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{{Short description|Spree of violence in Mandatory Palestine}} | |||
'''Black Sunday, 1937''' refers to a series of acts undertaken by Jewish militants of the ] faction against Arab pedestrians on the 14th November 1937. | |||
{{Other uses|Black Sunday (disambiguation)}} | |||
{{Infobox civilian attack | |||
| title = Black Sunday | |||
| partof = the ] | |||
| location = ] and ], ] | |||
| date = 14 November 1937 | |||
| target = ] | |||
| type = ], ] | |||
| fatalities = 10 | |||
| injuries = 13+ | |||
| perpetrators = ] | |||
}} | |||
'''Black Sunday''' was a day of multiple ] attacks against ] committed by the militant ] organization the ]. The attacks took place on 14 November 1937 in ]. It was among the first challenges to the ] (lit. restraint) policy not to retaliate against Arab attacks on Jewish civilians. | |||
⚫ | ==Background |
||
⚫ | In 1936, Palestinian Arabs launched ] that was to last three years |
||
⚫ | ==Background== | ||
⚫ | ==Restraint vs. militancy== | ||
⚫ | In 1936, Palestinian Arabs launched ] that was to last three years against ]. At first the revolt consisted of a ] but later became more violent, attacking British forces and also including attacks against Jews.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j4p4CAAAQBAJ|title=International Encyclopedia of Terrorism|last1=Crenshaw|first1=Martha|last2=Pimlott|first2=John|date=2015|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781135919665|language=en}}</ref> In the preceding year Jewish immigration, blocked in the United States and many European countries had risen to 66,672 over the 4,075 in 1931.<ref name="Newsinger" >], Springer 2016 p. 6.</ref> In July 1937, the ] proposed a partition of Palestine, and recommended a population ] of 225,000 Arabs out of the designated future Jewish territory and a smaller number of Jews out of the designated future Arab territory.<ref name="Gannon">], ABC-CLIO, 2008 pp. 32–33.</ref> The Zionist Organization was strongly divided on the proposal, but historians consider them to have either "accepted" or "not rejected outright" the principle of partition, while rejecting the specific borders suggested by the Peel Commission and empowering the executive to continue negotiating with the British.<ref>{{cite journal|author = I. Galnoor | title=Territorial partition of Palestine – the 1937 decision|journal=Political Geography Quarterly| volume=10|issue=4|year=1991|pages=382–404| doi=10.1016/0260-9827(91)90005-F}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal| author=T.G. Fraser|title=A Crisis of Leadership: Weizmann and the Zionist Reactions to the Peel Commission's Proposals, 1937–8 | journal = Journal of Contemporary History|volume= 23 |year=1988|issue=4 |pages= 657–680|doi=10.1177/002200948802300408 |s2cid=159997837 }}</ref><ref></ref><ref name="Pogrund">{{cite book|author=Benjamin Pogrund|title=Drawing Fire: Investigating the Accusations of Apartheid in Israel|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KOgLBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA31|date=2014|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers|isbn=978-1-4422-2684-5|page=31|quote="...the Revisionists rejected it, as did the Arabs, but the Zionist Organization accepted it in principle"}}</ref><ref name="RabinovichReinharz2008">{{cite book|author1=Itamar Rabinovich|author-link=Itamar Rabinovich|author2=Jehuda Reinharz|title=Israel in the Middle East: Documents and Readings on Society, Politics, and Foreign Relations, Pre-1948 to the Present|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iVJR9UZnTVAC&pg=PA44|year=2008|publisher=UPNE|isbn=978-0-87451-962-4|page=44|quote="While rejecting the specific proposals of the Peel Commission, the congress accepted readiness, in principle, to consider a better partition proposal"}}</ref><ref name="MahlerMahler2009">{{cite book|author1=Gregory S. Mahler|author2=Alden R.W. Mahler|title=The Arab-Israeli Conflict: An Introduction and Documentary Reader|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iAyPAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA8|date=2009|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-24887-1|page=8|quote="Although in 1937 the Twentieth Zionist Congress had rejected the boundaries proposed by the Peel Commission, it did agree in principle to the idea of partition..."}}</ref> The ] rejected the plan outright, as did the Revisonist Zionists.<ref name="Pogrund" /> Soon after, a British district commissioner, ], known for his repressive measures was assassinated by militant followers of ] outside an Anglican church.<ref name="Gannon" /><ref name ="Laurens">], '']: Une Mission sacrée de la civilisation,'' Fayard 2002 p. 373.</ref> | ||
