation in Jerusalem, the brigade was ordered to proceed to Jerusalem's Arab suburbs and attack Mount Scopus. Parallel to the brigade were infantrymen from the Imam Ali Brigade, who were approaching Issawiya. The brigades were spotted by Israeli aircraft and decimated by rocket and cannon fire. Other Jordanian attempts to reinforce Jerusalem were beaten back, either by armored ambushes or airstrikes.
Fearing damage to holy sites and the prospect of having to fight in built-up areas, Dayan ordered his troops not to enter the Old City. He also feared that Israel would be subjected to a fierce international backlash and the outrage of Christians worldwide if it forced its way into the Old City. Privately, he told David Ben-Gurion that he was also concerned over the prospect of Israel capturing Jerusalem's holy sites, only to be forced to give them up under the threat of international sanctions.
The West Bank
Israel was to gain almost total control of the West Bank by the evening of 7 June, and began its military occupation of the West Bank on that day, issuing a military order, the "Proclamation Regarding Law and Administration (The West Bank Area) (No. 2)—1967", which established the military government in the West Bank and granted the commander of the area full legislative, executive, and judicial power. Jordan had realised that it had no hope of defense as early as the morning of 6 June, just a day after the conflict had begun. At Nasser's request, Egypt's Abdul Munim Riad sent a situation update at midday on 6 June:
The situation on the West Bank is rapidly deteriorating. A concentrated attack has been launched on all axes, together with heavy fire, day and night. Jordanian, Syrian and Iraqi air forces in position H3 have been virtually destroyed. Upon consultation with King Hussein I have been asked to convey to you the following choices:
- 1. A political decision to cease fighting to be imposed by a third party (the USA, the Soviet Union or the Security Council).
- 2. To vacate the West Bank tonight.
- 3. To go on fighting for one more day, resulting in the isolation and destruction of the entire Jordanian Army.
King Hussein has asked me to refer this matter to you for an immediate reply.
An Egyptian order for Jordanian forces to withdraw across the Jordan River was issued at 10 am on 6 June; that afternoon King Hussein learned of the impending United Nations Security Council Resolution 233 and decided instead to hold out in the hope that a ceasefire would be implemented soon. It was already too late, as the counter-order caused confusion and in many cases, it was not possible to regain positions that had been left.
On 7 June, Dayan ordered his troops not to enter the Old City but, upon hearing that the UN was about to declare a ceasefire, he changed his mind, and without cabinet clearance, decided to capture it. Two paratroop battalions attacked Augusta-Victoria Hill, high ground overlooking the Old City from the east. One battalion attacked from Mount Scopus, and another attacked from the valley between it and the Old City. Another paratroop battalion, personally led by Gur, broke into the Old City and was joined by the other two battalions after their missions were complete. The paratroopers met little resistance. The fighting was conducted solely by the paratroopers; the Israelis did not use armor during the battle out of fear of severe damage to the Old City.
In the north, a battalion from Peled's division checked Jordanian defenses in the Jordan Valley. A brigade from Peled's division captured the western part of the West Bank. One brigade attacked Jordanian artillery positions around Jenin, which were shelling Ramat David Airbase. The Jordanian 12th Armored Battalion, which outnumbered the Israelis, held off repeated attempts to capture Jenin. Israeli air attacks took their toll, and the Jordanian M48 Pattons, with their external fuel tanks, proved vulnerable at short distances, even to the Israeli-modified Shermans. Twelve Jordanian tanks were destroyed, and only six remained operational.
Just after dusk, Israeli reinforcements arrived. The Jordanians continued to fiercely resist, and the Israelis were unable to advance without artillery and air support. One Israeli jet attacked the Jordanian commander's tank, wounding him and killing his radio operator and intelligence officer. The surviving Jordanian forces then withdrew to Jenin, where they were reinforced by the 25th Infantry Brigade. The Jordanians were effectively surrounded in Jenin.
Jordanian infantry and their three remaining tanks managed to hold off the Israelis until 4:00 am, when three battalions arrived to reinforce them in the afternoon. The Jordanian tanks charged and knocked out multiple Israeli vehicles, and the tide began to shift. After sunrise, Israeli jets and artillery conducted a two-hour bombardment against the Jordanians. The Jordanians lost 10 dead and 250 wounded, and had only seven tanks left, including two without gas, and sixteen APCs. The Israelis then fought their way into Jenin and captured the city after fierce fighting.
After the Old City fell, the Jerusalem Brigade reinforced the paratroopers, and continued to the south, capturing Judea and Gush Etzion. Hebron was taken without any resistance. Fearful that Israeli soldiers would exact retribution for the 1929 massacre of the city's Jewish community, Hebron's residents flew white sheets from their windows and rooftops. The Harel Brigade proceeded eastward, descending to the Jordan River.
On 7 June, Israeli forces seized Bethlehem, taking the city after a brief battle that left some 40 Jordanian soldiers dead, with the remainder fleeing. On the same day, one of Peled's brigades seized Nablus; then it joined one of Central Command's armored brigades to fight the Jordanian forces; as the Jordanians held the advantage of superior equipment and were equal in numbers to the Israelis.
Again, the air superiority of the IAF proved paramount as it immobilized the Jordanians, leading to their defeat. One of Peled's brigades joined with its Central Command counterparts coming from Ramallah, and the remaining two blocked the Jordan river crossings together with the Central Command's 10th. Engineering Corps sappers blew up the Abdullah and Hussein bridges with captured Jordanian mortar shells, while elements of the Harel Brigade crossed the river and occupied positions along the east bank to cover them, but quickly pulled back due to American pressure. The Jordanians, anticipating an Israeli offensive deep into Jordan, assembled the remnants of their army and Iraqi units in Jordan to protect the western approaches to Amman and the southern slopes of the Golan Heights.
As Israel continued its offensive on 7 June, taking no account of the UN ceasefire resolution, the Egyptian-Jordanian command ordered a full Jordanian withdrawal for the second time, in order to avoid an annihilation of the Jordanian army. This was complete by nightfall on 7 June.
After the Old City was captured, Dayan told his troops to "dig in" to hold it. When an armored brigade commander entered the West Bank on his own initiative, and stated that he could see Jericho, Dayan ordered him back. It was only after intelligence reports indicated that Hussein had withdrawn his forces across the Jordan River that Dayan ordered his troops to capture the West Bank. According to Narkis:
First, the Israeli government had no intention of capturing the West Bank. On the contrary, it was opposed to it. Second, there was not any provocation on the part of the IDF. Third, the rein was only loosened when a real threat to Jerusalem's security emerged. This is truly how things happened on June 5, although it is difficult to believe. The end result was something that no one had planned.
Golan Heights
In May–June 1967, in preparation for conflict, the Israeli government planned to confine the confrontation to the Egyptian front, whilst taking into account the possibility of some fighting on the Syrian front.
Syrian front 5–8 June
Syria largely stayed out of the conflict for the first four days.
False Egyptian reports of a crushing victory against the Israeli army and forecasts that Egyptian forces would soon be attacking Tel Aviv influenced Syria's decision to enter the war – in a sporadic manner – during this period. Syrian artillery began shelling northern Israel, and twelve Syrian jets attacked Israeli settlements in the Galilee. Israeli fighter jets intercepted the Syrian aircraft, shooting down three and driving off the rest. In addition, two Lebanese Hawker Hunter jets, two of the twelve Lebanon had, crossed into Israeli airspace and began strafing Israeli positions in the Galilee. They were intercepted by Israeli fighter jets, and one was shot down.
