Revision as of 11:13, 25 September 2014 view sourceSolar-Wind (talk | contribs)Autopatrolled94,838 edits removed Category:Arab nationalists; added Category:Palestinian Arab nationalists using HotCat← Previous edit | Revision as of 04:39, 8 October 2014 view source SlimVirgin (talk | contribs)172,064 edits multiple fixes (dead links, refs, etc), copy editNext edit → | ||
Line 4: | Line 4: | ||
|name = Abu Nidal<br/>({{bigger|أبو نضال}}) | |name = Abu Nidal<br/>({{bigger|أبو نضال}}) | ||
|image = Abu Nidal.gif | |image = Abu Nidal.gif | ||
|image_size = |
|image_size = 220px | ||
|alt = photograph | |||
|caption = Abu Nidal in an image released in 1976 | |caption = Abu Nidal in an image released in 1976 | ||
|birth_name = {{nowrap|Sabri Khalil al-Banna ({{big|صبري خليل البنا}})}} | |birth_name = {{nowrap|Sabri Khalil al-Banna ({{big|صبري خليل البنا}})}} | ||
Line 11: | Line 12: | ||
|death_date = {{dda|2002|8|16|1937|5|0|df=y}} | |death_date = {{dda|2002|8|16|1937|5|0|df=y}} | ||
|death_place = ], ] | |death_place = ], ] | ||
|resting_place = al-Karakh Islamic cemetery, Baghdad | |||
|body_discovered = |death_cause = | |||
|resting_place = {{longitem|style=line-height:1.25em;|{{nowrap|al-Karakh Islamic cemetery, Baghdad,}} in a grave marked "M7"}} | |||
|resting_place_coordinates = <!--{{coord|LAT|LONG|display=inline,title}}--> | |resting_place_coordinates = <!--{{coord|LAT|LONG|display=inline,title}}--> | ||
|nationality = ] | |nationality = ] | ||
|organization = {{longitem|style=line-height:1.25em;|{{nowrap|Fatah – The Revolutionary Council<br/>({{big|فتح المجلس الثوري}})<br/>known as the ]}}}} | |||
|alma_mater = ] | |||
|movement = Palestinian ]}} | |||
|occupation = {{hlist |Militant |Mercenary}} | |||
|organization = {{longitem|style=line-height:1.25em;|{{nowrap|Fatah – The Revolutionary Council<br/>({{big|فتح المجلس الثوري}}), more generally<br/>known as the ]}}}} | |||
|movement = Palestinian ] | |||
|spouse = Hiyam al-Bita | |||
|children = One son, two daughters | |||
|parents = {{nowrap|Hajj Khalil al-Banna {{small|(father)}}}} | |||
}} | |||
{{portal|Biography|Palestine|Terrorism}} | {{portal|Biography|Palestine|Terrorism}} | ||
''' |
'''Sabri Khalil al-Banna''' (]: صبري خليل البنا, May 1937 – 16 August 2002), known as '''Abu Nidal''' (أبو نضال), was the founder of Fatah – The Revolutionary Council (فتح المجلس الثوري), a militant ] splinter group commonly known as the ] (ANO).<ref name=Melman1987p213>], ''The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal'', Sidgwick & Jackson, 1987 , p. 213.</ref> At the height of its power in the 1970s and 1980s, the ANO was widely regarded as the most ruthless of the Palestinian groups.<ref>John Kifner, , ''The New York Times'', 14 September 1986.{{paragraph break}} | ||
Jonathan C. Randal, , ''The Washington Post'', 10 June 1990.{{paragraph break}} | |||
--><ref>Melman 1986, p. 213. | |||
Paul Thomas Chamberlin, ''The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post-Cold War Order'', Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 173.</ref> | |||
* Regarding his date of birth, ''The Guardian'' reported that he was born in 1939; ''The Times'' said 1940; the Truman Institute of the ] gave his birth year as 1934. ] told ] it was 1936. Melman concludes it was 1937. | |||
* There is also disagreement about his name. The ''Daily Telegraph'' has written that he was Hasan Sabri al-Banna; the ''Middle East International'' has said he was Muhammad Sabri al-Banna. According to Stewart Steven, who has written about the ], he was Sabri Khalil al-Banna or Mazan Sabri al-Banna. The name Khalil comes from his father; it is an Arab tradition that the father's name be added to the son's. Al-Banna means "the builder" (Melman 1986, pp. 44–45). He was also known as Amin al-Sirr and Sabri Khalil Abd Al Qadir.</ref> <!-- | |||
-->At the height of his power in the 1970s and 1980s, Abu Nidal was widely regarded as the most ruthless of the Palestinian political leaders.<!-- | |||
--><ref>See, for example: | |||
* MacAskill, Ewen and Nelsson, Richard. , ''The Guardian'', 20 August 2002. | |||
* Melman, Yossi. ''The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal'', Mama Books, 1986, p. 4. | |||
* McLaughlin, Abraham. , ''The Christian Science Monitor'', 5 October 2001. | |||
* , Council on Foreign Relations, October 2005. | |||
* {{Wayback |date=20080307042704 |url=http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/lex/LexUriServ/site/en/oj/2005/l_340/l_34020051223en00640066.pdf |title="Council Decision" }}, Council of the European Union, 21 December 2005.</ref> <!-- | |||
-->In a rare interview given in 1985, he told '']'': "I am the evil spirit which moves around only at night causing ... nightmares."<ref name=Melman3>Melman 1986, p. 3.</ref> | |||
Abu Nidal ("father of struggle") formed the ANO in October 1974 after a split from ]'s ] faction within the ] (PLO).<ref>], ''Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire'', Hutchinson, 1992, p. 99.{{paragraph break}} | |||
Abu Nidal formed the ANO in 1974 after splitting from ]'s ] faction within the ] (PLO) and taking up a ] stance. Acting as a freelance mercenary, the ] believe he was responsible for attacks in at least twenty different countries, killing or injuring over 900 people.<ref name=StateDeptprofile>, ''Country Reports on Terrorism'', 2004. (], 2005).</ref> His organization's most notorious operation was the simultaneous ] on 27 December 1985, when gunmen opened fire on the ] ticket counters at both locations, killing eighteen people and wounding 120. ], Abu Nidal's biographer, wrote of the attacks that their "random cruelty marked them as typical Abu Nidal operations".<ref name=Seale243>Seale 1992, pp. 243–244.</ref> Reports describing the ] implemented by Abu Nidal and close associates provided further evidence of his and his organization's nature. | |||
For "father of struggle," ] and Michael R. Fischbach, "Biography of Abu Nidal – Sabri al-Bana," in ] (ed.), ''Encyclopedia of the Palestinians'', 2005 , p. . Melman 1987 translates it as "father of the struggle" (p. 53).</ref> Acting as a freelance contractor, Abu Nidal is believed to have ordered attacks in 20 countries, killing over 300 and injuring over 650.<ref>Rex A. Hudson, , Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, September 1999, p. 97.{{paragraph break}} | |||
, United States Department of State, June 2004.{{paragraph break}} | |||
.</ref> The group's operations included the ] on 27 December 1985, when gunmen opened fire on passengers in simultaneous shootings at ] ticket counters, killing 20. ], Abu Nidal's biographer, wrote of the shootings that their "random cruelty marked them as typical Abu Nidal operations."<ref>Seale 1992, p. 243.{{paragraph break}} | |||
For 16 dead in Rome and four in Vienna, Roberto Suro, , ''The New York Times'', 13 February 1988.</ref> | |||
Abu Nidal died |
Abu Nidal died after a shooting in his Baghdad apartment in August 2002. Palestinian sources believed he was killed on the orders of ], but Iraqi officials insisted he had committed suicide during an interrogation.<ref>Brian Whitaker, , ''The Guardian'', 22 August 2002.{{paragraph break}} | ||
], , ''The Independent'', 25 October 2008.</ref> ] wrote in the ''Guardian'' on the news of his death: "He was the patriot turned psychopath. He served only himself, only the warped personal drives that pushed him into hideous crime. He was the ultimate mercenary."<ref>], , ''The Guardian'', 20 August 2002.</ref> | |||
== Early life == | == Early life == | ||
=== Family, early education === | |||