The mainstream Zionist approach to the insurgency, set forth by ], was to avoid reprisal and rather prioritize the strengthening of defenses in Jewish areas, a policy of ]. ] and ] had however been active after having been recruited by the British army to help repress the Arab revolt.<ref name="Morris" >], ] Publishing Group, 2011 pp.145f.</ref> | |||
⚫ | A militant form of Zionism, constituting a ] calling itself ] soon broke ranks with the Haganah over the issue of restraint. It was dominated by activists who had originally identified with |
||
⚫ | ===Restraint vs. militancy=== | ||
⚫ | ==Black Sunday |
||
The renewal of Arab violence in October 1937 led to changes in tactics by the Zionists.<ref name="Morris" /> In July 1938 alone two such Irgun bombs planted in Haifa’s central market accounted for 74 Arab dead and 129 wounded, leading to a generalized cycle of reprisal between the two groups.<ref>Neil Caplan, John Wiley & Sons, 2011 p. 88.</ref> | |||
⚫ | In July 1937, |
||
Demand for retaliation within the Irgun heightened with the killing of rabbi Eliezer Gerstein on 3 September while he was en route to pray at the ]. Again, on November 9, 1937 five Jewish agricultural labourers were killed while working the soil in Kibbutz ]. Retaliation was swiftly enacted with the killing of 13 Arabs.<ref name="Shindler2015" /><ref> ] 31 October 1937.</ref> From 29 October to 11 November, 21 attacks were made against British police and Jews, 5 with bombs, resulting in 11 murders, many of the dead being Jews.<ref>] , " La Question de Palestine:Une mission sacrée de civilisation, " ] 2002 p.374,p.654 n.74</ref> | |||
The mainstream Zionist approach to the insurgency, set forth by ], was to avoid reprisal and rather prioritize the strengthening of defenses in Jewish areas, a policy of ]. ] and ] had however been active after having been recruited by the British army to help repress the Arab revolt.<ref name="Morris" >], ] Publishing Group, 2011 pp. 145f.</ref> | |||
⚫ | A militant form of Zionism, constituting a ] calling itself ] soon broke ranks with the Haganah over the issue of restraint. It was dominated by activists who had originally identified with ]’s ], which had been founded in 1923, and eventually evolved into the core of ]. Jabotinsky himself initially advised a diplomatic approach and held reservations about recourse to measures of retaliation. The Irgun, adopted a policy change from passive defense to active aggression, and considered terrorism against Palestinians a form of deterrence against Arab attacks. The active defense tactic adopted consisted of 4 kinds of assault: (a) assassinations (b) shooting ] or urban Arabs (c) ambushes of transport vehicles carrying Arabs and (d) outright terrorist assaults on densely populated Arab areas<ref>Leonard Weinberg, Ami Pedahzur, Arie Perliger, ], 2008 pp. 81–82.</ref> Some of these practices were not new: on 20 April 1936, 2 Palestinians had been murdered while tending a banana grove, and on 20 April, pedestrians in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem were subject to attacks where guns and hand-grenades were used. In March 1937 right-wing Zionists had thrown a bomb into a coffee house frequented by Arabs in Tel Aviv. Throughout the three years of the revolt, the revisionist group mounted some 60 acts of terrorism against Palestinian targets.<ref>], ] 2013 p. 36</ref><ref name="Shindler2015" >], ] 2015 pp. 182–183</ref> | ||
===Planning=== | |||
⚫ | |||
⚫ | In July 1937, Jabotinsky met with ], Moshe Rosenberg and ], the future leader of ], in ] and underwrote, despite his personal reservations, the proposal to have recourse to retaliatory action. Jabotinsky posed only one condition to his assent, that he not be kept informed about too many details.<ref name="Shindler2009" >], ] 2009 pp. 195–196.</ref> At this stage in the revolt, the Arab uprising had degenerated into, in ]’s words, ‘internecine Arab violence and nihilist attacks on Jews.’<ref name="Shindler2009" /> Demand for retaliation within the Irgun heightened with the killing of Rabbi Eliezer Gerstein on 3 September while he was en route to pray at the ]. On 11 November, the Irgun murdered 2 Arabs at a ] bus deposit, and wounded a further 5.<ref name="Gannon" /><ref name="Morris" /><ref>Ya'aḳov Eliav, ''Wanted,'' Shengold Publishers, 1984 pp. 34f.</ref> From 29 October to 11 November, 21 attacks were made against British police and Jews, 5 with bombs, resulting in 11 murders, many of the dead being Jews.<ref>], " La Question de Palestine:Une mission sacrée de civilisation, " ] 2002 pp. 374, 654 n. 74</ref> | ||
