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In the exterior provinces and Manchuria the education system was distinct, for those who were not Japanese subjects. The Koreans and Manchus for In the exterior provinces and Manchuria the education system was distinct, for those who were not Japanese subjects. The Koreans and Manchus for
example were educated as industrial workers, office workers or soldiers. Indoctrination with Japanese ideology and views of international relations was included. One Japanese top civil servant said "the Koreans and others Asian peoples should learn to obey, not to know". In Manchuria all ancient universities and schools were closed, with the organization of new centers example were educated as industrial workers, office workers or soldiers. Indoctrination with Japanese ideology and views of international relations was included. In Manchuria all ancient universities and schools were closed, with the organization of new centers
in which the "humanities" were eliminated (for their 'negative' consequences). A in which the "humanities" were eliminated (for their 'negative' consequences). A
foreign reporter of the London '']'' visited Manchuria and cited the words of one civil servant "Manchuria needs more workers, not ]s with incomplete notions on how they abounded in Japan". Official Manchurian publications emphasised the 'utility' of the syllabus. foreign reporter of the London '']'' visited Manchuria and cited the words of one civil servant "Manchuria needs more workers, not ]s with incomplete notions on how they abounded in Japan". Official Manchurian publications emphasised the 'utility' of the syllabus.

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Japanese nationalism refers to a broad range of ideas and sentiments entertained by the Japanese over the last two centuries regarding their native country, its cultural nature, political form and historical destiny. As such it denotes simply the Japanese version of nationalism which is generally understood to be a process of identity-formation in states undergoing a transition from an earlier agricultural polity towards industrialism and modernity. For convenience's sake, it is useful to distinguish cultural nationalism from political or state-directed nationalism or Japanese imperialism, since many forms of cultural nationalism, such as those associated with folkloric studies (see, for example under Yanagita Kunio), were hostile to state-fostered nationalism. The former aspect, nationalism as the expression of cultural identity, is examined in more detail under nihonjinron. Here political and military nationalism will be analysed.

From a political point of view and in the years leading up to World War II, the particular political and ideological foundations for the actions of the Japanese military (Imperial Japanese Army and Imperial Japanese Navy forces, not always acting in concert) can be called a Japanese nationalist ideology. It combined philosophical, nationalistic, cultural and religious elements, mostly drawn eclectically from the larger historical discourse on Japan, the Japanese and their respective historical natures built up over the preceding two centuries. Despite its distinctive features (Emperor worship and the ethno-religious character of the state), functionally this rhetorical panoply of cultural ideas served the same function as similar ideologies developed under Western Fascism, and indeed, drew doctrinal inspiration from these fraternal movements abroad.

The ideology of Japanese nationalism 1905-1945

Bushido

Japanese Katana

As a residue of its widespread use in propaganda during the last century, military nationalism in Japan was often known as bushido (the way of the warrior). The word, denoting a coherent code of beliefs and doctrines about the proper path of the samurai, or what is called generically 'warrior thought' (武家思想, buke shisō), is rarely encountered in Japanese texts before the Meiji era, when the 11 volumes of the Hagakure of Yamamoto Tsunetomo, compiled in the years from 1710 to 1716 where the character combination is employed, was finally published. Indeed the word bushido , denoting a coherently integrated national ethos, only took on prominence after 1900 with the publication of an English-language book by Nitobe Inazō entitled Bushido: The Soul of Japan.

Constituted over a long time by house manuals on war and warriorship, it gained some official backing with the establishment of the Bakufu , which sought an ideological orthodoxy in the Neo-Confucianism of Chu Hsi tailored for military echelons that formed the basis of the new shogunal government . An important early role was played by Yamaga Sokō in theorizing a Japanese military ethos. After the abolition of the the feudal system, one of the slogans used to mobilize public sentiment and orientate national policy in early Meiji times was Fukoku kyōhei, namely 'Enrich the country, strengthen the military'. The new military institutions of Japan were shaped along European lines, with Western instructors, and the codes themselves modelled on standard models adapted from abroad. The impeccable behaviour, in terms of international criteria, displayed by the Japanese military in the Russo-Japanese war was proof that Japan finally disposed of a modern army whose techniques, drilling and etiquette of war differed little from that of what prevailed among the Western imperial powers.

