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In political and social sciences, communism (from Latin communis, "common, universal") is the philosophical, social, political and economic ideology and movement whose ultimate goal is the establishment of the communist society, which is a socioeconomic order structured upon the common ownership of the means of production and the absence of social classes, money and the state.

Opposed to liberalism, nationalism, capitalism, and populism, communism is usually placed on the far-left within the traditional left–right spectrum. Communism includes a variety of schools of thought, which broadly include Marxism, anarchism (anarchist communism) and the political ideologies grouped around both. All of these share the analysis that the current order of society stems from its economic system, capitalism; that in this system there are two major social classes: the working class—who must work to survive and who make up the majority within society—and the capitalist class—a minority who derives profit from employing the working class, through private ownership of the means of production—and that conflict between these two classes is the root of all problems in society and will ultimately be resolved through a revolution. The revolution will put the working class in power and in turn establish social ownership of the means of production, which according to this analysis is the primary element in the transformation of society towards communism.

Criticism of communism can be roughly divided into those concerning themselves with the practical aspects of 20th century communist states and those concerning themselves with communist principles and theory.

Contents History

Main article: History of communism Early communism The term "communism" was first coined and defined in its modern definition by the French philosopher and writer Victor d'Hupay. In his 1777 book Projet de communauté philosophe, d'Hupay pushes the philosophy of the Enlightenments to principles which he lived up to during most of his life in his bastide of Fuveau (Provence). This book can be seen as the cornerstone of communist philosophy as d'Hupay defines this lifestyle as a "commune" and advises to "share all economic and material products between inhabitants of the commune, so that all may benefit from everybody's work".

Portrait of Victor d'Hupay (c. 1790), founder and first theorician of modern communism. According to Richard Pipes, the idea of a classless, egalitarian society first emerged in Ancient Greece. The 5th-century Mazdak movement in Persia (Iran) has been described as "communistic" for challenging the enormous privileges of the noble classes and the clergy, for criticizing the institution of private property and for striving to create an egalitarian society.

At one time or another, various small communist communities existed, generally under the inspiration of Scripture. For example, in the medieval Christian church some monastic communities and religious orders shared their land and their other property (see religious and Christian communism).

Communist thought has also been traced back to the works of the 16th-century English writer Thomas More. In his treatise Utopia (1516), More portrayed a society based on common ownership of property, whose rulers administered it through the application of reason. In the 17th century, communist thought surfaced again in England, where a Puritan religious group known as the "Diggers" advocated the abolition of private ownership of land. In his 1895 Cromwell and Communism, Eduard Bernstein argued that several groups during the English Civil War (especially the Diggers) espoused clear communistic, agrarian ideals and that Oliver Cromwell's attitude towards these groups was at best ambivalent and often hostile. Criticism of the idea of private property continued into the Age of Enlightenment of the 18th century through such thinkers as Jean Jacques Rousseau in France. Later, following the upheaval of the French Revolution, communism emerged as a political doctrine.

In the early 19th century, various social reformers founded communities based on common ownership. However, unlike many previous communist communities, they replaced the religious emphasis with a rational and philanthropic basis. Notable among them were Robert Owen, who founded New Harmony in Indiana (1825), as well as Charles Fourier, whose followers organized other settlements in the United States such as Brook Farm (1841–1847).

In its modern form, communism grew out of the socialist movement in 19th-century Europe. As the Industrial Revolution advanced, socialist critics blamed capitalism for the misery of the proletariat—a new class of urban factory workers who labored under often-hazardous conditions. Foremost among these critics were Marx and his associate Friedrich Engels. In 1848, Marx and Engels offered a new definition of communism and popularized the term in their famous pamphlet The Communist Manifesto.

Modern communism

Countries of the world now (red) or previously (orange) having nominally Marxist–Leninist governments The 1917 October Revolution in Russia set the conditions for the rise to state power of Vladimir Lenin's Bolsheviks, which was the first time any avowedly communist party reached that position. The revolution transferred power to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, in which the Bolsheviks had a majority. The event generated a great deal of practical and theoretical debate within the Marxist movement. Marx predicted that socialism and communism would be built upon foundations laid by the most advanced capitalist development. However, Russia was one of the poorest countries in Europe with an enormous, largely illiterate peasantry and a minority of industrial workers. Marx had explicitly stated that Russia might be able to skip the stage of bourgeois rule.

The moderate Mensheviks (minority) opposed Lenin's Bolshevik (majority) plan for socialist revolution before capitalism was more fully developed. The Bolsheviks' successful rise to power was based upon the slogans such as "Peace, bread and land" which tapped the massive public desire for an end to Russian involvement in the First World War, the peasants' demand for land reform and popular support for the Soviets.