], where he was raised in a large stone house near the beach.]] | |||
], where he was raised in a large stone house near the beach.]] | |||
Abu Nidal was born in May 1937 in ], now part of ], on the Mediterranean coast of what was then the ]. His father, Hajj Khalil al-Banna, |
Abu Nidal was born in May 1937 in ], on the Mediterranean coast of what was then the ]. His father, Hajj Khalil al-Banna, owned 6,000 acres (24 km<sup>2</sup>) of orange groves situated between Jaffa and Majdal, today ] in Israel.<ref>Melman 1987, pp. 45–46; for orange groves, Seale 1992, p. 57.</ref> The family lived in luxury in a three-storey stone house near the beach, later used as an Israeli military court.<ref>Melman 1987, pp. 45–46; for the military court, image between pp. 122 and 123.</ref> Muhammad Khalil al-Banna, Abu Nidal's brother, told ]: | ||
<blockquote>My father ... was the richest man in Palestine. He marketed about ten percent of all the citrus crops sent from Palestine to Europe – especially to England and Germany. He owned a summer house in Marseilles, France, and another house in İskenderun, then in Syria and afterwards Turkey, and a number of houses in Palestine itself. Most of the time we lived in Jaffa. Our house had about twenty rooms, and we children would go down to swim in the sea. We also had stables with Arabian horses, and one of our homes in Ashkelon even had a large swimming pool. I think we must have been the only family in Palestine with a private swimming pool.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 45.</ref></blockquote> | |||
According to Abu Nidal's brother, Muhammad Khalil Al Banna, their father was the richest man in Palestine, with orchards in ], ], and ], near the town of ]. Every year, the father would supervise as his crops were packed in wooden crates for shipment to Europe on a shipping line from Jaffa to Liverpool.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 57.</ref> Muhammad told journalist ]: | |||
<blockquote> marketed about ten percent of all the citrus crops sent from Palestine to Europe—especially to England and Germany. He owned a summer house in Marseilles, France, and another house in İskenderun, then in Syria and afterwards Turkey, and a number of houses in Palestine itself. Most of the time we lived in Jaffa. Our house had about twenty rooms, and we children would go down to swim in the sea. We also had stables with Arabian horses, and one of our homes in Ashkelon even had a large swimming pool. I think we must have been the only family in Palestine with a private swimming pool.<ref name="Melman46-50"/></blockquote> | |||
{{quote box | |||
{{rquote|left|The kibbutz named Ramat Hakovesh has to this day a tract of land known as "the al-Banna orchard." ... My brothers and I still preserve the documents showing our ownership of the property even though we know full well that we and our children have no chance of getting it back.—''Muhammad al-Banna, brother of Abu Nidal''<ref name="Melman46-50"/>}} | |||
|border=1px | |||
|halign=left | |||
|quote=The kibbutz named Ramat Hakovesh has to this day a tract of land known as "the al-Banna orchard." ...My brothers and I still preserve the documents showing our ownership of the property, even though we know full well that we and our children have no chance of getting it back. | |||
|fontsize=95% | |||
|bgcolor=#F9F9F9 | |||
|bordercolor=#ccc | |||
|width=280px | |||
|align=right | |||
|quoted=true | |||
|salign=right | |||
|source= — Muhammad al-Banna, brother of Abu Nidal<ref name=Melman1987p47>Melman 1987, p. 47.</ref>}} | |||
Khalil's |
Khalil al-Banna's wealth allowed him to take several wives. According to Abu Nidal in an interview with ''Der Spiegel'', his father had 13 wives, 17 sons and eight daughters. Melman writes that Abu Nidal's mother was the eighth wife;<ref name=Melman1987p46>Melman 1987, p. 46.</ref> she had been one of the family's maids, a 16-year-old ] girl. The family disapproved of the marriage, according to ], and as a result Abu Nidal, Khalil's 12th child, was apparently looked down on by his older siblings, though in later life the relationships were repaired.<ref name=Seale1992p58>Seale 1992, p. 58.</ref> | ||
In 1944 or 1945 his father sent him to Collège des Frères, a French mission school in Jaffa, which he attended for one year.<ref name=Melman1987p47/> The father died in 1945 when Abu Nidal was seven years old, and the family turned his mother out of the house.<ref name=Seale1992p58/> His brothers took him out of the mission school, and enrolled him instead in a prestigious, private Muslim school in Jerusalem, now known as ]. He attended for about two years.<ref name=Melman1987p48>Melman 1987, p. 48.</ref> | |||
===1948 Palestine War=== | ===1948 Palestine War=== | ||
{{further|1948 Palestine War|1948 Arab-Israeli War|1948 Palestinian exodus}} | {{further|1948 Palestine War|1948 Arab-Israeli War|1948 Palestinian exodus}} | ||
On 29 November 1947, the United Nations resolved to ] into an Arab and Jewish state. Fighting broke out immediately, and the disruption of the citrus-fruit business hit the family's income.<ref name=Melman1987p48/> In Jaffa there were food shortages, truck bombs and an ] mortar bombardment.<ref>], ''The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited'', Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 212–213.</ref> Melman writes that the al-Banna family had had good relations with the Jewish community, but it was war and the relationships did not help them.<ref name=Melman1987pp48-49/> Abu Nidal's brother told Melman: | |||
], later the first ], at his home in Rehovot.<ref name="Melman46-50"/>]] | |||
On 29 November 1947, the United Nations resolved to ] into two states—one Jewish, one Arab. Fighting broke out immediately between Arab and Jewish militias, and Jaffa found itself under siege. Life became unbearable, according to Melman, and the disruption of the citrus fruit business hit the family's income. Booby-trapped cars were exploding in the center of the city and there were food shortages. The al-Banna family had had good relations with the Jewish community. Abu Nidal's brother told Melman: "My father was a close friend of Avraham Shapira, one of the founders of Hashomer, the Jewish self-defense organization. He would visit in his home in Petah Tikva, or Shapira riding his horse would visit our home in Jaffa. I also remember how we visited Dr. Weizmann in his home in Rehovot." But it was war and the relationships didn't help them.<ref name="Melman46-50"/> | |||
<blockquote>My father was a close friend of Avraham Shapira, one of the founders of Hashomer, the Jewish self-defense organization. He would visit in his home in Petah Tikva, or Shapira riding his horse would visit our home in Jaffa. I also remember how we visited Dr. Weizmann in his home in Rehovot.<ref name=Melman1987pp48-49>Melman 1987, pp. 48–49.</ref></blockquote> | |||
Just before Jaffa was conquered by Israeli troops in April 1948, the family decided to flee to their house near Majdal. "e will return in a few days", his mother said.<ref name="Melman46-50"/> But the Jewish militias arrived in Majdal too, and they had to flee again. This time they went to the ] refugee camp in the ], then under the control of Egypt. There the family spent nine months living in tents, dependent on ] for their weekly allowance of oil, rice, and potatoes. The experience had a powerful effect on Abu Nidal, who was used to wealth and servants, but now found himself living in abject poverty.<ref name="Melman46-50"/> | |||