An undercurrent of traditional warrior values, however, had never wholly disappeared, and, as Japan slid towards a cycle of repeated crises from the mid-Taishō to early Shōwa eras, the old samurai ideals began to assume importance among more fanatical professionals in the Imperial Japanese Army. Sadao Araki, for one, played an important role in adapting a doctrine of "seishin kyōiku" (spiritual training) as an ideological backbone for army personnel. As Minister of Education, he supported the integration of the samurai code into the national education system. Officers and commanders in the Imperial Japanese Forces carried the katana, the Japanese samurai sword (Shin gunto type), as well as the Nambu pistol.

The role of Shinto

Main article: kokugaku

In developing the modern concept of State Shintoism (国家神道, kokka shintō) and Emperor worship, various Japanese thinkers tried to protect national beliefs from foreign elements such as Chinese religious thinking. They returned to ancient Japanese customs, creating the "Restoration Shintoist Movement" following Motoori Norinaga of the 18th century. In researching the origins of Japanese culture, Motoori studied the Classic Shinto Chronicles, the Kojiki. These teach the superiority of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu. In this philosophy, Divine participation in natural events is rare and Divine Providence cannot be predicted. Out of respect for the divine, subjects are expected to submit to Divine Providence.

A follower, Hirata Atsutane, expanded Norinaga's idea of purifying fundamental Shintoism from Chinese influences. Hirata proposed a mixed Christian theology, comparing the Amenomikanushi-no Kami, a central God mentioned in the Kojiki Chronicle, with the Christian God. His view was that the first god presiding over the universe had two helpers: Productive (Takami-Musubi) and Divine Productive (Kami-Musubi), representing the Yin-Yang principle of Asian thought. Combined with sacred texts of Kojiki, Shoku Nihongi and Yengi-Shiki, this blend produced a High Monotheist Shinto for the time.

This is the religious ideology which formed the basis for emperor worship and the Shinto State religion: the Divine Emperor was descended directly from Amaterasu Omikami, the National God who protects the country. All proclamations of the emperor took on religious significance; for instance, in 1882, Emperor Meiji made an Imperial Rescript to Seamen and Soldiers, from this time considered sacred and obligatory.

In 1890 the educational system was adapted, taking State Shintoism as principal religion. The pre-existing other 13 Shinto sects (sect Shinto) were driven out. "The Emperor is a Revealed God among men, a Manifest Deity for us." The Imperial Rescript to Seamen and Soldiers was added to the National education system, to present the historical relation of Imperial mythical ancestors with their subjects. When these texts were read, subjects demonstrated their respect for the Emperor by saying "In Name of your Majesty and your seal."

State Shinto placed emphasis on the idea that the "center of Phenomenal World is Tenno." From that center, the doctrine dictated that subjects should spread the idea of the great spirit around the world. Thus began ideas of Japanese territorial expansion.

Hachiman Daibutsu

Hachiman was Japan's traditional deity of war. The military also used this cult. The families of soldiers sent to the front prayed at his shrines for the national war effort's success, and the prompt return of sons. Some members of the theorists (the "Strike North Group") of the Japanese Army invoked his sacred protection and support. In their view, he gave the "divine opportunity" to finish definitively the Communist danger; they prepared plans for invasion of the Soviet Far East and Siberian lands, as part of Japanese Army general plans of July 1941.

Kamikaze

Main article: Kamikaze

The extreme use of tradition was seen in the idea of Vice Admiral Takijiro Ohnishi of Kamikaze special defensive units of the Japanese Combined Fleet in 1944-45. Admiral Soemu Toyoda at first opposed this, but had to acknowledge that these suicide units alone were able to inflict substantial damage on the Allied navies. Before making their attack, pilots participated in a ceremony, drinking Sake rice wine. They carried into battle symbolic Kyokujitsu-ki flags, written Shinto prayers, a Nambu pistol or katana sword and hachimaki with sun-with-rays headband.

This drew on the mythical version of the repulse of the 13th century Mongol invasion of Japan.