Following Lenin's democratic centralism, the Leninist parties were organized on a hierarchical basis, with active cells of members as the broad base. They were made up only of elite cadres approved by higher members of the party as being reliable and completely subject to party discipline. The Great Purge of 1937–1938 was Joseph Stalin's attempt to destroy any possible opposition within the Communist Party. In the Moscow Trials, many old Bolsheviks who had played prominent roles during the Russian Revolution of 1917 or in Lenin's Soviet government afterwards, including Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov and Bukharin, were accused, pleaded guilty and executed.

Cold War Main article: Cold War

Countries by GDP (nominal) per capita in 1965 based on a West-German school book (1971)

 > 5,000 DM
 2,500–5,000 DM
 1,000–2,500 DM
 500–1,000 DM
 250–500 DM
 < 250 DM

Its leading role in the Second World War saw the emergence of the Soviet Union as a superpower, with strong influence over Eastern Europe and parts of Asia. The European and Japanese empires were shattered and communist parties played a leading role in many independence movements. Marxist–Leninist governments modeled on the Soviet Union took power with Soviet assistance in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Romania. A Marxist–Leninist government was also created under Marshal Tito in Yugoslavia, but Tito's independent policies led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform which had replaced the Comintern and Titoism was branded "deviationist". Albania also became an independent Marxist–Leninist state after World War II. Communism was seen as a rival of and a threat to western capitalism for most of the 20th century.

History

Fianna Fáil was founded by Éamon de Valera, formerly leader of Sinn Féin. He and a number of other members split from Sinn Féin when a motion he proposed—which called for elected members to be allowed to take their seats in Dáil Éireann if and when the controversial Oath of Allegiance was removed—failed to pass at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in 1926. The party adopted its name on 2 April of the same year. While Fianna Fáil was also opposed to the Treaty settlement, it rejected abstentionism, instead aiming to republicanise the Irish Free State from within. The party's platform of economic autarky had appeal among the farmers, working-class people and the poor, while alienating more affluent classes.

Fianna Fáil first entered government on 9 March 1932. It was in power for 61 of the 79 years between then and the election of 2011. Its longest continuous period in office has been 15 years and 11 months (March 1932 – February 1948). Its single longest period out of office in the 20th century was four years and four months (March 1973 – July 1977). Seven of the party's eight leaders have served as Taoiseach.

Fianna Fáil joined the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) party on 16 April 2009, and the party's Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) sat in the ALDE Group during the 7th European Parliament term from June 2009 to 1 July 2014. The party is an observer affiliate of the Liberal International.

It was the largest party in the Dáil after every general election from the 1932 general election until the 2007 general election. In the 2011 general election it suffered the worst defeat of a sitting government in the history of the Irish state. This loss was described as "historic" in its proportions, and "unthinkable". The party fell from being the largest party in the Dáil to the third largest; it won 20 seats, compared to its previous performance of well over 60 seats at every election since 1932.

Organisation and structure

Fianna Fáil's success was credited by The Irish Times to its local structure. The basic unit was the cumann (branch) which were then grouped into comhairle ceantair (district branch) and a comhairle dáil ceantair (constituency branch) in every constituency. At the party's height, it had 3,000 cumainn, an average of 75 per constituency. The party claimed 55,000 members in 2004, a figure which Eoin O'Malley, a political scientist, considers exaggerated compared to membership figures for other parties.

However, since the early 1990s the cumann structure was weakened. Every cumann was entitled to three votes to selection conventions irrespective of its size; hence, a large number of cumainn became in effect "paper cumainn", the only use of which was to ensure an aspiring or sitting candidate got enough votes. Another problem arose with the emergence of parallel organisations grouped around candidates or elected officials. Supporters and election workers for a particular candidate were loyal to a candidate and not to the party. If the candidate were to leave the party, through either resignation, retirement or defeat at an election, the candidate's supporters would often depart. Although this phenomenon was nothing new (the most famous example being Neil Blaney's "Donegal Mafia") it increased significantly from the early 1990s, particularly in the Dublin Region with former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern's "Drumcondra mafia" and the groups supporting Tom Kitt and Séamus Brennan in Dublin South that were largely separate from the official party structure.

Since the 2007 election, the party's structure has significantly weakened. This was in part exacerbated by significant infighting between candidates in the run-up to the 2011 general election. The Irish Times estimated that half of its 3,000 cumainn are effectively moribund. This fraction rises in Dublin with the exception of Dublin West, the former seat of both Brian Lenihan, Snr and Brian Lenihan, Jnr.