⚫ | The Irgun regarded the operation as a commemorative symbol evoking the revolt of ] against the ].<ref name="Shindler2015" /> Raziel himself said that the operation had wiped out the shame of the policy of restraint.<ref>Monty Noam Penkower,'' Twentieth Century Jews: Forging Identity in the Land of Promise and in the Promised Land,'' Academic Studies Press, p.312.</ref> | ||
Irgun leader ] authorized a programme of bombing Arab coffee houses, in cities such as ] and ], and attacks around Jerusalem, and on buses travelling between the cities of ] and ],<ref name="Shindler2015" /> in which Black Sunday marked the turning point.<ref name="Pogrund" /> Jaa’cov Eliav, the Irgun’s master bomb maker, was in charge of the operations generally that led to the November 14 attack,<ref>], ] Publishing Group, 2015 pp. 17–18.</ref> David Raziel organized the attacks in Jerusalem. | |||
⚫ | ==Aftermath== | ||
The Irgun commemorated the incidents on 14 November as "the Day of the Breaking of the Havlagah".<ref name="Morris" /> | |||
⚫ | ==Black Sunday== | ||
One practice adopted by the Irgun in particular at the time, and subsequently by the Lehi gang, according to ], introduced an innovation to the armed conflict: for the first time, powerful bombs were planted in densely frequented Arab locations to achieve a maximum effect of indiscriminate killing. This technique formed a precedent that would be adopted eventually by the Arabs themselves in future decades.<ref name=Gannon /> | |||
⚫ | At 7 am. on the morning of 14 November, 2 Arab pedestrians were shot on Aza Street in ], a neighbourhood in Jerusalem, by Joseph Kremin and Shlomo Trachtman.<ref>Patrick Bishop,''The Reckoning: Death and Intrigue in the Promised Land-A True Detective Story,'' ], 2014 p. 35.</ref> Raziel had ordered multiple attacks to be undertaken almost simultaneously in order to hamper a coherent police response, and a half an hour later, another two were shot. In both cases, one of the victims survived. Some time later, Zvi Meltser armed an Irgun operative who then attacked an Arab bus, killing 3 passengers and wounding 8.<ref name="Shindler2015" /><ref>Zev Golan, Devora Publishing, 2003 p. 122.</ref> By the end of November 14, 10 Arabs had been killed and many more wounded.<ref>], ] 2nsd ed 2009 p. 39</ref> | ||
⚫ | ==Aftermath== | ||
⚫ | |||
⚫ | The Irgun commemorated the incidents on 14 November as "the Day of the Breaking of the Havlagah".<ref name="Morris" /> They regarded the operation as a commemorative symbol evoking the revolt of ] against the ].<ref name="Shindler2015" /> Raziel himself said that the operation had wiped out the shame of the policy of restraint.<ref>Monty Noam Penkower,'' Twentieth Century Jews: Forging Identity in the Land of Promise and in the Promised Land,'' Academic Studies Press, p. 312.</ref> | ||
⚫ | There are several notable incidents associated the ] fueled by the Irgun attacks in the summer of 1938. | ||
*6 July 1938 an Irgun militant in Arab garb planted milk cans loaded with explosives in an Arab market in Haifa killing 21, and wounding 52.<ref name="Gannon" /><ref name="Morris" /> | *6 July 1938 an Irgun militant in Arab garb planted milk cans loaded with explosives in an Arab market in Haifa killing 21, and wounding 52.<ref name="Gannon" /><ref name="Morris" /> | ||
*25 July 1938 in the same market, operatives left an explosive-filled container marked ‘sour cucumbers’ which, on explosion, resulted in the death of 39 Arabs and the wounding of a further 46 | *25 July 1938 in the same market, operatives left an explosive-filled container marked ‘sour cucumbers’ which, on explosion, resulted in the death of 39 Arabs and the wounding of a further 46 | ||
*26 August 1938, |
*26 August 1938, explosives planted in the Jaffa market took a lethal toll of 24 Arabs and 39 wounded.<ref name="Gannon" /> | ||