See: Personnel involved in the development of the kamikaze defensive tactic

Shiragiku (the chrysanthemum)

The shiragiku (literally white chrysanthemum) or more common chrysanthemum flower was much used as an imperial symbol. It alludes to the Chrysanthemum Throne, the traditional throne of Japanese emperors.

Banzai

The traditional cheer given to the Emperor and other dignitaries, or on special commemorations, was Tenno Heika Banzai (long live the Emperor), or the shortened form, Banzai. This latter term, which literally means "ten thousand years", is an expression of Chinese origin (simplified Chinese: 万岁; traditional Chinese: 萬歲; pinyin: wàn sùi) adopted by the Japanese in the Meiji period. In its original sense, it is meant to represent an indeterminably lengthy period of time and is used to wish long life to a person, state, or project. As coöpted by the Japanese, it originally was simply used in this sense to wish long life to the Emperor (and by extension the Japanese state), but as the war progressed, it became the typical Japanese war cry or victory shout and was used to encourage Imperial troops in combat.

Education

The principal educational emphasis was on the great importance of traditional national political values, religion and morality. This prevailed from the Meiji period. The Japanese state modernized organizationally, but preserved its national idiosyncrasies. Japan was to be a powerful nation, equal at least to the Western powers, an attitude reinforced from 1905. During the Showa period the educational system was used for militarist radical ideologies, supporting the militarised state and preparing future soldiers.

The government published official text books for all levels of student, and reinforced that with cultural activities, seminars, etc. These cultural courses were supplemented with military and survival courses (against invasion).

In the exterior provinces and Manchuria the education system was distinct, for those who were not Japanese subjects. The Koreans and Manchus for example were educated as industrial workers, office workers or soldiers. Indoctrination with Japanese ideology and views of international relations was included. In Manchuria all ancient universities and schools were closed, with the organization of new centers in which the "humanities" were eliminated (for their 'negative' consequences). A foreign reporter of the London Times visited Manchuria and cited the words of one civil servant "Manchuria needs more workers, not white-collar workers with incomplete notions on how they abounded in Japan". Official Manchurian publications emphasised the 'utility' of the syllabus.

Mobilization of the young

Apart from indoctrination in nationalism and religion, children and school students received military drills (survival, first aid). These were taken further by the Imperial Youth Federation ; college students were trained, and some recruited, for home defense and regular military units. Young women received first aid training. All of these actions were taken to insure Japan's safety, and protect against larger and more dangerous counties.

Nationalist politics

Origin of nationalist structures and parties

Main article: Empire of Japan

In 1882 the Japanese Government organized the Teiseito (Imperial Gubernative Party), one of first nationalist parties in the country. From the Russo-Japanese War Japan was called "Dai Nippon Teikoku", setting up a real Empire, with the inclusions of Formosa (1895), the Liaodong Peninsula and Karafuto (1905), the South Pacific Mandate islands (1918-19) and aiming at control of Joseon (Korea)(1905-10).

The wars against China and Russia were total wars, and required a nationalistic focus of patriotic sentiment. From this period the Yasukuni Jinja was converted into a center of the new patriotic sense. During the 1920s years the official establishment was conceptually organized in this form: Nobility and Aristocracy (Mombatsu); Commercial and Industrialist (Zaibatsu); military and some great landowner clan allies (Gumbatsu).

In 1926-28 the central government organized the "Peace preservation Department" (an antisubversive police section), and prosecuted all local communists who proposed a socialist form of government. The Japanese Army organized the Kempeitai (Military police service) and the Japanese Navy an equivalent. These security groups not only had military police responsibilities, additionally they possessed special weapons (groups in Manchuria), and a political department, and were ideologically related to the Kōdōha Party (a faction, and a political branch of the Army in civil government) and the colonial and security administrations.

Realities of political power

Kyokujitsu-ki (the sun-with rays-flag) It was the ensign of the Imperial Japanese Navy; and is now employed by Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Ships

According to some authors, to call Japan in 1941 fascist or totalitarian is an error. The "New Structure" in Japan did not depend on one leader at the centre, a Mussolini or Hitler. Japanese citizens were rallied to the "Defensive State" or "Consensus State", in which all efforts of the nation supported collective objectives, by guidance from national myths, history and dogmas, obtaining a "national consensus".

