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{{Short description|Irredentism}} {{Short description|Irredentism}}
{{Use British English|date=November 2010}} {{Use British English|date=November 2010}}
], 1956]] ], 1956]]
'''Greater Morocco''' is a label historically used by some ] nationalist political leaders protesting against ], ], Algerian and ] rule, to refer to wider territories historically associated with the Moroccan sultan. Current usage most frequently occurs in a critical context accusing Morocco, largely in discussing the disputed ], of irredentist claims on neighbouring territories. '''Greater Morocco''' is a label historically used by some ] nationalist political leaders protesting against ], ], Algerian and ] rule, to refer to wider territories historically associated with the Moroccan sultan. Current usage most frequently occurs in a critical context accusing Morocco, largely in discussing the disputed ], of irredentist claims on neighbouring territories.



Revision as of 21:29, 4 September 2021

Irredentism

Greater Morocco as claimed by the Istiqlal Party, 1956

Greater Morocco is a label historically used by some Moroccan nationalist political leaders protesting against Spanish, Portuguese, Algerian and French rule, to refer to wider territories historically associated with the Moroccan sultan. Current usage most frequently occurs in a critical context accusing Morocco, largely in discussing the disputed Western Sahara, of irredentist claims on neighbouring territories.

The main competing ideologies of the Greater Morocco ideology have been Sahrawi nationalism, Mauritanian irridentism, Spanish nationalism, Berber separatism and Pan-Arabism.

Irredentist, official and unofficial Moroccan claims on territories viewed by Moroccans as having been under some form of Moroccan sovereignty (most frequently with respect to the Spanish exclaves), are rhetorically tied back to an accused expansionism. However, Moroccan government claims make no current reference to the Greater Morocco concept.

History

Main article: Sand War

In 1963, following the Independence of Algeria, Morocco attacked a strip of its south-western regions (Tindouf Province and Béchar Province), claiming that parts of them were previously under Moroccan sovereignty. There were several hundred casualties. French sources reported Algerian casualties to be 60 dead and 250 wounded, with later works giving a number of 300 Algerian dead. Morocco officially reported to have suffered 39 dead. Moroccan losses were probably lower than the Algerians' but are unconfirmed, with later sources reporting 200 Moroccan dead. About 57 Moroccans and 379 Algerians were taken prisoner. After a month of fighting and some hundreds of casualties, the conflict stalemated (see Sand War).

In the early stages of decolonisation certain elected Moroccan politicians, in particular some members of the Istiqlal party, like Allal al-Fassi, the sole advocate of "total liberation" who refused to enter France even to meet with his Monarch or long-standing nationalist colleagues, were in favor of claiming wider territories historically associated in some way with the Moroccan Sultan. This was initially not supported by the Sultan (later King) of Morocco. Al-Fassi's ambitions gained more support in parliament in the beginning of the sixties, leading to a delay in the recognition of Mauritania (independent in 1960, not recognised by Morocco until 1969).

Al-Fassi's wider claims were effectively abandoned in the later sixties, although Morocco claims Western Sahara and the Spanish plazas de soberanía on its northern coast. Morocco's refusal to accept its post-colonial borders in the case of Western Sahara has put it on a collision course with the African Union, which holds this as one of its principles. As a consequence, Morocco is the only African country to step out of the union, because the Polisario Front, representing the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic was awarded a seat.

After Moroccan independence in 1956 and the death of King Mohammed V, the government of King Hassan II laid claim on several territories, successfully acquiring the Tarfaya Strip, after the Ifni War with Spain, and much of the territory around Ceuta and Melilla, as well as the acquisition of much of Spanish Sahara after Spain handed the territory to Morocco and Mauritania (see the Madrid Accords, it is still currently under dispute with the Polisario front who claim it as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic).

In 2002, an armed incident erupted between Morocco and Spain, regarding the uninhabited Perejil Island, located 250m off the Moroccan northern coast. On July 11, 2002 a group of Moroccan soldiers set up base on the islet, violating the status quo situation agreed between both States. The Moroccan government said that they set foot on the island in order to monitor illegal immigration, which was denied by the Spanish government since there had been little co-operation in the matter by that time (a repeated source of complaint from Spain). After protests from the Spanish government, led by José María Aznar, the soldiers were replaced by Moroccan navy cadets who then installed a fixed base on the island. On the morning of July 18, 2002 Spain launched a full-scale military operation to take over the island. The operation was successful and the Moroccan navy cadets were dislodged from the island in a matter of hours without offering any resistance to the Spanish Grupo de Operaciones Especiales (commando) attack force. The islet returned to its status quo situation and is now deserted. It is to highlight the mediation role offered by the United States, and the lack of collaboration of France towards its European allies during the crisis.