Just before Jaffa was conquered by Israeli troops in April 1948, the family fled to their house near Majdal, but the Jewish militias arrived there too, and they had to flee again. This time they went to the ] refugee camp in the ], then under Egyptian control. Melman writes that the family spent nine months living in tents, dependent on ] for an allowance of oil, rice and potatoes.<ref name=Melman1987p49>Melman 1987, p. 49.</ref> The experience had a powerful effect on Abu Nidal.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 49; Seale 1992, p. 59.</ref> | |||
The family's skill in commerce, and the small amount of money they had managed to take with them, meant they were able to set themselves up in business again as merchants. Their orange groves however had gone, now part of the new ], which had declared its independence on 14 May 1948. They decided to move to ] in the ], then ruled by Jordan, where Abu Nidal had spent his teenage years. He completed elementary school and graduated from high school in 1955. Melman writes that he loved reading, particularly adventure stories, and was regarded as studious, although not particularly bright. His education was elementary; his childish handwriting remained a source of great embarrassment to him throughout the rest of his life. He applied to study engineering at Cairo University, but returned to Nablus after two years without a degree{{spaced ndash}}although he would later describe himself as having one, part of his constant embellishment of his past.<ref name="Melman46-50"/> | |||
=== Move to Nablus and Saudi Arabia === | |||
He joined the Arab nationalist ] when he was 18, but ] closed the party down in 1957. He then made his way to Saudi Arabia, where in 1960 he set himself up as a painter and electrician in ], according to Seale, or ], according to Melman, and later went on to work as a casual laborer for ].<ref name=Hudson>Hudson 1999.</ref> He remained close to his mother and returned to Nablus from Saudi Arabia every year to visit her. It was during one of those visits in 1962 that he met his future wife, Hiyam al-Bitar, whose family had also fled from Jaffa. They had a son, Nidal, and two daughters, Bisan and Na'ifa. Decades later, in the 1980s, he boasted that his daughter Bisan had no idea he was Abu Nidal.<ref name=Melman3/> | |||
The al-Banna family's commercial experience and the money they had managed to take with them meant they could themselves up in business again, Melman writes.<ref name=Melman1987p49/> Their orange groves, however, had gone, now part of the new state of ], which had declared its independence on 14 May 1948. The family moved to ] in the ], then under Jordanian control.<ref name=Melman1987p46/> Abu Nidal graduated from high school there in 1955, and joined the Arab nationalist ].<ref name=Hudson1999p100/> He began a degree course in engineering at ], but left without a degree after two years.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 50.</ref> | |||
In 1960 he made his way to Saudi Arabia, where he set himself up as a painter and electrician, and worked as a casual laborer for ].<ref>Melman 1987, p. 50; Seale 1992, p. 64.</ref> He remained close to his mother; his brother told Melman that Abu Nidal would return to Nablus from Saudi Arabia every year to visit her. It was during one of those visits in 1962 that he met his wife, whose family had also fled from Jaffa. The couple had a son and two daughters.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 51.</ref> | |||
===Personality and appearance=== | |||
Seale writes that Abu Nidal was a nondescript figure, often in poor health and shabbily dressed in a zip-up jacket and old trousers. In his later years, he drank whisky every night, and seemed to prefer his own company, living like a mole, lonely and isolated. He became a master of disguise and subterfuge, addicted to secrecy and power.<ref>Seale 1992, chapter 3.</ref> Those who knew him saw him as capable of hard work and clear thinking, with a good financial brain and able to inspire a mixture of dedication and fear in his followers.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 56.</ref> ], the late deputy chief of Fatah, came to know him well in the late 1960s, and took Abu Nidal under his wing to some extent, a relationship that Abu Iyad eventually paid for with his life. "He had been recommended to me as a man of energy and enthusiasm, but he seemed shy when we met. It was only on further acquaintance that I noticed other traits. He was extremely good company, with a sharp tongue and an inclination to dismiss most of humanity as spies and traitors. I rather liked that! I discovered he was very ambitious, perhaps more than his abilities warranted, and also very excitable. He sometimes worked himself up into such a state that he lost all powers of reasoning."<ref name=Seale69/> | |||
=== Personality === | |||
Seale suggests that Abu Nidal's unhappy childhood explains his difficult personality, described as chaotic by Abu Iyad and as psychopathic by ], the late Palestinian heart surgeon.<ref>Seale 1992, chapter 3; Melman 1986, p. 3.</ref> His siblings' scorn; the loss of his father and his mother's removal from the family home when he was seven; then the loss of his home and status in the conflict with Israel, created a mental world full of plots and counterplots, later reflected in his tyrannical leadership of the ANO{{spaced ndash}}trusting no one and at one point suspecting even his own wife of working for the ].<ref name=Colvin>Colvin and Murad, 2002.</ref> It seems he grew to despise women, forcing his wife to live in isolation without friends, forbidding ANO members from talking to their wives about their activities and preventing the women befriending one another.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 58–59.</ref> | |||
Abu Nidal was often in poor health, according to Seale, and tended to dress in zip-up jackets and old trousers, drinking whisky every night in his later years. He became, writes Seale, a "master of disguises and subterfuge, trusting no one, lonely and self-protective, like a mole, hidden away from public view."<ref>Seale 1992, p. 56.</ref> Acquaintances said that he was capable of hard work and had a good financial brain.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 57.</ref> ] (Abu Iyad), the deputy chief of Fatah who was assassinated by the ANO in 1991, knew him well in the late 1960s when he took Abu Nidal under his wing.<ref name=Seale1992p69>Seale 1992, p. 69.</ref> He told Seale: | |||
<blockquote>He had been recommended to me as a man of energy and enthusiasm, but he seemed shy when we met. It was only on further acquaintance that I noticed other traits. He was extremely good company, with a sharp tongue and an inclination to dismiss most of humanity as spies and traitors. I rather liked that! I discovered he was very ambitious, perhaps more than his abilities warranted, and also very excitable. He sometimes worked himself up into such a state that he lost all powers of reasoning.<ref name=Seale1992p69/></blockquote> | |||
Seale suggests that Abu Nidal's childhood explained his personality, described as chaotic by Abu Iyad and as psychopathic by ], the late Palestinian heart surgeon.<ref>For Abu Iyad, Melman 1987, p. 51; for Sartawi, p. 3.{{paragraph break}} | |||