Ideology

Fianna Fáil is seen as a typical catch-all party. R. Ken Carty wrote of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that they were 'heterogeneous in their bases of support, relatively undifferentiated in terms of policy or programme, and remarkably stable in their support levels'. Evidence from expert surveys, opinion polls and candidate surveys all fail to identify strong distinctions between the two parties. Many point to Ireland's civil war politics and feel that the basis for the division is the disagreement about the strategy to achieve a united Ireland. Kevin Byrne and political scientist Eoin O'Malley rejected this and have argued that the differences between the two parties goes much further back in Irish history. They linked the parties to different nationalist traditions (Irish Enlightenment and Gaelic Nationalist) which in turn could be linked to migrations of Anglo-Norman and new English into Ireland and the native Gaelic population.

Fianna Fáil is seen as conservative, like Fine Gael, but also as a nationalist party. It has presented itself as a "broad church", and attracted support from across disparate social classes. Between 1989 and 2011, it led coalition governments with parties of both the left and the right. Fianna Fáil’s platform contains a number of enduring aspects however, namely a commitment to Irish unity, to the promotion and protection of the Irish language, and to maintaining Ireland’s tradition of military neutrality. Distinctively more populist, nationalist and, generally speaking, more economically interventionist than Fine Gael, the party nonetheless shares its rival's support of the European Union and a mutual opposition to physical force republicanism.

The party's name and logo incorporates the words 'The Republican Party'. According to Fianna Fáil, "Republican here stands both for the unity of the island and a commitment to the historic principles of European republican philosophy, namely liberty, equality and fraternity".

Leadership and president

Although the posts of leader and party president of Fianna Fáil are separate, with the former elected by the Parliamentary Party and the latter elected by the Ardfheis (thus allowing for the posts to be held by different people, in theory), in practice they have always been held by the one person. However, as the Ardfheis may have already been held in any given year by the time a new leader is elected, the selection of the new party president might not take place until the next year.

The following are the terms of office as party leader and as Taoiseach:

Deputy leader

Seanad leader

General election results

Election	Seats won	±	Position	First Pref votes	%	Government	Leader
1927 (Jun)	44 / 153	44	2nd	299,486	26.2%	Opposition	Éamon de Valera
1927 (Sep)	57 / 153	13	2nd	411,777	35.2%	Opposition	Éamon de Valera
1932	72 / 153	15	1st	566,498	44.5%	Minority gov't (supported by LP)	Éamon de Valera
1933	77 / 153	5	1st	689,054	49.7%	Minority gov't (supported by LP)	Éamon de Valera
1937	69 / 138	8	1st	599,040	45.2%	Minority gov't (supported by LP)	Éamon de Valera
1938	77 / 138	8	1st	667,996	51.9%	Majority gov't	Éamon de Valera
1943	67 / 138	10	1st	557,525	41.9%	Minority gov't	Éamon de Valera
1944	76 / 138	9	1st	595,259	48.9%	Majority gov't	Éamon de Valera
1948	68 / 147	8	1st	553,914	41.9%	Opposition	Éamon de Valera
1951	69 / 147	1	1st	616,212	46.3%	Minority gov't (supported by Ind)	Éamon de Valera
1954	65 / 147	4	1st	578,960	43.4%	Opposition	Éamon de Valera
1957	78 / 147	13	1st	592,994	48.3%	Majority gov't	Éamon de Valera
1961	70 / 144	8	1st	512,073	43.8%	Minority gov't (supported by Ind)	Seán Lemass
1965	72 / 144	2	1st	597,414	47.7%	Majority gov't	Seán Lemass
1969	75 / 144	3	1st	602,234	45.7%	Majority gov't	Jack Lynch
1973	69 / 144	6	1st	624,528	46.2%	Opposition	Jack Lynch
1977	84 / 148	15	1st	811,615	50.6%	Majority gov't	Jack Lynch
1981	78 / 166	6	1st	777,616	45.3%	Opposition	Charles Haughey
1982 (Feb)	81 / 166	3	1st	786,951	47.3%	Minority gov't (supported by SFTWP and Ind)	Charles Haughey
1982 (Nov)	75 / 166	6	1st	763,313	45.2%	Opposition	Charles Haughey
1987	81 / 166	6	1st	784,547	44.1%	Minority gov't (supported by Ind)	Charles Haughey
1989	77 / 166	4	1st	731,472	44.1%	Coalition (FF-PD)	Charles Haughey
1992	68 / 166	9	1st	674,650	39.1%	Coalition (FF-LP)	Albert Reynolds
						Opposition (from December 1994)
1997	77 / 166	9	1st	703,682	39.3%	Coalition (FF-PD)	Bertie Ahern
2002	81 / 166	4	1st	770,748	41.5%	Coalition (FF-PD)	Bertie Ahern
2007	77 / 166	4	1st	858,565	41.6%	Coalition (FF-GP-PD)	Bertie Ahern
2011	20 / 166	57	3rd	387,358	17.5%	Opposition	Micheál Martin
2016	44 / 158	23	2nd	519,356	24.3%	Opposition (supporting a minority FG gov't)	Micheál Martin