In 2021, U.S. President Donald Trump signed a proclamation recognizing Morocco's sovereignty of the Western Sahara in exchange for the recognition of Israel by Morocco. However, the European States did not modify their position with regard to the UN resolutions that recognise the Western Sahara as a territory yet to be decolonised. This, indirectly, together with the hosting of Brahim Gali, leader of the Polisario, for medical treatment in Spain, was seen by Morocco as an aggression, and provoked a new migratory crisis over the Spanish domain of Melilla, in North Africa. This crisis was polemic, due to the fact that Morocco, beyond the diplomatic channels, incentivised the illegal trespassing of children, by letting know that there would not be any official controls and even children were taken from schools without knowledge of their parents, and with the passive role of the Moroccan frontier police, which did not impede the flow whether it was by jumping the fence or by swimming through the sea that surrounds the frontier line. The Spanish army intervened to control the trespassing and to save people at risk in the sea. At least two people died in the episode when trying to reach the shore.

See also

References

  1. ^ Conflict and conquest in the Islamic world : a historical encyclopedia. Mikaberidze, Alexander. Santa Barbara, Calif. 2011-07-22. ISBN 9781598843378. OCLC 763161287.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)
  2. 1946-, Clodfelter, Micheal (2008). Warfare and armed conflicts : a statistical encyclopedia of casualty and other figures, 1494-2007 (3rd ed.). Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co. ISBN 9780786451715. OCLC 318813041. {{cite book}}: |last= has numeric name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  3. ^ O., Hughes, Stephen (2001). Morocco under King Hassan (1st ed.). Reading, U.K.: Ithaca. ISBN 0863722857. OCLC 47150173.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  4. 1946-, Clodfelter, Micheal (2008). Warfare and armed conflicts : a statistical encyclopedia of casualty and other figures, 1494-2007 (3rd ed.). Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co. ISBN 9780786451715. OCLC 318813041. {{cite book}}: |last= has numeric name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  5. ^ Ashford, Douglas E. (1962). "The Irredentist Appeal in Morocco and Mauritania". Western Political Quarterly. 15 (4): 641–651. doi:10.1177/106591296201500405. S2CID 154455607. The sole advocate of "total liberation" was Allal al-Fassi, who refused to enter France even to meet with his Monarch or long-standing nationalist colleagues.
  6. Greater Morocco Archived 2011-07-24 at the Wayback Machine
  7. Linnee, Susan (July 23, 2002). "Spain and Morocco agree to differ over Perejil". The Independent. London. Retrieved May 22, 2010.
  8. Sardon, R. Joseph Huddleston, Harshana Ghoorhoo, Daniela A. Maquera. "Biden Can Backtrack on Trump's Move in Western Sahara". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 2021-07-20.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  9. "Western Sahara: can a Trump tweet lead to unlocking the stalemate?". The Independent. April 7, 2021.
  10. Welle (www.dw.com), Deutsche. "Morocco recalls ambassador in Germany over Western Sahara | DW | 07.05.2021". DW.COM. Retrieved 2021-07-20.
  11. "Paris « regrette » la création d'un comité de La République en marche au Sahara occidental". Le Monde.fr (in French). 2021-04-14. Retrieved 2021-07-20.
  12. "Dozens try to cross into Spain's Melilla enclave". Expat Guide to Spain | Expatica. 2021-07-14. Retrieved 2021-07-20.
  13. "A Ceuta, des décennies de crise migratoire entre l'Espagne et le Maroc". Le Monde.fr (in French). 2021-05-19. Retrieved 2021-07-20.
  14. Duplan, Maxime Biosse (2021-05-18). "Crise migratoire à Ceuta : l'Espagne déploie l'armée, soupçons sur l'attitude du Maroc". euronews (in French). Retrieved 2021-07-20.
  15. "Spain deploys army in Ceuta to patrol border with Morocco after migrants swim ashore". France 24. 2021-05-18. Retrieved 2021-07-20.
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