Also see Seale 1992, p. 57, and .</ref> His siblings' scorn, the loss of his father and his mother's removal from the family home when he was seven, then the loss of his home and status in the conflict with Israel, created a mental world of plots and counterplots, reflected in his tyrannical leadership of the ANO. Members' wives (it was an all-male group) were not allowed to befriend each another, and Abu Nidal's wife was expected to live in isolation without friends.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 58–59.</ref> | |||
== Political life == | == Political life == | ||
=== Impex, Black September === | |||
] expelled the PLO during ], Abu Nidal was in Iraq, leading to the suspicion that he, Nidal, was interested only in saving his own skin.]] | |||
] of Jordan]] | |||
In Saudi Arabia Abu Nidal helped found a small group of young Palestinians who called themselves the Palestine Secret Organization. The activism cost him his job and home: Aramco fired him, and the Saudi government imprisoned, then expelled him.<ref name=Hudson1999p100>, p. 100.</ref> | |||
In Saudi Arabia, Nidal helped found a small group of young Palestinians who called themselves the Palestine Secret Organization. His political activism and vocal denunciation of Israel drew the attention of his employer, Aramco, which fired him, and then the Saudi government, which imprisoned, tortured, and expelled him as an unwelcome radical.<ref name=Hudson/> He returned to Nablus with his wife and young family, and it was around this time that he joined Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction of the PLO, although the exact timing and circumstances are unknown. He worked as an odd-job man until June 1967, committed to Palestinian politics but not particularly active, until Israel won the 1967 ], capturing the ], the ], and the ]. The sight of Israeli tanks rolling into Nablus, after he had already been forced to flee from Jaffa because of the war, and from Saudi Arabia because of his activism, was a traumatic and pivotal experience for him, according to Melman, and his passive involvement in Palestinian politics was transformed into a deadly hatred of Israel.<ref name="Melman51-55">Melman 1986, pp. 51–55.</ref> | |||
He returned to Nablus with his wife and family, and joined Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction of the PLO. Working as an odd-job man, he was committed to Palestinian politics but not particularly active, until Israel won the 1967 ], capturing the ], the ] and the ]. Melman writes that "the entrance of the Israel Defense Forces tanks into Nablus was a traumatic experienced for him. The conquest aroused him to action."<ref>Melman 1986, p. 52.</ref> | |||
He moved to Amman, Jordan, setting up a trading company called Impex,<ref name=Seale69>Seale 1992, p. 69.</ref> and joining the Fatah underground, where he was asked to choose a '']''. He chose Abu Nidal, in part after his son, Nidal—it is customary in the Arab world for men to call themselves "father of" (Abu), followed by their first son's name—but also because the name means "father of the struggle". He was described by those who knew him at the time as a tidy, well-organized leader, not a guerrilla. During skirmishes in Jordan between the ] and King Hussein's troops, he stayed indoors, never leaving his office.<ref name="Melman51-55"/> | |||
] | |||
Impex soon became a front for Fatah activities, serving as a meeting place for members and as a conduit for funds with which to pay them.<ref name=Seale69/> This was to become a hallmark of Abu Nidal's business career. Companies controlled by the ANO made him a rich man by engaging in legitimate business deals, while acting as cover for his political violence and his multi-million-dollar arms deals, mercenary activities, and ]s. Seeing his talent for organization, Abu Iyad appointed him in 1968 as the Fatah representative in ], Sudan, then to the same position in Baghdad in July 1970, just two months before ], when King Hussein's army drove the Palestinian fedayeen out of Jordan, with the loss of between 5,000 and 10,000 lives in just ten days. Abu Nidal's absence from Jordan during this period, where it was clear that King Hussein was about to act against the Palestinians, raised the suspicion within the movement that he was interested only in saving his own skin.<ref name="Melman51-55"/><ref>Seale 1992, p. 71 and pp. 77–78.</ref> | |||
He moved to ], Jordan, setting up a trading company called Impex.<ref name=Seale1992p69>Seale 1992, p. 69.</ref> Fatah asked him to choose a '']'', and he chose Abu Nidal ("father of struggle") after his son, Nidal;<ref>AbuKhalil and Fischbach (''Encyclopedia of the Palestinians'') 2005, p. .</ref> it is customary in the Arab world for men to call themselves "father of" (Abu), followed by their first son's name. He was described by those who knew him at the time as a well-organized leader, not a guerrilla; during fighting between the ] and King Hussein's troops, he stayed in his office.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 513; Seale 1992, p. 70.</ref> | |||
===Criticism of the PLO=== | |||
Just before the PLO expulsion from Jordan, and during the three years that followed it, several radical Palestinian and other Arab factions split from the PLO and began to launch attacks on Israeli targets, and on civilian targets overseas. These included ]'s ]; the ]; the ]; ]; the ], at that time headed by ] who went on to set up the radical ]; and ], the cover name of a group of radical fedayeen associated with Arafat's Fatah. | |||
Impex became a front for Fatah, serving as a meeting place and conduit for funds.<ref name=Seale1992p69/> This became a hallmark of Abu Nidal's career. Companies controlled by the ANO made him a rich man by engaging in legitimate business deals, while acting as cover for arms deals and mercenary activities. Abu Iyad appointed him in 1968 as the Fatah representative in ], Sudan, then (at Abu Nidal's insistence) to the same position in Baghdad in July 1970, two months before ], when over 10 days of fighting King Hussein's army drove the Palestinian ''fedayeen'' out of Jordan, with the loss of thousands of lives. Seale writes that Abu Nidal's absence from Jordan during this period, when it was clear that King Hussein was about to act against the Palestinians, raised suspicion within the movement that Abu Nidal was interested only in saving himself.<ref name=Seale1992p78>Seale 1992, p. 78.</ref> | |||
Shortly after King Hussein expelled the Palestinians, Abu Nidal began broadcasting criticism of the PLO over ''Voice of Palestine'', the PLO's own radio station in Iraq, accusing them of cowardice for having agreed to a ceasefire with Hussein.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 78.</ref> During Fatah's Third Congress in Damascus in 1971, he emerged as the leader of a leftist alliance against Arafat. Together with Palestinian intellectual Naji Allush and ]—one of Fatah's most ruthless commanders, who was later involved in the ] at the Olympic Village in Munich—Abu Nidal called for Arafat to be overthrown as an enemy of the Palestinian people, and demanded more democracy within Fatah, as well as violent revenge against King Hussein. Seale writes that it was the last Fatah congress Abu Nidal would attend, but he had made his mark. | |||
===First operation |
=== First operation === | ||
], ]]] | |||
{{main|List of attacks attributed to Abu Nidal}} | |||
], now president of the ], flew to Iraq to reprimand Abu Nidal for seizing the Saudi Embassy. The Iraqis said they had asked him to do it for them.<ref name="Seale91-92">Seale 1992, pp. 91–92.</ref>]] | |||