Since the Meiji restoration, the central figure of the state was the Tenno, the emperor. According to the constitution, the tenno was head of the state (article 4) and commander of the Army and the Navy (article 11). Emperor Showa was also, from 1937, the commander of the Imperial General Headquarters.

About who really held the political power in Japan, there are three versions. One says that real control was exerted by the Emperor over the military; another validates a "consensus leadership" between the Emperor the other members of the Imperial General Headquarters, the government and the zaibatsu. There is also the 'militarist' position, denying politics as a factor. It argues that real control did lie with the military, behind a front formed by the Emperor and Government (as certainly occurred in Manchukuo with the Kangde Emperor Puyi).

For many historians such as Akira Fujiwara, Akira Yamada, Peter Wetzler, Herbert Bix and John Dower, the work done by Douglas MacArthur and SCAP during the first months of the occupation of Japan to exonerate Hirohito and all the imperial family from criminal prosecutions in the Tokyo tribunal was the predominant factor in the successful campaign to diminish in retrospect the role played by the emperor during the war. They argue that post-war view focused on the imperial conferences and missed the numerous "behind the crysanthemum curtain" meetings where the real decisions were made between emperor Showa, his chiefs of staff and the cabinet. For Fujiwara, "the thesis that the Emperor, as an organ of responsibility, could not reverse cabinet decision, is a myth (shinwa) fabricated after the war."

The principal military figures were:

The names of Mitsui, Mitsubishi (Iwasaki), Sumitomo, Okura, Asano, Kuhara and Yasuda, amongst others, were prominent as industrialists.

Political ideas

The novel political elements were "exalted militarism" and "State Socialism". Compounded they made a distinctive Militarism-Socialism right-wing ideology.

During the 1920s Right wing-Nationalist beliefs became a major force. The state support for Shinto encouraged a semi-religious belief in the mythological history of Japan (and thus to mysticism and cultural introversion). Some nationalist secret societies took up ultranationalism, Japan-centred radical ideas, and a new conception of State Socialism. They included: Genyōsha (Black Ocean Society, 1881), Kokuryu-kai (Amur Society, or Black Dragon Society, 1901), movements dedicated to overseas Japanese expansion to the north; Nihon Kokusui Kai (Japanese Patriotic Society, 1919), founded by Tokoname Takejiro; Sekka Boshidan (Anti-Red League) founded at the same time as the Japanese Communist Party; and the Kokuhonsha (State Basis Society) founded in 1924 by Baron Hiranuma, for the preservation of the unique national character of Japan and its special mission in Asia.

The introduction of the distinctive theory of "State Socialism" is attributed to Kita Ikki (1885-1937), an Amur Society member and Asian mainland expert, in his 1919 book Nihon kaizo hoan taiko (General Plan for National Reorganization of Japan). He proposed a military coup d'état to promote the supposed true aims of the Meiji Restoration. This book was banned, but certain military circles read in it in the early 1930s.

Kita's plan was phrased in terms of freeing the Emperor from weak and treasonous counsellors. After suspending the Constitution, and dissolving the Diet, the Emperor and his military defenders should work for a "collectivist direct voluntarism" to unify people and leaders. Harmony with the working classes would be sought by the abolition of the aristocracy and austerity for the Imperial House. Overseas, Japan would free Asia of Western influence.

Political nationalist movements

The Japanese Navy was in general terms more traditionalist, in defending ancient values and the sacrality of the Emperor; the Japanese Army was more forward-looking, in the sense of valuing primarily strong leadership, as is evidenced by the use of the coup and direct action. The Navy typically preferred political methods. The Army, ultimately, was the vehicle for the anticapitalists, hypernationalists, anticommunists, antiparliamentarians, Extreme Right-Socialists and Nationalist-Militarist ideals.

The military were considered politically "clean" in terms of political corruption, and assumed responsibility for 'restoring' the security of the nation, too. The armed forces took up criticism of the traditional democratic parties and regular government for many reasons (low funds for the armed forces, compromised national security, weakness of the leaders). They were also, by their composition, closely aware of the effects of economic depression on the middle and lower classes, and the communist threat.