On the evening of 5 June, the Israeli Air Force attacked Syrian airfields. The Syrian Air Force lost some 32 MiG 21s, 23 MiG-15 and MiG-17 fighters, and two Ilyushin Il-28 bombers, two-thirds of its fighting strength. The Syrian aircraft that survived the attack retreated to distant bases and played no further role in the war. Following the attack, Syria realized that the news it had received from Egypt of the near-total destruction of the Israeli military could not have been true.
On 6 June, a minor Syrian force tried to capture the water plants at Tel Dan (the subject of a fierce escalation two years earlier), Dan, and She'ar Yashuv. These attacks were repulsed with the loss of twenty soldiers and seven tanks. An Israeli officer was also killed. But a broader Syrian offensive quickly failed. Syrian reserve units were broken up by Israeli air attacks, and several tanks were reported to have sunk in the Jordan River.
Other problems included tanks being too wide for bridges, lack of radio communications between tanks and infantry, and units ignoring orders to advance. A post-war Syrian army report concluded:
Our forces did not go on the offensive either because they did not arrive or were not wholly prepared or because they could not find shelter from the enemy's aircraft. The reserves could not withstand the air attacks; they dispersed after their morale plummeted.
The Syrians bombarded Israeli civilian settlements in the Galilee Panhandle with two battalions of M-46 130mm guns, four companies of heavy mortars, and dug-in Panzer IV tanks. The Syrian bombardment killed two civilians and hit 205 houses as well as farming installations. An inaccurate report from a Syrian officer said that as a result of the bombardment that "the enemy appears to have suffered heavy losses and is retreating".
Israelis debate whether the Golan Heights should be attacked
On 7 and 8 June, the Israeli leadership debated about whether to attack the Golan Heights as well. Syria had supported pre-war raids that had helped raise tensions and had routinely shelled Israel from the Heights, so some Israeli leaders wanted to see Syria punished. Military opinion was that the attack would be extremely costly since it would entail an uphill battle against a strongly fortified enemy. The western side of the Golan Heights consists of a rock escarpment that rises 500 meters (1,700 ft) from the Sea of Galilee and the Jordan River, and then flattens to a gently sloping plateau. Dayan opposed the operation bitterly at first, believing such an undertaking would result in losses of 30,000 and might trigger Soviet intervention. Prime Minister Eshkol, on the other hand, was more open to the possibility, as was the head of the Northern Command, David Elazar, whose unbridled enthusiasm for and confidence in the operation may have eroded Dayan's reluctance.
Eventually, the situation on the Southern and Central fronts cleared up, intelligence estimated that the likelihood of Soviet intervention had been reduced, reconnaissance showed some Syrian defenses in the Golan region collapsing, and an intercepted cable revealed that Nasser was urging the President of Syria to immediately accept a ceasefire. At 3 am on 9 June, Syria announced its acceptance of the ceasefire. Despite this announcement, Dayan became more enthusiastic about the idea and four hours later at 7 am, "gave the order to go into action against Syria" without consultation or government authorization.
The Syrian army consisted of about 75,000 men grouped in nine brigades, supported by an adequate amount of artillery and armor. Israeli forces used in combat consisted of two brigades (the 8th Armored Brigade and the Golani Brigade) in the northern part of the front at Givat HaEm, and another two (infantry and one of Peled's brigades summoned from Jenin) in the center. The Golan Heights' unique terrain (mountainous slopes crossed by parallel streams every several kilometers running east to west), and the general lack of roads in the area channeled both forces along east–west axes of movement and restricted the ability of units to support those on either flank. Thus the Syrians could move north–south on the plateau itself, and the Israelis could move north–south at the base of the Golan escarpment. An advantage Israel possessed was the intelligence collected by Mossad operative Eli Cohen (who was captured and executed in Syria in 1965) regarding the Syrian battle positions. Syria had built extensive defensive fortifications in depths up to 15 kilometers.
As opposed to all the other campaigns, IAF was only partially effective in the Golan because the fixed fortifications were so effective. The Syrian forces proved unable to put up effective defense largely because the officers were poor leaders and treated their soldiers badly; often officers would retreat from danger, leaving their men confused and ineffective. The Israelis also had the upper hand during close combat that took place in the numerous Syrian bunkers along the Golan Heights, as they were armed with the Uzi, a submachine gun designed for close combat, while Syrian soldiers were armed with the heavier AK-47 assault rifle, designed for combat in more open areas.
Israeli attack: first day (9 June)
On the morning of 9 June, Israeli jets began carrying out dozens of sorties against Syrian positions from Mount Hermon to Tawfiq, using rockets salvaged from captured Egyptian stocks. The airstrikes knocked out artillery batteries and storehouses and forced transport columns off the roads. The Syrians suffered heavy casualties and a drop in morale, with some senior officers and troops deserting. The attacks also provided time as Israeli forces cleared paths through Syrian minefields. The airstrikes did not seriously damage the Syrians' bunkers and trench systems, and the bulk of Syrian forces on the Golan remained in their positions.
About two hours after the airstrikes began, the 8th Armored Brigade, led by Colonel Albert Mandler, advanced into the Golan Heights from Givat HaEm. Its advance was spearheaded by Engineering Corps sappers and eight bulldozers, which cleared away barbed wire and mines. As they advanced, the force came under fire, and five bulldozers were immediately hit. The Israeli tanks, with their manoeuvrability sharply reduced by the terrain, advanced slowly under fire toward the fortified village of Sir al-Dib, with their ultimate objective being the fortress at Qala. Israeli casualties steadily mounted.
Part of the attacking force lost its way and emerged opposite Za'ura, a redoubt manned by Syrian reservists. With the situation critical, Colonel Mandler ordered simultaneous assaults on Za'ura and Qala. Heavy and confused fighting followed, with Israeli and Syrian tanks struggling around obstacles and firing at extremely short ranges. Mandler recalled that "the Syrians fought well and bloodied us. We beat them only by crushing them under our treads and by blasting them with our cannons at very short range, from 100 to 500 meters." The first three Israeli tanks to enter Qala were stopped by a Syrian bazooka team, and a relief column of seven Syrian tanks arrived to repel the attackers.
The Israelis took heavy fire from the houses, but could not turn back, as other forces were advancing behind them, and they were on a narrow path with mines on either side. The Israelis continued pressing forward and called for air support. A pair of Israeli jets destroyed two of the Syrian tanks, and the remainder withdrew. The surviving defenders of Qala retreated after their commander was killed. Meanwhile, Za'ura fell in an Israeli assault, and the Israelis also captured the 'Ein Fit fortress.
In the central sector, the Israeli 181st Battalion captured the strongholds of Dardara and Tel Hillal after fierce fighting. Desperate fighting also broke out along the operation's northern axis, where Golani Brigade attacked thirteen Syrian positions, including the formidable Tel Fakhr position. Navigational errors placed the Israelis directly under the Syrians' guns. In the fighting that followed, both sides took heavy casualties, with the Israelis losing all nineteen of their tanks and half-tracks. The Israeli battalion commander then ordered his twenty-five remaining men to dismount, divide into two groups, and charge the northern and southern flanks of Tel Fakhr. The first Israelis to reach the perimeter of the southern approach laid on the barbed wire, allowing their comrades to vault over them. From there, they assaulted the fortified Syrian positions. The fighting was waged at extremely close quarters, often hand-to-hand.
On the northern flank, the Israelis broke through within minutes and cleared out the trenches and bunkers. During the seven-hour battle, the Israelis lost 31 dead and 82 wounded, while the Syrians lost 62 dead and 20 captured. Among the dead was the Israeli battalion commander. The Golani Brigade's 51st Battalion took Tel 'Azzaziat, and Darbashiya also fell to Israeli forces.