Abu Nidal's first operation took place on September 5, 1973, when five gunmen, using the name ''Al-Iqab'' (The Punishment), seized the Saudi embassy in Paris, taking 11 hostages and threatening to blow up the building if Abu Dawud was not released from jail in Jordan, where he had been arrested in February 1973 for an attempt on King Hussein's life.<ref name="Melman69-70">Melman 1986, pp. 69-70.</ref> After lengthy negotiations, the gunmen and some of the hostages left on a Syrian Airways jet for Kuwait, from where they flew to Riyadh, threatening to throw some of the hostages out of the aircraft on the way. For three days negotiations continued, aided by Ali Yassin, a PLO representative, until eventually the gunmen were convinced by the Saudi's insistence that they had no control over the Jordanian authorities. They surrendered and released the hostages on September 8. Abu Dawud was released from prison two weeks later. Seale writes that the Kuwaiti government had agreed to pay King Hussein $12 million for the release.<ref name="Seale91-92"/> | |||
Shortly after Black September, Abu Nidal began accusing the PLO of cowardice over his Voice of Palestine<!--note: this is not the same as ]--> radio station in Iraq for having agreed to a ceasefire with Hussein.<ref name=Seale1992p78/> During Fatah's Third Congress in Damascus in 1971, Abu Nidal joined Palestinian activist and writer Naji Allush and ] (leader of the ] responsible for the 1972 ]), calling for greater democracy within Fatah and revenge against King Hussein.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 85–87.</ref> | |||
According to Seale, the seizure of the embassy had been commissioned by Iraq's president, ]. On the day of the seizure, 56 heads of state had gathered in ] for the 4th conference of the ] (NAM). Seale writes that al-Bakr commissioned the attack out of jealousy toward Algeria that they were the hosts; a high-level hostage situation was therefore arranged as a distraction. One of the hostage-takers later admitted that his orders had been to fly the hostages back and forth until the NAM conference had ended.<ref name="Seale91-92"/> | |||
In February 1973 Abu Daoud was arrested in Jordan for an attempt on King Hussein's life. This led to Abu Nidal's first operation, using the name ''Al-Iqab'' ("the Punishment"), when on 5 September five gunmen entered the Saudi embassy in Paris, took 15 hostages and threatened to blow up the building if Abu Daoud was not released.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 69; Seale 1992, p. 92.{{paragraph break}} | |||
{{rquote|left|Mahmoud Abbas was so angry that he stormed out of the meeting, followed by the other PLO delegates, and from that point on, the PLO regarded Abu Nidal as a mercenary.—''Patrick Seale''<ref name="Seale91-92"/>}} | |||
Henry Kamm, , ''The New York Times'', 6 September 1973.</ref> The gunmen flew two days later to Kuwait on a Syrian Airways flight, still holding five hostages, then to Riyadh, threatening to throw the hostages out of the aircraft. They surrendered and released the hostages on 8 September.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 91; Henry Kamm, , ''The New York Times'', 7 September 1973.</ref> Abu Daoud was released from prison two weeks later; Seale writes that the Kuwaiti government paid King Hussein $12 million for his release.<ref name=Seale1992p91>Seale 1992, p. 91.</ref> | |||
On the day of the attack, 56 heads of state were meeting in ] for the 4th conference of the ]. According to Seale, the Saudi Embassy operation had been commissioned by Iraq's president, ], as a distraction because he was jealous that Algeria was hosting the conference. Seale writes one of the hostage-takers admitted that he had been told to fly the hostages around until the conference was over.<ref name=Seale1992p92/> | |||
Although the media blamed the attack on ], a Fatah front, Melman writes that Abu Nidal had carried out the operation without the permission of ], Arafat's deputy, who acted as the liaison between Fatah and Black September. Far from having given it the go-ahead, Abu Iyad and ]{{spaced ndash}}who eventually became President of the ]{{spaced ndash}}flew to Iraq to reason with Abu Nidal that operations such as these harmed the movement, Abu Iyad later condemning it as "illogical adventurism".<ref name="Melman69-70"/> According to Seale, the Iraqi government made it clear that the idea for the operation had been theirs. Abu Iyad told Seale that an Iraqi official at the meeting said: "Why are you attacking Abu Nidal? The operation was ours! We asked him to mount it for us." Abbas was so angry, writes Seale, that he stormed out of the meeting, followed by the other PLO delegates{{spaced ndash}}and from that point on, the PLO regarded Abu Nidal as a mercenary.<ref name="Seale91-92"/> | |||
Abu Nidal had carried out the operation without the permission of Fatah.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 69.</ref> ] (Arafat's deputy) and ] (later ]), flew to Iraq to reason with Abu Nidal that hostage-taking harmed the movement. Abu Iyad told Seale that an Iraqi official at the meeting said: "Why are you attacking Abu Nidal? The operation was ours! We asked him to mount it for us." Abbas was furious and left the meeting with the other PLO delegates. From that point on, Seale writes, the PLO regarded Abu Nidal as under the control of Iraq.<ref name=Seale1992p92>Seale 1992, p. 92.</ref> | |||
Two months later, just after the October 1973 ], during discussions about convening a peace conference in Geneva, the ANO hijacked a KLM airliner, using the name the Arab Nationalist Youth Organization. The operation was intended to send a signal to Fatah not to send representatives to any peace conference. In response, Arafat expelled Abu Nidal from Fatah in March 1974, and the rift between the two groups, and the two men, was complete.<ref name="Melman69-70"/> | |||
=== Expulsion from Fatah === | |||
Six months later, Abu Nidal was sentenced to death ''in absentia'' by Fatah for the attempted assassination of Mahmoud Abbas. It's unlikely that Abu Nidal intended to kill Abbas, and just as unlikely that Fatah wanted to kill Abu Nidal—he was invited to Beirut to discuss the death sentence and attended, refusing to humble himself and was allowed to leave{{spaced ndash}}but the effect of the sentence was to signal that Abu Nidal was ''persona non grata'' and to drive him further into the arms of the Iraqi government. He became "Mr. Palestine" in Iraq. The Iraqis gave him Fatah's assets in Iraq, including a training camp, a farm, a newspaper, a radio station, passports, scholarships for studying overseas and $15 million worth of Chinese weapons. He also became the recipient of Iraq's regular aid to the PLO: 50,000 Iraqi dinars a month, around $150,000 at the time, and a lump sum of $3–5 million.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 98–100.</ref> | |||
Two months later, in November 1973 (just after the ] in October), the ANO hijacked ], this time using the name Arab Nationalist Youth Organization. Fatah had been discussing convening a peace conference in Geneva; the hijacking was intended to warn them not to go ahead with it. In response, in July 1974, Arafat expelled Abu Nidal from Fatah.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 70; Seale 1992, pp. 97–98 (Melman writes that it was March 1974, Seale that it was July).</ref> | |||