The British initially took no action against the Irgun itself, but rather arrested members of Jabotinsky’s group on suspicion they were connected to the incident. Jabotinsky distanced himself from the action adopted but later spoke of it as 'a spontaneous |
The British initially took no action against the Irgun itself, but rather arrested members of Jabotinsky’s group on suspicion they were connected to the incident. Jabotinsky distanced himself from the action adopted but later spoke of it as 'a spontaneous outbreak of the outraged feelings of the nation’s soul.' <ref name="Shindler2015" /> | ||
The British also enlisted 19,000 Jewish policemen to assist them in countering the insurgency, and eventually |
The British also enlisted 19,000 Jewish policemen to assist them in countering the insurgency, and eventually organized ].<ref name =Newsinger /> The Irgun revolt effected a change in mainstream Jewish policy also. Despite official shock at these incidents, the tactic of a defensive response underwent reexamination, was found to be ineffective, with the result that the Haganah command began to set up field companies to engage in ambushes. ]'s night squads and ]'s mobile military units (''plugot ha'Sadeh''), established in December of that year,<ref name="Shindler2015" /> also exercised an influence on the creation of such clandestine forces. Ben-Gurion in turn had one officer secretly establish ''pe'ulot meyudahot'', or special operation squads specializing in retaliatory operations against Arab terrorists, villages thought to harbor them and, at times, against British units themselves. These squads operated at Ben-Gurion's discretion, and lay outside the official Haganah chain of command.<ref name="Morris" /> | ||
==See also== | ==See also== | ||
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* ] | * ] | ||
* ] | * ] | ||
===Citations=== | |||
⚫ | {{ |
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==References== | ==References== | ||
⚫ | {{Reflist|colwidth=20em}} | ||
{{refbegin|30em}} | |||
{{refend}} | |||
] | ] | ||
] | ] | ||
] | ] | ||
] | ] | ||
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Latest revision as of 22:35, 20 October 2024
Spree of violence in Mandatory Palestine For other uses, see Black Sunday (disambiguation).Black Sunday | |
---|---|
Part of the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine | |
Location | Jaffa and Jerusalem, Palestine |
Date | 14 November 1937 |
Target | Palestinian Arabs |
Attack type | Terrorism, Mass shooting |
Deaths | 10 |
Injured | 13+ |
Perpetrators | Irgun |
Black Sunday was a day of multiple terrorist attacks against Palestinians committed by the militant Revisionist Zionist organization the Irgun. The attacks took place on 14 November 1937 in Mandatory Palestine. It was among the first challenges to the Havlagah (lit. restraint) policy not to retaliate against Arab attacks on Jewish civilians.
Background
In 1936, Palestinian Arabs launched a revolt that was to last three years against British colonial rule. At first the revolt consisted of a general strike but later became more violent, attacking British forces and also including attacks against Jews. In the preceding year Jewish immigration, blocked in the United States and many European countries had risen to 66,672 over the 4,075 in 1931. In July 1937, the Peel Commission proposed a partition of Palestine, and recommended a population transfer of 225,000 Arabs out of the designated future Jewish territory and a smaller number of Jews out of the designated future Arab territory. The Zionist Organization was strongly divided on the proposal, but historians consider them to have either "accepted" or "not rejected outright" the principle of partition, while rejecting the specific borders suggested by the Peel Commission and empowering the executive to continue negotiating with the British. The Arab Higher Committee rejected the plan outright, as did the Revisonist Zionists. Soon after, a British district commissioner, Lewis Yelland Andrews, known for his repressive measures was assassinated by militant followers of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam outside an Anglican church.
Restraint vs. militancy
The renewal of Arab violence in October 1937 led to changes in tactics by the Zionists. In July 1938 alone two such Irgun bombs planted in Haifa’s central market accounted for 74 Arab dead and 129 wounded, leading to a generalized cycle of reprisal between the two groups.