By the evening of 9 June, the four Israeli brigades had all broken through to the plateau, where they could be reinforced and replaced. Thousands of reinforcements began reaching the front, those tanks and half-tracks that had survived the previous day's fighting were refuelled and replenished with ammunition, and the wounded were evacuated. By dawn, the Israelis had eight brigades in the sector.
Syria's first line of defense had been shattered, but the defenses beyond that remained largely intact. Mount Hermon and the Banias in the north, and the entire sector between Tawfiq and Customs House Road in the south remained in Syrian hands. In a meeting early on the night of 9 June, Syrian leaders decided to reinforce those positions as quickly as possible and to maintain a steady barrage on Israeli civilian settlements.
Israeli attack: second day (10 June)
Throughout the night, the Israelis continued their advance, though it was slowed by fierce resistance. An anticipated Syrian counterattack never materialized. At the fortified village of Jalabina, a garrison of Syrian reservists, levelling their anti-aircraft guns, held off the Israeli 65th Paratroop Battalion for four hours before a small detachment managed to penetrate the village and knock out the heavy guns.
Meanwhile, the 8th Brigade's tanks moved south from Qala, advancing six miles to Wasit under heavy artillery and tank bombardment. At the Banias in the north, Syrian mortar batteries opened fire on advancing Israeli forces only after Golani Brigade sappers cleared a path through a minefield, killing sixteen Israeli soldiers and wounding four.
On the next day, 10 June, the central and northern groups joined in a pincer movement on the plateau, but that fell mainly on empty territory as the Syrian forces retreated. At 8:30 am, the Syrians began blowing up their own bunkers, burning documents and retreating. Several units joined by Elad Peled's troops climbed to the Golan from the south, only to find the positions mostly empty. When the 8th Brigade reached Mansura, five miles from Wasit, the Israelis met no opposition and found abandoned equipment, including tanks, in perfect working condition. In the fortified Banias village, Golani Brigade troops found only several Syrian soldiers chained to their positions.
During the day, the Israeli units stopped after obtaining manoeuvre room between their positions and a line of volcanic hills to the west. In some locations, Israeli troops advanced after an agreed-upon cease-fire to occupy strategically strong positions. To the east, the ground terrain is an open gently sloping plain. This position later became the cease-fire line known as the "Purple Line".
Time magazine reported: "In an effort to pressure the United Nations into enforcing a ceasefire, Damascus Radio undercut its own army by broadcasting the fall of the city of Quneitra three hours before it actually capitulated. That premature report of the surrender of their headquarters destroyed the morale of the Syrian troops left in the Golan area."
Conclusion
Main articles: Israeli Military Governorate and Israeli occupation of the West Bank– Levi Eshkol, 12 June 1967 (Address to Israeli Parliament)A week ago, the fateful campaign began. The existence of the State of Israel hung in the balance, the hopes of generations, and the vision that was realised in our own time... During the fighting, our forces destroyed about 450 enemy planes and hundreds of tanks. The enemy forces were decisively defeated in battles. Many fled for their lives or were captured. For the first time since the establishment of the state, the threat to our security has been removed at once from the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem, the West Bank and the northern border.
By 10 June, Israel had completed its final offensive in the Golan Heights, and a ceasefire was signed the day after. Israel had seized the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank of the Jordan River (including East Jerusalem), and the Golan Heights. About one million Arabs were placed under Israel's direct control in the newly captured territories. Israel's strategic depth grew to at least 300 kilometers in the south, 60 kilometers in the east, and 20 kilometers of extremely rugged terrain in the north, a security asset that would prove useful in the Yom Kippur War six years later.
Speaking three weeks after the war ended, as he accepted an honorary degree from Hebrew University, Yitzhak Rabin gave his reasoning behind the success of Israel:
Our airmen, who struck the enemies' planes so accurately that no one in the world understands how it was done and people seek technological explanations or secret weapons; our armoured troops who beat the enemy even when their equipment was inferior to his; our soldiers in all other branches ... who overcame our enemies everywhere, despite the latter's superior numbers and fortifications—all these revealed not only coolness and courage in the battle but ... an understanding that only their personal stand against the greatest dangers would achieve victory for their country and for their families, and that if victory was not theirs the alternative was annihilation.
In recognition of contributions, Rabin was given the honor of naming the war for the Israelis. From the suggestions proposed, including the "War of Daring", "War of Salvation", and "War of the Sons of Light", he "chose the least ostentatious, the Six-Day War, evoking the days of creation".
Dayan's final report on the war to the Israeli general staff listed several shortcomings in Israel's actions, including misinterpretation of Nasser's intentions, overdependence on the United States, and reluctance to act when Egypt closed the Straits. He also credited several factors for Israel's success: Egypt did not appreciate the advantage of striking first and their adversaries did not accurately gauge Israel's strength and its willingness to use it.
In Egypt, according to Heikal, Nasser had admitted his responsibility for the military defeat in June 1967. According to historian Abd al-Azim Ramadan, Nasser's mistaken decisions to expel the international peacekeeping force from the Sinai Peninsula and close the Straits of Tiran in 1967 led to a state of war with Israel, despite Egypt's lack of military preparedness.
After the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Egypt reviewed the causes of its loss of the 1967 war. Issues that were identified included "the individualistic bureaucratic leadership"; "promotions on the basis of loyalty, not expertise, and the army's fear of telling Nasser the truth"; lack of intelligence; and better Israeli weapons, command, organization, and will to fight.
Casualties
See also: Israeli casualties of warBetween 776 and 983 Israelis were killed and 4,517 were wounded. Fifteen Israeli soldiers were captured. Arab casualties were far greater. Between 9,800 and 15,000 Egyptian soldiers were listed as killed or missing in action. An additional 4,338 Egyptian soldiers were captured. Jordanian losses are estimated to be 700 killed in action with another 2,500 wounded. The Syrians were estimated to have sustained between 1,000 and 2,500 killed in action. Between 367 and 591 Syrians were captured.
Casualties were also suffered by UNEF, the United Nations Emergency Force that was stationed on the Egyptian side of the border. In three different episodes, Israeli forces attacked a UNEF convoy, camps in which UNEF personnel were concentrated and the UNEF headquarters in Gaza, resulting in one Brazilian peacekeeper and 14 Indian officials killed by Israeli forces, with an additional seventeen peacekeepers wounded in both contingents.
Controversies
Main article: Controversies relating to the Six-Day WarPreventative war vs war of aggression
Further information: Preemptive warAt the commencement of hostilities, both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country. The Israeli government later abandoned its initial position, acknowledging Israel had struck first, claiming that it was a preemptive strike in the face of a planned invasion by Egypt. The Arab view was that it was unjustified to attack Egypt. Many scholars consider the war a case of preventative war as a form of self-defense. The war has been assessed by others as a war of aggression.
Allegations of atrocities committed against Egyptian soldiers
It has been alleged that Nasser did not want Egypt to learn of the true extent of his defeat and so ordered the killing of Egyptian army stragglers making their way back to the Suez canal zone. There have also been allegations from both Israeli and Egyptian sources that Israeli troops killed unarmed Egyptian prisoners.
Allegations of military support from the US, UK and Soviet Union
There have been allegations of direct military support of Israel during the war by the US and the UK, including the supply of equipment (despite an embargo) and the participation of US forces in the conflict. Many of these allegations and conspiracy theories have been disputed and it has been claimed that some were given currency in the Arab world to explain the Arab defeat. It has also been claimed that the Soviet Union, in support of its Arab allies, used its naval strength in the Mediterranean to act as a major restraint on the US Navy.