In October 1974 Abu Nidal formed the ANO, calling it Fatah: The Revolutionary Council.<ref name=Seale1992p99/> In November that year a Fatah court sentenced him to death ''in absentia'' for the attempted assassination of Mahmoud Abbas.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 98.</ref> Seale writes that it is unlikely that Abu Nidal had intended to kill Abbas, and just as unlikely that Fatah wanted to kill Abu Nidal. He was invited to Beirut to discuss the death sentence, and was allowed to leave again, but it was clear that he had become ''persona non grata''.<ref name=Seale1992p99>Seale 1992, p. 99.</ref> As a result the Iraqis gave him Fatah's assets in Iraq, including a training camp, farm, newspaper, radio station, passports, overseas scholarships and $15 million worth of Chinese weapons. He also received Iraq's regular aid to the PLO: around $150,000 a month and a lump sum of $3–5 million.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 100.</ref> | |||
==ANO== | |||
===Nature of the organization=== | ===Nature of the organization=== | ||
As well as Fatah: The Revolutionary Council, the ANO used several names, including the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, Black June (for actions against Syria), Black September (for actions against Jordan), the Revolutionary Arab Brigades, the Revolutionary Organization of Socialist Muslims, the Egyptian Revolution, Revolutionary Egypt, ''Al-Asifa'' ("the Storm," a name also used by Fatah), ''Al-Iqab'' ("the Punishment"), and the Arab Nationalist Youth Organization.<ref name=Melman1987p213/> | |||
{{rquote|left|I am Abu Nidal{{spaced ndash}}the answer to all Arab suffering and misfortunes.<ref name=Kifner>Kifner, 1986.</ref>}} | |||
By all accounts, the ANO reflected Abu Nidal's paranoid personality, more of a mercenary group willing to act on behalf of diverse interests, than one guided by political principle.<ref>Dobson and Payne 1986.</ref> A variety of names were used as cover for different operations: "Fatah{{spaced ndash}}the Revolutionary Council"; the "Palestinian National Liberation Movement"; "Black June"; "Black September"; the "Revolutionary Arab Brigades"; the "Revolutionary Organization of Socialist Muslims"; the "Egyptian Revolution"; "Revolutionary Egypt"; ''Al-Asifa'' ("The Storm"), a name also used by Fatah; ''Al-Iqab'' ("The Punishment"); and the "Arab Nationalist Youth Organization". Abu Nidal originally chose the name "Black June" for the group to mark his disapproval of the 1976 Syrian intervention in Lebanon in support of the Christians, but changed it to "Fatah{{spaced ndash}}Revolutionary Council" when he switched bases from Iraq to Syria in 1981. The group is now most commonly referred to as the "Abu Nidal Organization" or "Abu Nidal group".<ref name=Melman213>Melman 1986, p. 213.</ref> | |||
The group had up to 500 members, chosen from young men in the ]s and in Lebanon, who were promised good pay and help looking after their families.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 6; for up to 500 members, "Abu Nidal Organization," in Harvey W. Kushner, ''Encyclopedia of Terrorism'', Sage Publications, 2002, p. 3.</ref> They would be sent to training camps in whichever country was hosting the ANO at the time (Syria, Iraq or Libya), then organized into small cells.<ref>"Abu Nidal Organization," in Kushner 2002, p. 3.</ref> Once in, ] and Michael Fischbach write, they were not allowed to leave again.<ref name=AbuKhalil2000p12>AbuKhalil and Fischbach (''Encyclopedia of the Palestinians'') 2005, p. .</ref> The group assumed complete control over the membership. One member who spoke to Patrick Seale was told before being sent overseas: "If we say, 'Drink alcohol'", do so. If we say, 'Get married,' find a woman and marry her. If we say, 'Don't have children,' you must obey. If we say, 'Go and kill King Hussein,' you must be ready to sacrifice yourself!"<ref>Seale 1992, p. 21.</ref> | |||
He targeted lively, intelligent students for the ANO, preferably very young people from the ] who wanted to get ahead, promising to pay them well, help with their education and look after their families. In joining him, they would be striking a blow on behalf of the Arab nation, by wrestling Palestine back by armed struggle. ] writes that, once recruited, they were not allowed to leave, and lived under the constant suspicion of being a double agent. The ANO's official newspaper ''Filastin al-Thawra'' regularly carried stories announcing the execution of traitors within the movement.<ref name=AbuKhalil>Abu Khalil, 2000.</ref> Each new recruit was given several days to write out his entire life story by hand{{spaced ndash}}including names and addresses of family members, friends, and lovers{{spaced ndash}}and then was required to sign a paper saying he agreed to execution if anything was found to be untrue. Every so often, the recruit would be asked to rewrite the whole story. Any discrepancies were taken as evidence that he was a spy and he would be asked to write it out again, often after days of being beaten and nights spent forced to sleep standing up.<ref name=Seale6>Seale 1992, pp. 6–7.</ref> | |||
Seale writes that recruits were asked to write out their life stories, including names and addresses of family and friends, then sign a paper saying they agreed to execution if discovered to have intelligence connections. If suspected, they would be asked to rewrite the whole story, without discrepancies.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 7, 13–18.</ref> The ANO's newspaper ''Filastin al-Thawra'' regularly announced the execution of traitors.<ref name=AbuKhalil2000p12/> | |||
The organization assumed total control over its membership. Alcohol, drugs, gambling, womanizing, friendship—all had to be relinquished until the ANO said otherwise. "Jorde", an ANO member who spoke to Patrick Seale was told, "If we say, 'Drink alcohol'", do so. If we say, 'Get married", find a woman and marry her. If we say, 'Don't have children,' you must obey. If we say, 'Go and kill King Hussein,' you must be ready to sacrifice yourself!"<ref>Seale 1992, p. 21.</ref> | |||
===Committee for Revolutionary Justice=== | ===Committee for Revolutionary Justice=== | ||
There were reports throughout the 1970s and 1980s of purges. Around 600 ANO members were killed in Lebanon and Libya, including 171 in one night in November 1987, when they were lined up, shot and thrown into a mass grave. Dozens were kidnapped in Syria and killed in the Badawi refugee camp. Most of the decisions to kill, Abu Daoud told Seale, were taken by Abu Nidal "in the middle of the night, after he knocked back a whole bottle of whiskey."<ref name=Seale1992pp287-289>Seale 1992, pp. 287–289.</ref> The purges led to the defection from the ANO in 1989 of Atif Abu Bakr, head of the ANO's political directorate, who returned to Fatah.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 307, 310.</ref> | |||
{{Infobox civilian attack | |||
| title = Abu Nidal Organization internal executions | |||
| partof = ] | |||
| image = | caption = | map = | coordinates = | |||
| location = {{hlist |] |] |]}} | |||
| target = | |||
| date = 1987–1988 | |||
| time-begin = | time-end = | timezone = | |||
| weapons = | type = | |||
| fatalities = 600 | |||
| injuries = | |||
| perps = {{ubl |Abu Nidal |Mustafa Ibrahim Sanduqa |Isam Maraqa |Sulaiman Samrin |Mustafa Awad}} | |||
}} | |||
Members were routinely tortured by the "Committee for Revolutionary Justice" until they confessed to disloyalty. Seale writes that reports of torture included hanging a man naked, whipping him until he was unconscious, reviving him with cold water, then rubbing salt or chili powder into his wounds. A naked prisoner would be forced into a car tyre with his legs and backside in the air, then whipped, wounded, salted and revived with cold water. A member's testicles might be fried in oil, or melted plastic dripped onto his skin. Between interrogations, prisoners would be tied up in tiny cells. If the cells were full, Seal writes, they might be buried with a pipe in their mouths for air and water; if Abu Nidal wanted them dead, a bullet would be fired down the pipe instead.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 286–287.</ref> | |||