Front bench

Dáil Éireann

Seanad Éireann

Ógra Fianna Fáil

Fianna Fáil's youth wing is called Ógra Fianna Fáil. Formed in 1975, it plays an active role in recruiting new members and supporting election campaigns. Ógra also plays an important role in the party organisation where it has five representatives on the Ard Chomhairle (National Executive).

Senator Thomas Byrne was the last nominated head or Cathaoirleach (Chairperson) of Ógra Fianna Fáil, before the youth wing introduced widespread oganisational reform following the heavy electoral defeat suffered by the whole party in 2011.

Fianna Fáil and Northern Ireland politics

On 17 September 2007 Fianna Fáil announced that the party would, for the first time, organise in Northern Ireland.

The then Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern was asked to chair a committee on the matter: "In the period ahead Dermot Ahern will lead efforts to develop that strategy for carrying through this policy, examining timescales and structures. We will act gradually and strategically. We are under no illusions. It will not be easy. It will challenge us all. But I am confident we will succeed".

The party embarked on its first ever recruitment drive north of the border in September 2007 in northern universities, and established two 'Political Societies', the William Drennan Cumann in Queens University, Belfast, and the Watty Graham Cumann in UU Magee, Derry, which subsequently became official units of Fianna Fáil's youth wing, attaining full membership and voting rights, and attained official voting delegates at the 2012 Árd Fheis.

Bertie Ahern announced on 7 December 2007 that Fianna Fáil had been registered in Northern Ireland by the UK Electoral Commission. The Party's Ard Fheis in 2009 unanimously passed a motion to organise in Northern Ireland by establishing forums, rather than cumainn, in each of the North's six counties. In December 2009, Fianna Fáil secured its first Northern Assembly MLA when Gerry McHugh, an independent MLA, announced he had joined the party. Mr. McHugh confirmed that although he had joined the party, he would continue to sit as an independent MLA. In June 2010, Fianna Fáil opened its first official office in the North in Crossmaglen, County Armagh. The then Taoiseach Brian Cowen officially opened the office, accompanied by Ministers Éamon Ó Cuív and Dermot Ahern and Deputies Rory O’Hanlon and Margaret Conlon. Discussing the party's slow development towards all-Ireland politics, Mr. Cowen observed: "We have a very open and pragmatic approach. We are a constitutional republican party and we make no secret of the aspirations on which this party was founded. It has always been very clear in our mind what it is we are seeking to achieve, that is to reconcile this country and not being prisoners of our past history. To be part of a generation that will build a new Ireland, an Ireland of which we can all be proud".

There has been speculation about an eventual merger with the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), formerly the main Irish nationalist party in Northern Ireland, but now smaller than Sinn Féin. This has been met with a negative reaction with former Deputy Leader of the SDLP, Seamus Mallon, stating he would be opposed to any such merger. The former leader of the SDLP, Margaret Ritchie, has also stated publicly that she opposes any merger famously announcing to the Labour Party Conference that such a merger would not happen on her "watch". At the 2010 Irish Labour Party conference she further criticised Fianna Fáil's record in government and also the National Asset Management Agency On 23 February 2008, it was announced that a former UUP councillor, Colonel Harvey Bicker, had joined Fianna Fáil.

Fianna Fáil has registered with the UK Electoral Commission and is a recognised party in Northern Ireland. However, it has not contested any elections in Northern Ireland. At the party's 2014 Ard Fheis, a motion was passed without debate to stand candidates for election north of the border for the first time in 2019.

On 13 November 2015 Ógra Fianna Fáil for the first time ever held their National Youth Conference in Northern Ireland, in Newry.

In 2017, Omagh councillor Sorcha McAnespy said she wished to run in the 2019 Northern Ireland local government election in the constituency under a Fianna Fáil ticket.. In October 2017 she was elected as northern representative on the party's national executive, the "committee of 15".

In European institutions

In the European Parliament from 1999 to 2009, Fianna Fáil was a leading member of Union for Europe of the Nations (UEN), a small national-conservative and Eurosceptic parliamentary group. European political commentators had often noted substantive ideological differences between the party and its colleagues, whose strongly conservative stances had at times prompted domestic criticism of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil MEPs had been an attached to the European Progressive Democrats (1973–1984), European Democratic Alliance (1984–1995), and Union for Europe (1995–1999) groups before the creation of UEN.