America features prominently in Arab conspiracy theories purporting to explain the June 1967 defeat. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, a confidant of Nasser, claims that President Lyndon B. Johnson was obsessed with Nasser and that Johnson conspired with Israel to bring him down. The reported Israeli troop movements seemed all the more threatening because they were perceived in the context of a US conspiracy against Egypt. Salah Bassiouny of the Foreign Ministry, claims that Foreign Ministry saw the reported Israeli troop movements as credible because Israel had reached the level at which it could find strategic alliance with the United States.
During the war, Cairo announced that American and British planes were participating in the Israeli attack. Nasser broke off diplomatic relations following this allegation. Nasser's image of the United States was such that he might well have believed the worst. Anwar Sadat implied that Nasser used this deliberate conspiracy in order to accuse the United States as a political cover-up for domestic consumption. Lutfi Abd al-Qadir, the director of Radio Cairo during the late 1960s, who accompanied Nasser to his visits in Moscow, had his conspiracy theory that both the Soviets and the Western powers wanted to topple Nasser or to reduce his influence.
USS Liberty incident
Main article: USS Liberty incidentOn 8 June 1967, USS Liberty, a United States Navy electronic intelligence vessel sailing 13 nautical miles (24 km) off Arish (just outside Egypt's territorial waters), was attacked by Israeli jets and torpedo boats, nearly sinking the ship, killing 34 sailors and wounding 171. Israel said the attack was a case of mistaken identity, and that the ship had been misidentified as the Egyptian vessel El Quseir. Israel apologized for the mistake and paid compensation to the victims or their families, and to the United States for damage to the ship. After an investigation, the U.S. accepted the explanation that the incident was an accident and the issue was closed by the exchange of diplomatic notes in 1987. Others, including the then United States Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Thomas Moorer, some survivors of the attack, and intelligence officials familiar with transcripts of intercepted signals on the day, have rejected these conclusions as unsatisfactory and maintain that the attack was made in the knowledge that the ship was American.
Aftermath
The political importance of the 1967 War was immense. Israel demonstrated again that it was able and willing to initiate strategic strikes that could change the regional balance. Egypt and Syria learned tactical lessons and would launch an attack in 1973 in an attempt to reclaim their lost territories.
After following other Arab nations in declaring war, Mauritania remained in a declared state of war with Israel until about 1999. The United States imposed an embargo on new arms agreements to all Middle East countries, including Israel. The embargo remained in force until the end of 1967, despite urgent Israeli requests to lift it.
Exodus of Arabs from Israeli-occupied territories
Main article: 1967 Palestinian exodusThere was extensive displacement of populations in the occupied territories: of about one million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, 280,000 to 325,000 were displaced from their homes. Most of them settled in Jordan. The other 700,000 remained. In the Golan Heights, over 100,000 fled. Israel allowed only the inhabitants of East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights to receive full Israeli citizenship, applying its law, administration and jurisdiction to these territories in 1967 and 1981, respectively. The vast majority of the populations in both territories declined to take citizenship. See also Israeli–Palestinian conflict and Golan Heights.
In his book Righteous Victims (1999), Israeli "New Historian" Benny Morris writes:
In three villages southwest of Jerusalem and at Qalqilya, houses were destroyed "not in battle, but as punishment ... and in order to chase away the inhabitants ... contrary to government ... policy," Dayan wrote in his memoirs. In Qalqilya, about a third of the homes were razed and about 12,000 inhabitants were evicted, though many then camped out in the environs. The evictees in both areas were allowed to stay and later were given cement and tools by the Israeli authorities to rebuild at least some of their dwellings.
But many thousands of other Palestinians now took to the roads. Perhaps as many as seventy thousand, mostly from the Jericho area, fled during the fighting; tens of thousands more left over the following months. Altogether, about one-quarter of the population of the West Bank, about 200–250,000 people, went into exile. ... They simply walked to the Jordan River crossings and made their way on foot to the East Bank. It is unclear how many were intimidated or forced out by the Israeli troops and how many left voluntarily, in panic and fear. There is some evidence of IDF soldiers going around with loudspeakers ordering West Bankers to leave their homes and cross the Jordan. Some left because they had relatives or sources of livelihood on the East Bank and feared being permanently cut off.
Thousands of Arabs were taken by bus from East Jerusalem to the Allenby Bridge, though there is no evidence of coercion. The free Israeli-organized transportation, which began on June 11, 1967, went on for about a month. At the bridge, they had to sign a document stating that they were leaving of their own free will. Perhaps as many as 70,000 people emigrated from the Gaza Strip to Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world.
On July 2, the Israeli government announced that it would allow the return of those 1967 refugees who desired to do so, but no later than August 10, later extended to September 13. The Jordanian authorities probably pressured many of the refugees, who constituted an enormous burden, to sign up to return. In practice only 14,000 of the 120,000 who applied were allowed by Israel back into the West Bank by the beginning of September. After that, only a trickle of "special cases" were allowed back, perhaps 3,000 in all. (328–29)
In addition, between 80,000 and 110,000 Syrians fled the Golan Heights, of which about 20,000 were from the city of Quneitra. According to more recent research by the Israeli daily Haaretz, a total of 130,000 Syrian inhabitants fled or were expelled from the territory, most of them pushed out by the Israeli army.
Israel and Zionism
Following the war, Israel experienced a wave of national euphoria, and the press praised the military's performance for weeks afterwards. New "victory coins" were minted to celebrate. In addition, the world's interest in Israel grew, and the country's economy, which had been in crisis before the war, flourished due to an influx of tourists and donations, as well as the extraction of oil from the Sinai's wells. The aftermath of the war also saw a baby boom, which lasted for four years.
The aftermath of the war is also of religious significance. Under Jordanian rule, Jews were expelled from Jerusalem and were effectively barred from visiting the Western Wall, despite Article VIII of the 1949 Armistice Agreement which required making arrangements for Israeli Jewish access to the Western Wall. Jewish holy sites were not maintained, and Jewish cemeteries had been desecrated. After the annexation to Israel, each religious group was granted administration over its holy sites. For the first time since 1948, Jews could visit the Old City of Jerusalem and pray at the Western Wall, the holiest site where Jews are permitted to pray, an event celebrated every year during Yom Yerushalayim.
Despite the Temple Mount where the Al-Aqsa compound is located being the most important holy site in Jewish tradition, it has been under sole administration of the Jordanian Muslim Waqf, and Jews are barred from praying there, although they are allowed to visit. In Hebron, Jews gained access to the Cave of the Patriarchs – the second-most holy site in Judaism, after the Temple Mount – for the first time since the 14th century (previously Jews were allowed to pray only at the entrance). Other Jewish holy sites, such as Rachel's Tomb in Bethlehem and Joseph's Tomb in Nablus, also became accessible.
The war inspired the Jewish diaspora, which was swept up in overwhelming support for Israel. According to Michael Oren, the war enabled American Jews to "walk with their backs straight and flex their political muscle as never before. American Jewish organizations which had previously kept Israel at arms length suddenly proclaimed their Zionism." Thousands of Jewish immigrants arrived from Western countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, France and South Africa after the war. Many of them returned to their countries of origin after a few years; one survey found that 58% of American Jews who immigrated to Israel between 1961 and 1972 returned to the United States. Nevertheless, immigration to Israel of Jews from Western countries, which was previously only a trickle, was a significant force for the first time.
Most notably, the war stirred Zionist passions among Jews in the Soviet Union, who had by that time been forcibly assimilated. Many Soviet Jews subsequently applied for exit visas and began protesting for their right to immigrate to Israel. Following diplomatic pressure from the West, the Soviet government began granting exit visas to Jews in growing numbers. From 1970 to 1988, some 291,000 Soviet Jews were granted exit visas, of whom 165,000 immigrated to Israel and 126,000 immigrated to the United States. The great rise in Jewish pride in the wake of Israel's victory also fueled the beginnings of the baal teshuva movement, the return of secular Jews to religious Judaism. The war gave impetus to a campaign in which the leader of the hasidic Lubavitch movement directed his male followers around the world to wear tefillin (small leather boxes) during morning prayers.