Both branches gained in power as they administered the exterior provinces and military preparations.

The nationalist right in the 1920s

Other nationalist-rightist groups in the 1920s were the Jinmu Kai (Emperor Jimmu Society), Tenketo Kai (Heaven Spade Party), Ketsumeidan (Blood Fraternity) and Sakura Kai (Cherry Blossom Society) . This last was founded by Dr. Shumei Okawa, professor of the Colonization Academy, and radical defender of expansionism and military armed revolution at home. Amongst members were Army officers implicated in the Manchuria Affair, such as Kingoro Hashimoto, and Ishikawa Kanishi. Okawa served as a conduit by which Kita Ikki's ideas reached young nationalist officers on the right.

Violent coups took place, and the Kwantung Army made, in effect unilaterally, the decision to invade Manchuria. This was then treated as a fait accompli by Government and Emperor.

Doctrines

The Amau Doctrine (the Asian Monroe Doctrine) stated that Japan assumed the total responsibility for peace in Asia. Minister Hirota proclaimed "a special zone, anti-communist, pro-Japanese and pro-Manchukuo" and that Northern China was a "fundamental part" of Japanese national existence, in announcing a "holy war" against the Soviet Union and China as the "national mission".

During 1940 Prince Konoe proclaimed the Shintaisen (New National Structure), making Japan into an "advanced state of National Defense", and the creation of the Tasei Yokusankai (Imperial Authority Assistance Association), for organizing a centralized "consensus state". Associated are the government creation of the Tonarigumi (residents' committees). Other ideological creations of the time were the book "Shinmin no Michi"(臣民の道), the "Imperial Way" or "War Party" (Kodoha) Army party, the "Yamato spirit" (Yamato damashii), and the idea of hakko ichiu(whose directly translation is "4 walls and 4 corners under one roof", that means, "one house in which every people can live" or "everyone is family"),"Religion and Government Unity" (Saisei itchi),and Kokka Sodoin Ho (General Mobilization Right).

The official academic texts were Kokutai no Hongi and Shinmin no Michi. Both of them presented a view of Japan's history and the Japanese ideal to unite East and West.

Geostrategy

Main articles: Japanese strategic planning for mainland Asia (1905-1940) and Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere

The economic doctrines of the "Yen block" were in 1941 transformed to the "Great Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" Plan, as a basis for the Japanese national finances, and conquest plans. There was a history of perhaps two decades behind these moves.

The Japanese theorists, such as Saneshige Komaki, concerned with Mainland Asia, knew the geostrategic theory of Halford Mackinder, expressed in the book Democratic Ideas and Reality. He discussed why the 'World Island' of Eurasia and Africa was dominant, and why the key to this was the 'Central Land' in Central Asia. This is protected from sea attack, by deserts and mountains, and is vulnerable only on its west side, and to advanced technology from Europe.

Mackinder declared that: "Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; Who rules the heartland commands the World Island; Who rules the World Island commands the World". These central Asiatic lands included: all of the Soviet Union, except the Pacific coast, west of the Volga river; all Mongolia, Sinkiang, Tibet and Iran. This zone is vast and possesses natural resources and raw materials, does not possess major farming possibilities, and has very little population. Mackinder thought in terms of land and sea power: the latter can outflank the former, and carry out distant logistical operations, but needs adequate bases.

These geopolitical ideas coincided with the theories of Lieutenant Colonel Kanji Ishiwara, sent in 1928 to Manchuria to spy. The Army adopted them, in some form. Army theorists were located in the Manchuria area.

The Navy, on the other hand, was interested in the southerly direction of expansion (see Strike South group) the ideological center of Navy theorists stay in Formosa. These differing ideas were partly rooted in the supposed ancestral origins of the Japanese Army and Navy: Chosu or Izumo for the former, Satsuma and Yamato for the latter. The zaibatsu monopolies, while not lining up with either, leant to the Yamato clan, and economic interests. An extended debate ensued, resolved in the end by the stern experience of Japan's armed conflicts with the Soviet Union in 1938-39. This tipped the balance towards the 'South' plan, and the Pearl Harbor attack that precipitated the Pacific War in 1941.