===Intelligence Directorate=== | |||
====Abu Nidal Organization internal executions==== | |||
The Intelligence Directorate was formed in 1985 to oversee special operations. It had four subcommittees: the Committee for Special Missions, the Foreign Intelligence Committee, the Counterespionage Committee and the Lebanon Committee. Led by Abd al-Rahman Isa, the longest-serving member of the ANO – Seale writes that Isa was unshaven and shabby, but charming and persuasive – the directorate maintained 30–40 people overseas who looked after the ANO's arms caches in various countries. It trained staff, arranged passports and visas, and reviewed security at airports and seaports. Members were not allowed to visit each other at home, and no one outside the directorate was supposed to know who was a member.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 185–187.</ref> | |||
{{Main|Abu Nidal Organization internal executions}} | |||
{{rquote|right|According to ANO members who were able to escape, recruits were buried alive, fed through a tube forced into their mouths, then finally killed by a bullet fired down the tube. Some had their genitals placed in skillets of boiling-hot oil.—]<ref name=Ledeen/>}} | |||
In one year from 1987 to 1988, around 600 were killed, between a third and a half of the membership. | |||
Isa was demoted in 1987, because Abu Nidal believed he had become too close to other figures within the ANO. Always keen to punish members by humiliating them, Abu Nidal insisted he remain in the Intelligence Directorate, forcing him to work for his previous subordinates, who according to Seale were told to treat him with contempt.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 188.</ref> | |||
By 1987, Abu Nidal had turned the full force of his paranoia and terror tactics inwards on the ANO itself. Members were routinely tortured by the "Committee for Revolutionary Justice" until they confessed to betrayal and disloyalty.<ref name=Seale1992p287/> Men would be hanged naked for hours and whipped until they lost consciousness, then revived with salt or chili powder rubbed into their wounds. A naked prisoner would be forced into a car tire with his legs and backside in the air, then whipped, wounded, and salted. Plastic melted under a flame would be dripped onto prisoners' skin. According to recruits who were able to escape, prisoners' genitals would be placed in skillets of boiling-hot oil and fried while the men were held down. Between interrogations, prisoners would be confined alone in tiny cells, bound hand and foot. If the cells were full, a prisoner might be buried alive, with a steel pipe in his mouth to allow him to breathe. Water would be poured into it occasionally. When word came that Abu Nidal wanted the prisoner executed, a bullet would be fired down the tube instead, then the pipe removed and the hole filled in.<ref name=Ledeen>Clarridge 1997, cited in Ledeen 2002. | |||
*Also see Seale 1992, pp. 286–287.</ref> | |||
;Perpetrators | |||
In one year from 1987–1988, around 600 were killed, between a third and a half of the membership of the ANO. Abu Nidal even had the elderly wife of a veteran member, Al-Hajj Abu Musa, thrown in jail and killed on a charge of lesbianism. The killings were mostly the work of four men: Mustafa Ibrahim Sanduqa of the Justice Committee; Isam Maraqa, Abu Nidal's deputy, who was married to his wife's niece; Sulaiman Samrin, also known as Dr. Ghassan al-Ali, the ANO's first secretary; and Mustafa Awad, also known as Alaa, the head of the Intelligence Directorate. Most of the decisions to kill, said Abu Dawud, a long-time member of the ANO, were taken by Abu Nidal "in the middle of the night, after he knocked back a whole bottle of whiskey".<ref name=Seale1992p287>Seale 1992, pp. 287–289.</ref> | |||
===Committee for Special Missions=== | ===Committee for Special Missions=== | ||
The Committee for Special Missions |
The job of the Committee for Special Missions was to choose targets.<ref name=Seale1992p183>Seale 1992, p. 183.</ref> It had started life as the Military Committee, headed by Naji Abu al-Fawaris, who had led the attack on ], head of the Israel-Austria Friendship League, who was shot and killed in 1981.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 186.</ref> In 1982 the committee changed its name to the Committee for Special Missions, headed by Dr. Ghassan al-Ali, who had been born in the ] and educated in England, where he obtained a BA and MA in chemistry, and married a British woman (later divorced).<ref>Seale 1992, p. 182.</ref> A former ANO member told Seale that Ali favoured "the most extreme and reckless operations."<ref name=Seale1992p183/> | ||
The Committee would produce a list of potential targets, and Abu Nidal and al-Ali would go over them. An ANO defector told Seale: "Dr. Ghassan always seemed to favor the most extreme and reckless operations. He used to speak with the greatest admiration of the ], the ], the ]. These were the models he held up to us. He detested any form of moderation."<ref>Seale 1992, p. 183.</ref> | |||
===Intelligence Directorate=== | |||
The Intelligence Directorate was formed in 1985, with four subcommittees: the Committee for Special Missions, the Foreign Intelligence Committee, the Counterespionage Committee, and the Lebanon Committee. Led by Abd al-Rahman Isa, the longest-serving member of the ANO, the directorate maintained 30–40 people overseas who created and guarded the group's arms caches. It trained staff, arranged passports and visas, and reviewed security arrangements at airports and seaports. Members were not allowed to meet at each other's homes, and no one outside the directorate was supposed to know who was a member.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 185–186.</ref> | |||
Isa was conspiracy-minded like Abu Nidal, seeing the world as a series of plots and counter-plots. Originally from ], near ], he was a refugee who believed the only way to force Israel to let him return home was armed struggle. Seale writes that he was physically ugly, unshaven and shabby, but he could nevertheless be charming and persuasive. He was once stopped at Geneva airport and asked if he had anything to declare. He was carrying $5 million in cash, which he declared, and found himself being respectfully escorted to the bank of his choice.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 187.</ref> Isa was demoted in 1987, because Abu Nidal believed he had become too close to other figures within the ANO. Always keen to punish members by humiliating them, Abu Nidal insisted he remain in the Intelligence Directorate, forcing him to work for his previous subordinates, who were reportedly instructed to treat him with contempt, to the extent that new members saw their promotion rest on how unpleasant they could be to Isa.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 188.</ref> | |||
===Operations and relationships=== | ===Operations and relationships=== | ||
====Shlomo Argov==== | |||
] was shot in the head as he left the ], ], London.]] | |||