Jews in Arab countries
Main article: Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim countriesIn the Arab nations, populations of minority Jews faced persecution and expulsion following the Israeli victory, contributing to the Jewish exodus from Arab lands, which had been ongoing since 1948. As a result, Jewish populations in Arab countries further diminished as many Jews emigrated to Israel and other Western countries. According to historian and ambassador Michael Oren:
Mobs attacked Jewish neighborhoods in Egypt, Yemen, Lebanon, Tunisia, and Morocco, burning synagogues and assaulting residents. A pogrom in Tripoli, Libya, left 18 Jews dead and 25 injured; the survivors were herded into detention centers. Of Egypt's 4,000 Jews, 800 were arrested, including the chief rabbis of both Cairo and Alexandria, and their property sequestered by the government. The ancient communities of Damascus and Baghdad were placed under house arrest, their leaders imprisoned and fined. A total of 7,000 Jews were expelled, many with merely a satchel.
Antisemitism in Communist countries
Following the war, a series of antisemitic purges began in Communist countries. Some 11,200 Jews from Poland immigrated to Israel during the 1968 Polish political crisis and the following year.
War of Attrition
Following the war, Egypt initiated clashes along the Suez Canal in what became known as the War of Attrition.
Palestinian terrorism
As a result of Israel's victory, the Palestinian leadership concluded that the Arab world was not able to defeat Israel in open warfare, which in turn led to an increase in terrorist attacks with an international reach. While the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was established in 1964, it became more active after the Six-Day War; its actions gave credibility to those who claimed that only terror could end Israel's existence. Also after the war, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine emerged, with its leader George Habash speaking of turning the occupied territories into an "inferno whose fires consume the usurpers". These events led to a series of hijackings, bombings, and kidnappings that culminated in the massacre of Israeli athletes during the 1972 Munich Olympics.
Peace and diplomacy
Following the war, Israel made an offer for peace that included the return of most of the recently captured territories. According to Chaim Herzog:
On June 19, 1967, the National Unity Government voted unanimously to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in return for peace agreements. The Golans would have to be demilitarized and special arrangement would be negotiated for the Straits of Tiran. The government also resolved to open negotiations with King Hussein of Jordan regarding the Eastern border.
The 19 June Israeli cabinet decision did not include the Gaza Strip and left open the possibility of Israel permanently acquiring parts of the West Bank. On 25–27 June, Israel incorporated East Jerusalem together with areas of the West Bank to the north and south into Jerusalem's new municipal boundaries.
The Israeli decision was to be conveyed to the Arab nations by the United States. The U.S. was informed of the decision, but not that it was to transmit it. There is no evidence of receipt from Egypt or Syria, and some historians claim that they may never have received the offer.
In September, the Khartoum Arab Summit resolved that there would be "no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel". Avraham Sela notes that the Khartoum conference effectively marked a shift in the perception of the conflict by the Arab states away from one centered on the question of Israel's legitimacy, toward one focusing on territories and boundaries. This was shown on 22 November when Egypt and Jordan accepted United Nations Security Council Resolution 242. Nasser forestalled any movement toward direct negotiations with Israel. In dozens of speeches and statements, Nasser posited the equation that any direct peace talks with Israel were tantamount to surrender.
After the war, the entire Soviet bloc of Eastern Europe (with the exception of Romania) broke off diplomatic relations with Israel.
The 1967 War laid the foundation for future discord in the region, as the Arab states resented Israel's victory and did not want to give up territory.
On 22 November 1967, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 242, the "land for peace" formula, which called for Israeli withdrawal "from territories occupied" in 1967 and "the termination of all claims or states of belligerency". Resolution 242 recognized the right of "every state in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force." Israel returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1978, after the Camp David Accords. In the summer of 2005, Israel withdrew all military forces and evacuated all civilians from the Gaza Strip. Its army frequently re-enters Gaza for military operations and still retains control of the seaports, airports and most of the border crossings.
Long term
Israel made peace with Egypt following the Camp David Accords of 1978 and completed a staged withdrawal from the Sinai in 1982. The position of the other occupied territories has been a long-standing and bitter cause of conflict for decades between Israel and the Palestinians, and the Arab world in general. Jordan and Egypt eventually withdrew their claims to sovereignty over the West Bank and Gaza, respectively. Israel and Jordan signed a peace treaty in 1994.
After the Israeli occupation of these territories, the Gush Emunim movement launched a large settlement effort in these areas to secure a permanent foothold. There are now hundreds of thousands of Israeli settlers in the West Bank. They are a matter of controversy within Israel, both among the general population and within different political administrations, supporting them to varying degrees. Palestinians consider them a provocation. The Israeli settlements in Gaza were evacuated in August 2005 as a part of Israel's disengagement from Gaza.
See also
- Catch 67, a 2017 Israeli philosophy book on the West Bank occupation that launched a public dialogue on the war's 50th anniversary
- Abba Eban, Israeli Foreign Minister
- Israeli MIAs
- Ras Sedr massacre
- Syrian towns and villages depopulated in the Arab–Israeli conflict
References
Explanatory notes
- Photograph:
It was twenty minutes after the capture of the Western Wall that David Rubinger shot his "signature" photograph of three Israeli paratroopers gazing in wonder up at the wall. As part of the terms for his access to the front lines, Rubinger handed the negatives to the Israeli government, who then distributed this image widely. Although he was displeased with the violation of his copyright, the widespread use of his photo made it famous, and it is now considered a defining image of the conflict and one of the best-known in the history of Israel. - Both Egypt and Israel announced that they had been attacked by the other country.
- Gideon Rafael received a message from the Israeli foreign office: "Inform immediately the President of the Sec. Co. that Israel is now engaged in repelling Egyptian land and air forces." At 3:10 am, Rafael woke ambassador Hans Tabor, the Danish President of the Security Council for June, with the news that Egyptian forces had "moved against Israel".
- , both Israel and Egypt claimed to be repelling an invasion by the other.
- "Egyptian sources claimed that Israel had initiated hostilities but Israeli officials – Eban and Evron – swore that Egypt had fired first".
- "Gideon Rafael phoned Danish ambassador Hans Tabor, Security Council president for the month of June, and informed him that Israel was responding to a 'cowardly and treacherous' attack from Egypt...".
- Hebrew: מִלְחֶמֶת שֵׁשֶׁת הַיָּמִים, Milḥemet Šešet HaYamim; Arabic: النكسة, an-Naksah, lit. 'The Setback' or حرب 1967, Ḥarb 1967, 'War of 1967'
- Shlaim writes: "To understand Hussein's conduct during the June 1967 War it is essential to recall that he had handed over command of his army to Egypt under the terms of his pact with Nasser. On 1 June, General Riad arrived in Amman and assumed command of the Jordanian armed forces."
- On the initial Jordanian attack, Shlaim writes: "The cable was from First Vice-President and Deputy Supreme Commander Field Marshal Abd al-Hakim Amer. Amer was a nincompoop who largely owed his rapid promotion to his friendship with Nasser... He was inexperienced in military affairs, impulsive, and prone to wishful thinking... Amer's cable to Riad was a pack of lies... On the basis of these alleged successes, Amer ordered Riad to open a new front against the enemy and launch offensive operations. By the time Hussein arrived at the headquarters, Riad had already given the orders for the artillery to move to the front lines and bombard Israeli airbases and other targets; an infantry brigade to occupy the Israeli enclave on Mount Scopus in Jerusalem; the two Egyptian commando battalions to infiltrate enemy territory from the West Bank at dusk; and the air force to be put on combat alert and commence airstrikes immediately. Although these decisions were made in his absence, Hussein made no attempt to cancel them or to delay the opening of fire until the information from Cairo could be checked. Jordan was thus committed to war by the decision of an Egyptian general who was acting on the orders of a serial blunderer in Cairo."