Other ideological lines

Fumio Goto was the head of the Showa Studies Society, another "school" and "think tank" for future leaders of a radical totalitarian Japan. Count Yoriyasu Arima was another "professor" there. He was a supporter of radical political experiments and armed revolution, and contact with farmers' associations led by the Imperial Farmers Association. He read Karl Marx and Max Stirner, and other radical philosophers. With Fumimaro Konoye and Fusanosuke Kuhara, they created a revolutionary radical-right policy.

These revolutionary groups later had the help of three important personages, in making reality some certain ideas of a lost cause: they have in common practical work on the Manchukuo Socialist-Militarist policy. They were: General Hideki Tojo, chief of secret police in this country and leader of Kwantung Army and other Northern regions; Yosuke Matsuoka, who served as president of Mantetsu (South Manchuria Railway Company) and Foreign affairs minister; and Naoki Hoshino, an army ideologist who organized the government and political structure of Manchukuo. Tojo later became War Minister and Prime Minister in the Konoye cabinet, Matsuoka Foreign Minister, and Hoshino chief of Project departments charged with establishing a new economic structure for Japan. Some industrialists representative of this ideological strand were Ichizo Kobayashi, President of Tokio Gasu Denki, setting the structure for the Industry and Commerce ministry, and Shozo Murata, representing the Sumitomo Group becoming Communication Minister.

Other groups created were the Government Imperial Aid Association and Imperial Youth Federation. Involved in both was Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, who proposed a Nationalist single party dictatorship, based on socialism. The militarists had strong industrial support, but also socialist-nationalist sentiments on the part of radical officers, aware of poor farmers and workers who wanted social justice.

The Shintoist traditions were managed by: Lieutenant General Heisuke Yanagawa, who directed the Government Imperial Aid Association; Chikao Fujisawa, official member of Diet, who proposed a law that Shinto should be reaffirmed as State religion, as in past times; General Kuniaki Koiso, an arch-nationalist, who restored the ancient sacred rites in the Sukumo river, the Preliminary Misogi Rite; and Prince Kanin, another nationalist and religious supporter of official Shinto. Baron Hiranuma organized the Shintoist Rites Research Council to research all ancient Shinto rites and practices. The "New Asia Day" celebration was to remember the sacred mission of extending influence to nearby Asian nations.

The Japanese government, possibly following the German example of a "Worker's Front" State Syndicate, ultimately organized the Nation Service Society to group all the trades unions in the country. All syndicates of the "Japanese Workers Federation" were integrated into this controlling body.

Control of communications media

The Press and other communication media were managed for the Information Department by Dr. Nobofumi Ito and official spokesman Koh Ishii. Radio Tokyo was charged with disseminating all official information around the world. The radio transmitted in English, Dutch, three Chinese dialects, French, Malay, Thai, as well Japanese to Southeast Asia; and the Islamic world had programs broadcast in Hindustani, Burmese, Arabic, English and French. In Hawaii there were radio programs in English and Japanese. Other daily transmissions were to Europe, South and Central America, eastern areas of South America and the USA, with Australia and New Zealand receiving broadcasts too.

The official press agency Domei Tsushin was connected with the Axis powers' press agencies such as D. N. B., Transoceanic, the Italian agency Stefani and others. Local and Manchukoan newspapers such as "Manchurian Daily News" (Japanese-owned) were under the control of these institutions and only published officially approved notices and information.

Ideological influences in foreign areas

See Japanese administration of Manchukuo

In Manchukuo the Japanese had their 'own' local nationalist parties. The puppet Kangde Emperor (Emperor Puyi), having told the international press he had decided to organized a local party of "Confucian Doctrine", which was in fact run by the Japanese government. Later the "Northeast Administrative Committee" group and "Concord Association Party" were the only political movements authorized.

These parties were in the Militarist-Socialist mould, with uniforms and symbols modelled on the Japanese Militarist-Socialist Right doctrines. Tolerance of Confucian Chinese religious observance gave way to implantation of Shinto and Japanese customs. The treatment of farmers and workers was rigorously exploitative, and became harsh.