The mainstream Zionist approach to the insurgency, set forth by David Ben-Gurion, was to avoid reprisal and rather prioritize the strengthening of defenses in Jewish areas, a policy of Havlagah (lit. Restraint). Notrim and Jewish supernumeraries had however been active after having been recruited by the British army to help repress the Arab revolt. A militant form of Zionism, constituting a paramilitary organization calling itself Irgun soon broke ranks with the Haganah over the issue of restraint. It was dominated by activists who had originally identified with Ze'ev Jabotinsky’s Betar movement, which had been founded in 1923, and eventually evolved into the core of Zionist Revisionism. Jabotinsky himself initially advised a diplomatic approach and held reservations about recourse to measures of retaliation. The Irgun, adopted a policy change from passive defense to active aggression, and considered terrorism against Palestinians a form of deterrence against Arab attacks. The active defense tactic adopted consisted of 4 kinds of assault: (a) assassinations (b) shooting fellahin or urban Arabs (c) ambushes of transport vehicles carrying Arabs and (d) outright terrorist assaults on densely populated Arab areas Some of these practices were not new: on 20 April 1936, 2 Palestinians had been murdered while tending a banana grove, and on 20 April, pedestrians in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem were subject to attacks where guns and hand-grenades were used. In March 1937 right-wing Zionists had thrown a bomb into a coffee house frequented by Arabs in Tel Aviv. Throughout the three years of the revolt, the revisionist group mounted some 60 acts of terrorism against Palestinian targets.
Planning
In July 1937, Jabotinsky met with Robert Bitker, Moshe Rosenberg and Avraham Stern, the future leader of Lehi, in Alexandria and underwrote, despite his personal reservations, the proposal to have recourse to retaliatory action. Jabotinsky posed only one condition to his assent, that he not be kept informed about too many details. At this stage in the revolt, the Arab uprising had degenerated into, in Colin Shindler’s words, ‘internecine Arab violence and nihilist attacks on Jews.’ Demand for retaliation within the Irgun heightened with the killing of Rabbi Eliezer Gerstein on 3 September while he was en route to pray at the Western Wall. On 11 November, the Irgun murdered 2 Arabs at a Jaffa bus deposit, and wounded a further 5. From 29 October to 11 November, 21 attacks were made against British police and Jews, 5 with bombs, resulting in 11 murders, many of the dead being Jews.
Irgun leader David Raziel authorized a programme of bombing Arab coffee houses, in cities such as Haifa and Rosh Pinah, and attacks around Jerusalem, and on buses travelling between the cities of Tiberias and Safed, in which Black Sunday marked the turning point. Jaa’cov Eliav, the Irgun’s master bomb maker, was in charge of the operations generally that led to the November 14 attack, David Raziel organized the attacks in Jerusalem.
Black Sunday
At 7 am. on the morning of 14 November, 2 Arab pedestrians were shot on Aza Street in Rehavia, a neighbourhood in Jerusalem, by Joseph Kremin and Shlomo Trachtman. Raziel had ordered multiple attacks to be undertaken almost simultaneously in order to hamper a coherent police response, and a half an hour later, another two were shot. In both cases, one of the victims survived. Some time later, Zvi Meltser armed an Irgun operative who then attacked an Arab bus, killing 3 passengers and wounding 8. By the end of November 14, 10 Arabs had been killed and many more wounded.
Aftermath
The Irgun commemorated the incidents on 14 November as "the Day of the Breaking of the Havlagah". They regarded the operation as a commemorative symbol evoking the revolt of Judas Maccabeus against the Seleucids. Raziel himself said that the operation had wiped out the shame of the policy of restraint.
There are several notable incidents associated the Jewish insurgency fueled by the Irgun attacks in the summer of 1938.
- 6 July 1938 an Irgun militant in Arab garb planted milk cans loaded with explosives in an Arab market in Haifa killing 21, and wounding 52.
- 25 July 1938 in the same market, operatives left an explosive-filled container marked ‘sour cucumbers’ which, on explosion, resulted in the death of 39 Arabs and the wounding of a further 46
- 26 August 1938, explosives planted in the Jaffa market took a lethal toll of 24 Arabs and 39 wounded.
The British initially took no action against the Irgun itself, but rather arrested members of Jabotinsky’s group on suspicion they were connected to the incident. Jabotinsky distanced himself from the action adopted but later spoke of it as 'a spontaneous outbreak of the outraged feelings of the nation’s soul.'