- Israel clearly did not want the US Government to know too much about its dispositions for attacking Syria, initially planned for June 8, but postponed for 24 hours. The attack on the Liberty occurred on June 8, whereas on June 9 at 3 am, Syria announced its acceptance of the cease-fire. Despite this, at 7 am, that is, four hours later, Israel's Minister of Defense, Moshe Dayan, "gave the order to go into action against Syria.
Citations
- Krauthammer, Charles (18 May 2007). "Prelude to the Six Days". The Washington Post. p. A23. ISSN 0740-5421. Archived from the original on 24 July 2019. Retrieved 20 June 2008.
- ^ Oren (2002), p. 237.
- Arnold, Guy (2016). Wars in the Third World Since 1945. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 299. ISBN 9781474291019.
- "Milestones: 1961–1968". Office of the Historian. Archived from the original on 23 October 2018. Retrieved 30 November 2018.
Between June 5 and June 10, Israel defeated Egypt, Jordan, and Syria and occupied the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights
- ^ Weill, Sharon (2007). "The judicial arm of the occupation: the Israeli military courts in the occupied territories". International Review of the Red Cross. 89 (866): 401. doi:10.1017/s1816383107001142. ISSN 1816-3831. S2CID 55988443.
On 7 June 1967, the day the occupation started, Military Proclamation No. 2 was issued, endowing the area commander with full legislative, executive, and judicial authorities over the West Bank and declaring that the law in force prior to the occupation remained in force as long as it did not contradict new military orders.
- ^ Stone (2004), p. 217.
- ^ Oren (2002), p. 171.
- Tucker (2015), pp. 540–541.
- ^ Tucker (2004), p. 176.
- ^ Pollack (2004), p. 59.
- ^ Oren (2002), p. 176.
- ^ Morris (2001), p. 318.
- ^ Ehteshami & Hinnebusch (1997), p. 76.
- ^ Mutawi (2002), p. 42.
- ^ Segev (1967), pp. 82, 175–191.
- ^ Herzog, Chaim (1 January 1984). The Arab-Israeli Wars: War and Peace in the Middle East from the War of Independence through Lebanon (Revised ed.). Vintage Books. p. 149. ISBN 978-0394717463.
- ^ Gawrych (2000), p. 3.
- ^ Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2008). The Six-Day War (June 1967) Archived 6 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine.
- Zaloga, Steven (1981). Armour of the Middle East Wars 1948–78 (Vanguard). Osprey Publishing.
- ^ El Gamasy 1993 p. 79
- ^ Herzog (1982), p. 165.
- ^ Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2004). Background on Israeli POWs and MIAs Archived 22 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Tucker (2010), p. 1198.
- ^ Woolf, Alex (2012). Arab–Israeli War Since 1948. Heinemann-Raintree. p. 27. ISBN 978-1-4329-6004-9.
- ^ Sachar (2013), p.
- ^ Dunstan (2013a), p.
- Warfare since the Second World War, By Klaus Jürgen Gantzel, Torsten Schwinghammer, p. 253
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- Oren (2002), p. 187: Over a thousand civilians were wounded, 150 seriously, 20 of them died.
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- Both USA and Israel officially attributed the USS Liberty incident as being due to mistaken identification.
- ^ Ginor, Isabella and Remez, Gideon: The Soviet-Israeli War, 1967–1973: The USSR's Military Intervention in the Egyptian-Israeli Conflict, p. 23
- Jeremy Bowen (2003). Six Days: How the 1967 War Shaped the Middle East. Simon and Schuster, 2012. ISBN 978-1-4711-1475-5.
UNRWA put the figure at 413,000
- Major General Indar Jit Rikhye (28 October 2013). The Sinai Blunder: Withdrawal of the United Nations Emergency Force Leading... Taylor & Francis. pp. 8–. ISBN 978-1-136-27985-0.
- ^ Quigley (2013), p. 32.
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- Mutawi (2002), p. 183: "It is clear that King Hussein joined forces with Egypt in the knowledge that there was no possibility of overrunning Israel. Instead, he sought to preserve the status quo. He believed that he could not stand aside at a time when Arab co-operation and solidarity were vital and he was convinced that any Arab confrontation with Israel would be greatly enhanced if the Arabs fought as a unified body. The plan of action devised at his meeting with Nasser in Cairo on 30 May was established on this basis. It was envisaged that Jordan would not take an offensive role but would tie down a proportion of Israel's forces and so prevent it from using its full weight against Egypt and Syria. By forcing Israel to fight a war on three fronts simultaneously King Hussein believed that the Arabs stood a chance of preventing it from making any territorial gains while allowing the Arabs a chance of gaining a political victory, which may, eventually, lead to peace. King Hussein was also convinced that even if Jordan did not participate in the war Israel would take the opportunity to seize the West Bank once it had dealt with Syria and Egypt. He decided that for this reason, the wisest course of action was to bring Jordan into the total Arab effort. This would provide his army with two elements that were essential for its efficient operation – additional troops and air cover. When King Hussein met Nasser in Cairo it was agreed that these requirements would be met."
- ^ Dunstan (2013), p. 65.
- ^ Bowker (2003), p. 81.
- ^ McDowall (1991), p. 84: 116,000 had fled from the Golan further into Syria, ...
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On the evening of 22 May, President Gamal Abdul Nasser, accompanied by ... Egyptian air force base at Bir Gafgafa in Sinai and addressed the pilots and officers. ... 'The Jews are threatening war – we say to them ahlan wa-sahlan (welcome)!
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The Jordanian leadership's appraisal of the repercussions of the Samu' raid was a major factor in King Husayn's decision to join Nasir's war chariot by signing a joint defense pact with Egypt on May 30, 1967. This was the determining factor for Jordan's participation in the war that would soon break out.... Convinced after the Samu' raid that Israel's strategic goal was the West Bank, Husayn allied himself to Nasir out of a genuine fear that, in a comprehensive war, Israel would invade the West Bank whether or not Jordan was an active participant.
- Tessler (1994), p. 378: "Towards the War of June 1967: Growing tensions in the region were clearly visible long before Israel's November attack on Samu and two other West Bank towns. An escalating spiral of raid and retaliation had already been set in motion..."
- Herzog (1982), p. 148.
- Shlaim (2007), p. 238.
- Mutawi (2002), p. 93: "Although Eshkol denounced the Egyptians, his response to this development was a model of moderation. His speech on 21 May demanded that Nasser withdraw his forces from Sinai but made no mention of the removal of UNEF from the Straits nor of what Israel would do if they were closed to Israeli shipping. The next day Nasser announced to an astonished world that henceforth the Straits were, indeed, closed to all Israeli ships"
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Interference, by armed force, with ships of Israeli flag exercising free and innocent passage in the Gulf of Aqaba and through the Straits of Tiran will be regarded by Israel as an attack entitling it to exercise its inherent right of self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter and to take all such measures as are necessary to ensure the free and innocent passage of its ships in the Gulf and in the Straits.
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- "LBJ Pledges U.S. to Peace Effort Archived 17 May 2017 at the Wayback Machine", Eugene Register-Guard (19 June 1967). See also Johnson, Lyndon. "Address at the State Department's Foreign Policy Conference for Educators" Archived 27 December 2016 at the Wayback Machine (19 June 1967).