The Mengjiang Mongol puppet state had a "Central Academy" in Kalgan under the direction of Colonel Kanji Tsuneoka. A curious wartime rumour was that the Japanese Army had found the real tomb of Genghis Khan, in the Chahar area; this was used for political ends.

The goal was the "Japanization" of "allied" nations, as already largely imposed in Chosen and Formosa. The intention in occupied China, in the pro-Japanese administration of Wang Chingwei as elsewhere, was probably the same.

Summary

Under a complex mix of nationalist ideas, doctrines and pressures, the Japanese Imperial Forces found nationalist, ideological and political support for the fighting in mainland Asia and the Pacific conflict during World War II. The Imperial House represented the head of the nation and the last word in decision-making. Different points of view of Japan's national defense were aligned with the question of Asian continental expansion, or conquest of the Pacific area.

After the Japanese surrender in August 1945, the whole structure was dismantled by the Allied occupation authorities in the whole Japanese Empire and Japanese-held territories.

Post-war developments

In February 1946 ,General Douglas MacArthur was set the task of drafting a model constitution to serve as a guide for the Japanese people. The U.S. intention was to ensure that the sources of Japanese militarism were rooted out through fundamental reforms of the Japanese government, society, and economic structure. Perhaps the most lasting effect that came out of this constitution is Article 9 that reads:

"Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right to belligerency of the state will not be recognized."

With the renunciation of war and military power, Japan looked to the United States for security. As the Cold War began, the United States fostered a closer relationship with Japan due to the latter's strategic location in respect to the USSR. Japan became, as stated by the Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, an "unsinkable aircraft carrier" for the United States. Ensuing from this close relationship with the United States, Japan hoped that in time their country would become the "third leg in a triangle involving two superpowers." The seventies witnessed Japan's adoption of three fundamental tenets that would seek to define and direct Japanese internationalism, all concerning the need for Japanese initiatives in fostering a liberal internationalism. Japan's economic miracle of the late 20th century distracted its citizens' attention away from nationalism.

File:Japanese nationalism.jpg
Uyoku dantai during a demonstration on Constitution Memorial Day

Today, Japanese nationalism is perceived by some to be on the rise. Some lawmakers in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) seek to revise the constitution with the focus on Article 9. Another example is a history textbook that some claim it downplays Japan's role in World War II. The 1998 adoption of the national anthem and flag as state symbols (some believe them to be symbolic of Japanese nationalism during World War II) and previous Prime Minister Koizumi's six visits to the Yasukuni Shrine have also been viewed by some as an increase of nationalism. On the other side, others view changes over recent years as merely an assertion of Japanese confidence and point out that Japan is no more nationalist than any of its neighbours.

Recently, militant group of right-wing activists have used Molotov cocktails and time bombs to intimidate moderate politicians and public figures, including former Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka and Fuji Xerox Chairman Yotaro Kobayashi. An ex-member of a right-wing group set fire to LDP politician Koichi Kato's house. Koichi Kato and Yotaro Kobayashi had spoken out against Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine.

See also

Bibliography

  • Behr, Edward."The Last Emperor"(in Spanish "El Ultimo Emperador"), translated and published for:
    • ISBN 84-320-4410-5 (Spanish), Editorial Planeta, Fourth Edition, 1988.
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  • Moore, Frederick."With Japan's Leaders",published in New York, 1942
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  • The Conundrum of Managed Economic Growth. ” Journal of Economic Issues, v30 (1996)
  • Pyle, Kenneth B.The Japanese Question: Power and Purpose in a New Era, (Washington D.C.)

Other historical references

Asian and Pacific geopolitics

  • Shaw, B. Earl, article "United States Pacific Defense" in Van Valkenburg, Samuel Book "America at War" Prentice-Hall, (1942).
  • Weigerth, W. Hans."Haushofer and the Pacific", Foreign Affairs, XX (1942), P.732-742.
  • Mackinder, J. Halford, "Democratic Ideals and Reality", New York, Holt, (1942).
  • Bowman, Isaiah. "The New World", Yonker-on-Hudson, World Book, (1928), 4th Ed.