The British also enlisted 19,000 Jewish policemen to assist them in countering the insurgency, and eventually organized Special Night Squads. The Irgun revolt effected a change in mainstream Jewish policy also. Despite official shock at these incidents, the tactic of a defensive response underwent reexamination, was found to be ineffective, with the result that the Haganah command began to set up field companies to engage in ambushes. Orde Wingate's night squads and Yitzhak Sadeh's mobile military units (plugot ha'Sadeh), established in December of that year, also exercised an influence on the creation of such clandestine forces. Ben-Gurion in turn had one officer secretly establish pe'ulot meyudahot, or special operation squads specializing in retaliatory operations against Arab terrorists, villages thought to harbor them and, at times, against British units themselves. These squads operated at Ben-Gurion's discretion, and lay outside the official Haganah chain of command.
See also
References
- Crenshaw, Martha; Pimlott, John (2015). International Encyclopedia of Terrorism. Routledge. ISBN 9781135919665.
- ^ John Newsinger, British Counterinsurgency, Springer 2016 p. 6.
- ^ James Gannon, Military Occupations in the Age of Self-determination: The History Neocons Neglected, ABC-CLIO, 2008 pp. 32–33.
- I. Galnoor (1991). "Territorial partition of Palestine – the 1937 decision". Political Geography Quarterly. 10 (4): 382–404. doi:10.1016/0260-9827(91)90005-F.
- T.G. Fraser (1988). "A Crisis of Leadership: Weizmann and the Zionist Reactions to the Peel Commission's Proposals, 1937–8". Journal of Contemporary History. 23 (4): 657–680. doi:10.1177/002200948802300408. S2CID 159997837.
- '20th Zionist Congress, Resolution passed 299 to 160 with 6 absentions,'
- ^ Benjamin Pogrund (2014). Drawing Fire: Investigating the Accusations of Apartheid in Israel. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-4422-2684-5.
...the Revisionists rejected it, as did the Arabs, but the Zionist Organization accepted it in principle
- Itamar Rabinovich; Jehuda Reinharz (2008). Israel in the Middle East: Documents and Readings on Society, Politics, and Foreign Relations, Pre-1948 to the Present. UPNE. p. 44. ISBN 978-0-87451-962-4.
While rejecting the specific proposals of the Peel Commission, the congress accepted readiness, in principle, to consider a better partition proposal
- Gregory S. Mahler; Alden R.W. Mahler (2009). The Arab-Israeli Conflict: An Introduction and Documentary Reader. Routledge. p. 8. ISBN 978-1-135-24887-1.
Although in 1937 the Twentieth Zionist Congress had rejected the boundaries proposed by the Peel Commission, it did agree in principle to the idea of partition...
- Henry Laurens, La Question de Palestine: Une Mission sacrée de la civilisation, Fayard 2002 p. 373.
- ^ Benny Morris, Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–1998, Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2011 pp. 145f.
- Neil Caplan, The Israel-Palestine Conflict: Contested Histories, John Wiley & Sons, 2011 p. 88.
- Leonard Weinberg, Ami Pedahzur, Arie Perliger, Political Parties and Terrorist Groups, Routledge, 2008 pp. 81–82.
- Colin Shindler, A History of Modern Israel, Cambridge University Press 2013 p. 36
- ^ Colin Shindler, The Rise of the Israeli Right, Cambridge University Press 2015 pp. 182–183
- ^ Colin Shindler, Triumph of Military Zionism:Nationalism and the Origins of the Israeli Right, I. B. Tauris 2009 pp. 195–196.
- Ya'aḳov Eliav, Wanted, Shengold Publishers, 1984 pp. 34f.
- Henry Laurens, " La Question de Palestine:Une mission sacrée de civilisation, " Fayard 2002 pp. 374, 654 n. 74
- Bruce Hoffman, Soldiers: The Struggle for Israel, 1917–1947, Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2015 pp. 17–18.
- Patrick Bishop,The Reckoning: Death and Intrigue in the Promised Land-A True Detective Story, HarperCollins, 2014 p. 35.
- Zev Golan,Free Jerusalem: Heroes, Heroines and Rogues who Created the State of Israel, Devora Publishing, 2003 p. 122.
- J. Bowyer Bell, Terror out of Zion, Transaction Publishers 2nsd ed 2009 p. 39
- Monty Noam Penkower, Twentieth Century Jews: Forging Identity in the Land of Promise and in the Promised Land, Academic Studies Press, p. 312.