- Churchill & Churchill (1967), pp. 52 & 77.
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- Oren (2002), p. 176, says 282 out of 420. Morris (2001), p. 318, says 304 out of 419. Tessler (1994), p. 396, says over 350 planes were destroyed.
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Odd Bull: " was a threat, pure and simple and it is not the normal practice of the U.N. to pass on threats from one government to another." As "…this message seemed so important… we quickly sent it…and King Hussein received the message before 10:30 the same morning."
- ^ Shlaim (2000), pp. 243–244: "In May–June 1967 Eshkol's government did everything in its power to confine the confrontation to the Egyptian front. Eshkol and his colleagues took into account the possibility of some fighting on the Syrian front. But they wanted to avoid having a clash with Jordan and the inevitable complications of having to deal with the predominantly Palestinian population of the West Bank. The fighting on the eastern front was initiated by Jordan, not by Israel. King Hussein got carried along by a powerful current of Arab nationalism. On 30 May he flew to Cairo and signed a defense pact with Nasser. On 5 June, Jordan started shelling the Israeli side in Jerusalem. This could have been interpreted either as a salvo to uphold Jordanian honour or as a declaration of war. Eshkol decided to give King Hussein the benefit of the doubt. Through General Odd Bull, the Norwegian commander of UNTSO, he sent the following message the morning of 5 June: "We shall not initiate any action whatsoever against Jordan. However, should Jordan open hostilities, we shall react with all our might, and the king will have to bear the full responsibility of the consequences." King Hussein told General Bull that it was too late; the die was cast."
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- ^ Mutawi (2002), p. 140: "Shortly after the order for the withdrawal had been issued , the Jordanians were informed that the UN Security Council was meeting to consider a resolution for an unconditional ceasefire. On learning of this the Jordanian command decided that the order for withdrawal had been premature, since if a ceasefire went into effect that day they would still be in possession of the West Bank. Consequently, the order was countermanded and those forces which had already withdrawn were asked to return to their original positions... The Security Council ceasefire resolution was passed unanimously at 11.00 p.m. on 6 June. However, Jordan's hope that this would enable it to hold the West Bank was destroyed when Israel continued its offensive. On learning of this Riad once again ordered a complete withdrawal from the West Bank as he feared that failure to do so would result in the annihilation of the remains of the Jordanian Army. By nightfall on 7 June most elements of the army had withdrawn to the East Bank and by mid-day on 8 June Jordan was once again the Transjordan of King Abdullah, while Israel completed total occupation of historical Palestine."
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The 1967 war marked a sharp rise in Palestinians' self-consciousness, convincing many that if their homeland was to be liberated, then it was they who must do it. Outgunned and outmanned by the Israeli military, their fighters resorted to guerilla tactics from staging grounds in Jordan and Lebanon. Some, like George Habash of the PFLP spoke of turning the Occupied Territories into an "inferno whose fires consume the usurpers" (Hirst, 1984, 282). While this did not happen, by 1969 the activities of Habash and others were in the international spotlight as a consequence of cross-border raids and airplane hijackings. No incident was more spectacular than the hostage taking by the Black September group that led to the deaths of eleven Israeli athletes and five Palestinian commandos during the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich.
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Since 1967, when desperate Palestinian groups took to international terrorism in the wake of the Arab defeat in the Six-Day War, terrorism has become the characteristic weapon of the weak pretending to be strong.
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Yet until the combined forces of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria were defeated for the second time in less than two decades, the Palestinians deferred to their Arab hosts to spearhead the abortive Palestinian national cause. Only after the 1967 War did the Palestinian leadership pursue a policy of self-reliance that depended on terrorism as its primary political strategy.
- Jenkins, B. M. (1978). International terrorism: trends and potentialities. Journal of International Affairs, 115-123. "Some perceive today's terrorism as the outgrowth of unique political circumstances prevailing in the late 1960s: the Israeli defeat of the Arabs in 1967, which caused Palestinians to abandon their dependence on Arab military power and turn to terrorism."
- Chermak, Steven M. (2016). Chermak, Steven M; Freilich, Joshua D (eds.). Transnational Terrorism. Routledge. pp. 5–13. doi:10.4324/9781315235691. ISBN 978-1-315-23569-1. S2CID 242423150. Archived from the original on 17 May 2024. Retrieved 8 June 2022.
The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), founded in 1967, became active in 1967 The PLO originated after the extraordinary collapse of Arab armies in the six days of the 1967 Middle East war; its existence and persistence gave credibility to supporters who argued that only terror could remove Israel
- Herzog (1989), p. 253.
- Shlaim (2007), p. 254.
- Sela (1997), p. 108.
- Itamar Rabinovich; Haim Shaked (1978). From June to October: The Middle East Between 1967 And 1973. Transaction Publishers. p. 192. ISBN 978-1-4128-2418-7. Archived from the original on 17 May 2024. Retrieved 27 October 2015.
In dozens of speeches and statements, Nasser posited the equation that any direct peace talks with Israel were tantamount to surrender. His efforts to forestall any movement toward direct negotiations ...
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- Asher Susser, "Fifty Years since the Six-Day War," The RUSI Journal (2017) 162:3, 40-48, DOI: 10.1080/03071847.2017.1353270
- Susser, "Fifty Years since the Six-Day War,"
- Idith Zertal and Akiva Eldar, Lords of the Land: The War over Israel's Settlements in the Occupied Territories, 1967-2007 (Nation Books, 2007), ch. 1.
- Kaniuk, Yoram. "June 10, 1967 – Israeli paratroopers reach the Western Wall". The Digital Journalist. Archived from the original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved 2 December 2008.
- Silver, Eric (16 February 2006). "David Rubinger in the picture". The Jewish Chronicle. Archived from the original on 8 October 2022. Retrieved 9 October 2022.
{{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) - Urquhart, Conal (6 May 2007). "Six days in June". The Observer. Archived from the original on 31 August 2013. Retrieved 2 December 2008.
- ^ Bailey (1990), p. 225.
- Oren (2002), p. 196.
- Oren (2002), p. 198.
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Further reading
- al-Qusi, Abdallah Ahmad Hamid. (1999). Al-Wisam fi at-Ta'rikh. Cairo: Al-Mu'asasa al-'Arabiya al-Haditha. No ISBN available.
- Aloni, Shlomo (2001). Arab–Israeli Air Wars 1947–1982. Osprey Aviation. ISBN 978-1-84176-294-4
- Alteras, Isaac. (1993). Eisenhower and Israel: U.S.–Israeli Relations, 1953–1960, University Press of Florida. ISBN 978-0-8130-1205-6.
- Bachmutsky, Roi. "Otherwise occupied: The legal status of the Gaza strip 50 years after the six-day war." Virginia Journal of International Law 57 (2017): 413+ online Archived 17 May 2024 at the Wayback Machine.
- Bar-On, Mordechai, ed. (2006). Never-Ending Conflict: Israeli Military History. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-0-275-98158-7.
- Barzilai, Gad (1996). Wars, Internal Conflicts, and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East. New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-2944-0
- Ben-Gurion, David. (1999). Ben-Gurion diary: May–June 1967. Israel Studies 4(2), 199–220.
- Black, Ian (1992). Israel's Secret Wars: A History of Israel's Intelligence Services. Grove Press. ISBN 978-0-8021-3286-4
- Bober, Arie (ed.) (1972). The other Israel. Doubleday Anchor. ISBN 978-0-385-01467-0.
- Boczek, Boleslaw Adam (2005). International Law: A Dictionary. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-5078-1
- Borowiec, Andrew. (1998). Modern Tunisia: A Democratic Apprenticeship. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-275-96136-7.