Official publications of the Japanese and Manchukuo governments

  • Imperial Japanese Government Railways, Official guides to Eastern Asia, I, Manchuria and Chosen, Tokio, 1913 and later years.
  • South Manchurian Railway Company Ed, 1929. - Progress in Manchuria (Report), 1907-28
  • Manchurian Year Books (various editions)
  • Far East Yearbooks (from 1941)
  • Review of Contemporary Manchuria (since 1937)
  • Review of Contemporary Manchuria, 1939. Official Publications of Manchukuo Government.
  • Manchuria Annals, Vol.,1933-39. Official Publications of Manchukuo Government.
  • Hayashide, Kenjiro, Epochal journey to Nippon. Official Publications of Manchukuo Government.
  • Japan Yearbook, Tokio, (since 1941)
  • Tokio Nichi-Nichi, Osaka Mainichi (newspapers), English language supplements (from the 1930s)
  • The newspapers Nippon Dempo and Tenshin Nichi-Nichi Shimbun, Review Bungei Shunju
  • Voice of the People of Manchukuo. Manchoukuoan Government edition.
  • Japan-Manchukuo Yearbook (1940s)
  • Governments-General of Taiwan, Chosen and Karafuto, Official Annual Reports on administration of these Provinces (1924-1926 and other years).
  • Mitsubishi Economics Research Bureau. "Japanese Trade and Industry, Present and Future", Mcmillan, London (1936)
  • Reviews and other publications of Kokusai Bunka Shinkokai (International Cultural Relations Society), Tokyo (1930s/40s).
  • Publications of Kan-Ichi Uchida, Tokyo, Kobunsha Co. (same period)

Foreign general literature on the Empire of Japan and Japanese-supported regimes in Northeast Asia

  • W. H. Auden and Christopher Isherwood, Journey to a war, Faber & Faber, 1939.
  • Bergamini, David. Japanese imperialist Conspiracy, William Morrow 1971.
  • Hibbert, Christopher, The Dragon Awakes.
  • Fleming, Peter. One's Company; News from Tartary, Ed Jonathan Cape, 1936, New York, Ed. Scribner, 1936.
  • Johnston, Reginald. Twilight in the Forbidden City, Gollancz, 1934.
  • Jones, F.C., Manchuria after 1931, R.I.I.C., 1963.
  • Koo, Wellington. Memoirs,"Oral History Series", from New York Times.
  • McAlEAVY, David. A Dream of Tartary. George Allen & Unwin, 1963.
  • Pearl, Ciryl. Morrison of Peking, Angus & Robertson, 1967.
  • Pu-Yi, From Emperor to Citizen, Foreign languages press, Peking, 1964.
  • Rea, George Bronson. The Case of Manchukuo.
  • Saga, Hiro. Wandering Princess.
  • Leys, Simon. The Burning forest, Ed. Holt Rhinehart Winston, 1986.
  • Snow, Edgar. Battle for Asia.
  • Taylor, George E. Japanese-sponsored regimes in Northern China.
  • Vespa, Amleto. Secret Agent of Japan. Little Brown & Co.,1938.
  • Woodhead, Henry. Adventures in Far Eastern Journalism.
  • Embree, John F. "The Japanese", Smithsonian Institution War Background Studies, VII (1943).
  • Schumpeter, E.B. "The industrialization of Japan and Manchukuo, 1930-1940", New York, Ed Mcmillan(1940).
  • Official Acts, from War Crime Far East International Tribunal, Tokio, 1946-47.
  • Texts of Interviews to Pu-Chieh, Rong-Qui, Jui-Lon (Family Aisin Goro) and Big-li (personal servant of Pu-Yi between 1924-1957).

References

  1. Grant K. Goodman, Japan and the Dutch 1600-1853, Curzon Press, 2000,pp.1-8}}
  2. Showa tenno no ju go nen senso (The Showa emperor fifteen years war), Aoki Shoten, 1991, p.122
  3. Steven Clemons (2006-08-27). "The Rise of Japan's Thought Police".

External links

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