Party headquarters, over the objections of some MEPs, had made several attempts to sever the party's links to the European right, including an aborted 2004 agreement to join the European Liberal Democrat and Reform (ELDR) Party, with whom it already sat in the Council of Europe under the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) banner. On 27 February 2009, Taoiseach Brian Cowen announced that Fianna Fáil proposed to join the ELDR Party and intended to sit with them in the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) Group in the European Parliament after the 2009 European elections. The change was made official on 17 April 2009, when FF joined the ELDR Party.

In October 2009, it was reported that Fianna Fáil had irritated its new Liberal colleagues by failing to vote for the motion on press freedom in Italy (resulting in its defeat by a majority of one in the Parliament) and by trying to scupper their party colleagues' initiative for gay rights. In January 2010, a report by academic experts writing for the votewatch.eu site found that FF "do not seem to toe the political line" of the ALDE Group "when it comes to budget and civil liberties" issues.

In the 2014 European elections, Fianna Fáil received 22.3% of first-preference votes but only returned a single MEP, a reduction in representation of two MEPs from the previous term. This was due to a combination of the party's vote further dropping in Dublin and a two candidate strategy in the Midlands North West constituency, which backfired, resulting in sitting MEP Pat the Cope Gallagher losing his seat. On 23 June 2014, returning MEP Brian Crowley announced that he intended to sit with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) rather than the ALDE group during the upcoming 8th term of the European parliament. The following day on 24 June 2014 Crowley had the Fianna Fáil party whip withdrawn. He has since been re-added to Fianna Fáil's website.

See also

• Fianna Fáil politicians
• List of political parties in Northern Ireland
• List of political parties in the Republic of Ireland

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Further reading

• Joe Ambrose (2006) Dan Breen and the IRA, Douglas Village, Cork : Mercier Press, 223 p., ISBN 1-85635-506-3
• Bruce Arnold (2001) Jack Lynch: Hero in Crisis, Dublin : Merlin, 250p. ISBN 1-903582-06-7
• Tim Pat Coogan (1993) De Valera : long fellow, long shadow, London : Hutchinson, 772 p., ISBN 0-09-175030-X
• Joe Joyce and Peter Murtagh (1983) The Boss: Charles J. Haughey in government, Swords, Dublin : Poolbeg Press, 400 p., ISBN 0-905169-69-7
• F.S.L. Lyons (1985) Ireland Since the Famine, 2nd rev. ed., London : FontanaPress, 800 p., ISBN 0-00-686005-2
• Dorothy McCardle (1968) The Irish Republic. A documented chronicle of the Anglo-Irish conflict and the partitioning of Ireland, with a detailed account of the period 1916–1923, etc., 989 p., ISBN 0-552-07862-X
• Donnacha Ó Beacháin (2010) Destiny of the Soldiers: Fianna Fáil, Irish Republicanism and the IRA, 1926-1973, Gill and Macmillan, 540 p., ISBN 0-71714-763-0
• T. Ryle Dwyer (2001) Nice fellow : a biography of Jack Lynch, Cork : Mercier Press, 416 p., ISBN 1-85635-368-0
• T. Ryle Dwyer (1999) Short fellow : a biography of Charles J. Haughey, Dublin : Marino, 477 p., ISBN 1-86023-100-4
• T. Ryle Dwyer, (1997) Fallen Idol : Haughey's controversial career, Cork : Mercier Press, 191 p., ISBN 1-85635-202-1
• Raymond Smith (1986) Haughey and O'Malley : The quest for power, Dublin : Aherlow, 295 p., ISBN 1-870138-00-7
• Tim Ryan (1994) Albert Reynolds : the Longford leader : the unauthorised biography, Dublin : Blackwater Press, 226 p., ISBN 0-86121-549-4
• Dick Walsh (1986) The Party: Inside Fianna Fáil, Dublin : Gill & Macmillan, 161 p., ISBN 0-7171-1446-5

External links

• Official website
• 'Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into the Beef Processing Industry'
• Report of the McCracken Tribunal
• Final report of the Mahon Tribunal

• Fianna Fáil
• All-Ireland political parties
• Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party member parties
• Conservative parties in the Republic of Ireland
• Irish republican parties
• Irish republicanism
• Parties represented in the European Parliament
• Political parties established in 1926
• Political parties in Northern Ireland
• Political parties in the Republic of Ireland
• Political parties with Irish names