- Brecher, Michael. (1996). Eban and Israeli foreign policy: Diplomacy, war and disengagement. In A Restless Mind: Essays in Honor of Amos Perlmutter, Benjamin Frankel (ed.), pp. 104–117. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7146-4607-7
- Bregman, Ahron (2000). Israel's Wars, 1947–1993. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-21468-1.
- Bregman, Ahron (2002). Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-28716-6
- Christie, Hazel (1999). Law of the Sea. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-4382-6
- Colaresi, Michael P. (2005). Scare Tactics: The politics of international rivalry. Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-3066-1
- Cristol, A Jay (2002). Liberty Incident: The 1967 Israeli Attack on the U.S. Navy Spy Ship. Brassey's. ISBN 978-1-57488-536-1
- Eban, Abba (1977). Abba Eban: An Autobiography. Random House. ISBN 978-0-394-49302-2
- El-Gamasy, Mohamed Abdel Ghani. (1993). The October War. The American University in Cairo Press. ISBN 978-977-424-316-5.
- Feron, James (13 May 1967). "Israelis Ponder Blow at Syrians; Some Leaders Decide That Force is the Only Way to Curtail Terrorism Some Israeli Leaders See Need for Force to Curb Syrians". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 1 March 2012. Retrieved 25 November 2011.
- Finkelstein, Norman (2003). Image and Reality of the Israel–Palestine Conflict. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-442-7. Archived from the original on 17 May 2024. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
- Finkelstein, Norman (June 2017). Analysis of the war and its aftermath, on the 50th anniversary of the June 1967 war Archived 9 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine (3 parts, each about 30 min)
- Gelpi, Christopher (2002). Power of Legitimacy: Assessing the Role of Norms in Crisis Bargaining. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-09248-5
- Gerner, Deborah J. (1994). One Land, Two Peoples. Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-2180-6, p. 112
- Gerteiny, Alfred G. & Ziegler, Jean (2007). The Terrorist Conjunction: The United States, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, and Al-Qā'ida. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-275-99643-7, p. 142
- Gilbert, Martin. (2008). Israel – A History. McNally & Loftin Publishers. ISBN 978-0-688-12363-5. Chapter available online: Chapter 21: Nasser's Challenge Archived 17 May 2009 at the Wayback Machine.
- Goldstein, Erik (1992). Wars and Peace Treaties, 1816–1991. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-07822-1
- Haddad, Yvonne. (1992). Islamists and the "Problem of Israel": The 1967 Awakening. Middle East Journal, Vol. 46, No. 2, pp. 266–285.
- Hajjar, Sami G. The Israel-Syria Track, Middle East Policy, Volume VI, February 1999, Number 3. Retrieved 30 September 2006.
- Handel, Michael I. (1973). Israel's political-military doctrine. Center for International Affairs, Harvard University. ISBN 978-0-87674-025-5
- Herbert, Nicholas (17 May 1967). Egyptian Forces On Full Alert: Ready to fight for Syria. The Times, p. 1; Issue 56943; col E.
- Higham, Robin. (2003). 100 Years of Air Power and Aviation. TAMU Press. ISBN 978-1-58544-241-6.
- Hinnebusch, Raymond A. (2003). The international politics of the Middle East. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-5346-7
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- Hopwood, Derek (1991). Egypt: Politics and Society. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-09432-0
- Hussein of Jordan (1969). My "War" with Israel. London: Peter Owen. ISBN 978-0-7206-0310-1
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- Jia, Bing Bing. (1998). The Regime of Straits in International Law Archived 22 December 2022 at the Wayback Machine (Oxford Monographs in International Law). Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-826556-6.
- Katz, Samuel M. (1991) Israel's Air Force; The Power Series. Motorbooks International Publishers & Wholesalers, Osceola, WI.
- Koboril, Iwao and Glantz, Michael H. (1998). Central Eurasian Water Crisis. United Nations University Press. ISBN 978-92-808-0925-1
- Laron, Guy (21 February 2017). The Six Day War: The Breaking of the Middle East. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-22632-4. Archived from the original on 17 May 2024. Retrieved 1 December 2018.
- Lavoy, Peter R.; Sagan, Scott Douglas & Wirtz, James J. (Eds.) (2000). Planning the Unthinkable: How New Powers Will Use Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical Weapons. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-8704-0.
- Leibler, Isi (1972). The Case For Israel. Australia: The Executive Council of Australian Jewry. ISBN 978-0-9598984-0-8.
- Little, Douglas. "Nasser Delenda Est: Lyndon Johnson, The Arabs, and the 1967 Six-Day War," in H.W. Brands, ed. The foreign policies of Lyndon Johnson : beyond Vietnam (1999) pp 145–167. online
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- Makiya, Kanan (1998). Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-21439-2
- Maoz, Zeev (2006). Defending the Holy Land: A Critical Analysis of Israel's Security & Foreign Policy. The University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-03341-6
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- Parker, Richard B. (1996). The Six-day War: A Retrospective. University Press of Florida. ISBN 978-0-8130-1383-1.
- Parker, Richard B. (August 1997). "USAF in the Sinai in the 1967 War: Fact or Fiction" (PDF). Journal of Palestine Studies. XXVII (1): 67–75. doi:10.1525/jps.1997.27.1.00p0164l. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 October 2017. Retrieved 27 February 2010.
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External links
- The Photograph: A Search for June 1967. Retrieved 17 July 2010.
- The three soldiers – background to that photograph
- Six Day War Personal recollections & Timeline
- Video Clip: Sandhurst military historian analysing how King Hussein became involved in the Six Day War. on YouTube
- Video Clip: Analysis of Israel's Sinai Campaign in 1967 by Sandhurst military historian. on YouTube
- Video Clip: Military analysis of the attack on Jerusalem and the Jordanian defence. on YouTube
- "Six-Day War" in the Encyclopaedia of the Orient
- All State Department documents related to the crisis
- Letters from David Ben-Gurion on the Six-Day War Archived 24 August 2013 at the Wayback Machine Shapell Manuscript Foundation
- UN Resolution 242. Retrieved 17 July 2010.
- The status of Jerusalem, United Nations, New York, 1997 (Prepared for, and under the guidance of, the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People)
- Status of Jerusalem: Legal Aspects. Retrieved 22 July 2014.
- Legal Aspects: The Six Day War – June 1967 and Its Aftermath – Professor Gerald Adler
- General Uzi Narkiss Archived 10 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine – A historic radio interview with General Uzi Narkiss taken on 7 June – one day after the Six-Day War, describing the battle for Jerusalem
- Liberation of the Temple Mount and Western Wall by Israel Defense Forces – Historic Live Broadcast on Voice of Israel Radio, 7 June 1967
- "How the USSR Planned to Destroy Israel in 1967" by Isabella Ginor. Published by the journal Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA), Volume 7, Number 3 (September 2003)
- Position of Arab forces May 1967 Archived 27 May 2015 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 22 July 2014.
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1940s |
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1950s |
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1960s |
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1970s |
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1980s |
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1990s | |||||||
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Propaganda |
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Espionage and intelligence |
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Arab nationalism | |
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Ideology | |
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Concepts | |
Personalities |
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Related topics | |
- Six-Day War
- 1967 in Egypt
- 1967 in Israel
- 1967 in Jordan
- 1967 in Syria
- 1967 in the Israeli Military Governorate
- Arab–Israeli conflict
- Cold War conflicts
- Conflicts in 1967
- Invasions by Israel
- Invasions of Syria
- Invasions of Egypt
- June 1967 events in Asia
- Six-day events
- Wars involving Egypt
- Wars involving Israel
- Wars involving Jordan
- Wars involving Syria
- June 1967 events in Africa