On 3 June 1982, ANO operative Hussein Ghassan Said shot ], the Israeli ambassador to Britain, once in the head as he left the ] in London. Said was accompanied by Nawaf al-Rosan, an Iraqi intelligence officer, and Marwan al-Banna, Abu Nidal's cousin. Argov survived, but spent three months in a coma and the rest of his life disabled, until his death in February 2003.<ref>Lawrence Joffe, , ''The Guardian'', 25 February 2003.</ref> The PLO quickly denied responsibility for the attack.<ref>], ''The Palestinian Liberation Organisation'', Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 120.</ref> | |||
====Shlomo Argov affair==== | |||
{{further|Shlomo Argov|1982 Lebanon War}} | |||
On 3 June 1982, three ANO operatives—Hussein Ghassan Said, Nawaf al-Rosan, and Marwan al-Banna, Abu Nidal's cousin—approached ], the ]i ambassador to the ], as he left the ] on ]. Said shot him in the head, but Argov survived, spending the next three months in a coma, and the rest of his life disabled, until his death in February 2003.<ref name=Joffe>Joffe, 2003.</ref> | |||
], then Israel's defence minister, responded three days later by ], where the PLO was based, a reaction that Seale argues Abu Nidal had intended.<ref name=Seale1992pp223-224/> The Israeli government had been preparing to invade and Abu Nidal provided a pretext.<ref name=Seale1992pp223-224>Seale 1992, pp. 223–224.</ref> ''Der Spiegel'' put it to him in October 1985 that the assassination of Argov, when he knew Israel wanted to attack the PLO in Lebanon, made him appear to be working for the Israelis, in the view of Yasser Arafat.<ref name=Melman1987p120>Melman 1987, p. 120.</ref> He replied: | |||
<blockquote>What Arafat says about me doesn't bother me. Not only he, but also a whole list of Arab and world politicians claim that I am an agent of the Zionists or the CIA. Others state that I am a mercenary of the French secret service and of the Soviet KGB. The latest rumor is that I am an agent of Khomeini. During a certain period they said we were spies for the Iraqi regime. Now they say we are Syrian agents. .. |
<blockquote>What Arafat says about me doesn't bother me. Not only he, but also a whole list of Arab and world politicians claim that I am an agent of the Zionists or the CIA. Others state that I am a mercenary of the French secret service and of the Soviet KGB. The latest rumor is that I am an agent of Khomeini. During a certain period they said we were spies for the Iraqi regime. Now they say that we are Syrian agents. ... Many psychologists and sociologists in the Soviet bloc tried to investigate this man Abu Nidal. They wanted to find a weak point in his character. The result was zero.<ref name=Melman1987p120/></blockquote> | ||
====Rome and Vienna==== | ====Rome and Vienna==== | ||
{{main|Rome and Vienna airport attacks}} | {{main|Rome and Vienna airport attacks}} | ||
Abu Nidal's most infamous operation was the 1985 attack on the Rome and Vienna airports.<ref name=Seale1992p246>Seale 1992, p. 246.</ref> On 27 December, at 08:15 GMT, four gunmen opened fire on the ] ticket counter at the ] in Rome, killing 16 and wounding 99. In ] a few minutes later, three men threw hand grenades at passengers waiting to check into a flight to Tel Aviv, killing four and wounding 39.<ref>; , BBC News, 27 December 1985.</ref> Seale writes that the gunmen had been told the people in civilian clothes at the check-in counter were Israeli pilots returning from a training mission.<ref name=Seale1992p244>Seale 1992, p. 244.</ref> | |||
Austria and Italy had both been involved in trying to arrange peace talks. Sources close to Abu Nidal told Seale that Libyan intelligence had supplied the weapons. The damage to the PLO was enormous, according to ], Arafat's deputy. Most people in the West and even many Arabs could not distinguish between the ANO and Fatah, he said. "When such horrible things take place, ordinary people are left thinking that all Palestinians are criminals."<ref name=Seale1992p245>Seale 1992, p. 245.</ref> | |||
====United States bombing of Libya==== | |||
Seale writes that the gunmen were "Palestinian youngsters, the bitter products of refugee camps, who had been brainwashed into throwing away their lives ..." The gunmen had been told to throw their grenades and open fire blindly at the check-in counter, and that the people they saw there in civilian clothes would be Israeli pilots returning from a training mission. A former close aide of Abu Nidal told Seale that originally Frankfurt had been part of the operation too.<ref name=Seale244>Seale 1992, p. 244.</ref> The man who organized the attacks was the ANO's head of the Intelligence Directorate's Committee for Special Missions, Dr. Ghassan al-Ali. Sources close to Abu Nidal said that Libyan intelligence had supplied the weapons. The Libyan news agency hailed the attacks as "heroic operations carried out by the sons of the martyrs of Sabra and Shatila". The damage to the PLO was enormous, according to ], Arafat's deputy. Most people in the West and even many Arabs could not distinguish between the ANO and Fatah, he said. "In their minds, all Palestinians are guilty."<ref name=Seale245>Seale 1992, p. 245.</ref> | |||
{{main|1986 United States bombing of Libya}} | |||
] in England to bomb Libya, 14 April 1986]] | |||
On 15 April 1986 the US launched bombing raids from British bases against ] and ], killing around 100, in retaliation for the bombing of a ] used by US service personnel.<ref>, BBC News, 15 April 1986; Natalie Malinarich, , BBC News, 13 November 2001.</ref> The dead were reported to include Hanna Gaddafi, the adoptive daughter of Libyan leader ]; two of his other children were injured.<ref>Melman 1986, p. 162.</ref> | |||
====U.S. bombing of Libya==== | |||
{{main|Operation El Dorado Canyon}} | |||
] in England to bomb Libya on April 14, 1986]] | |||
On the night of April 15, 1986, U.S. warplanes launched a series of bombing raids from British bases against ] and ], killing 45 Libyan soldiers and 15 civilians in retaliation for the bombing on April 5 that year of a ] used by U.S. service personnel.<ref>, GlobalSecurity.org; , BBC News, April 15, 1986; Malinarich, Natalie. , BBC News, November 13, 2001.</ref> The dead were reported to include Hanna Gaddafi, a baby girl Libyan leader ] and his wife had adopted, though Melman writes this was regarded as propaganda by some journalists. Two of Gaddafi's biological children were injured. Gaddafi himself was reportedly so shocked he was unable to appear in public for two days, but, to the dismay of the United States government, he did survive.<ref>Melman 1986, p. 162.</ref> | |||
British journalist Alec Collett, who had been kidnapped in Beirut in March, was hanged after the airstrikes, reportedly by ANO operatives; his remains were found in the ] in November 2009.<ref>Helen Pidd, , ''The Guardian'', 23 November 2009.</ref> The bodies of two British teachers, Leigh Douglas and Philip Padfield, and an American, Peter Kilburn, were found in a village near Beirut on 17 April; the Arab Fedayeen Cells, a name linked to Abu Nidal, claimed responsibility.<ref>"Kilburn, Peter (1924–1986)," in Kushner 2002, p. 204.{{paragraph break}} | |||
According to Atef Abu Bakr, a former senior member of the ANO, Gaddafi responded to the American raids by asking Abu Nidal to organize a series of revenge attacks against the U.S. and Britain, in cooperation with the head of Libyan intelligence, ]. Abu Nidal first arranged for two British school teachers, Leigh Douglas and Philip Padfield, and an American, ], to be kidnapped in Lebanon. Their bodies were found in a village east of Beirut on April 17, 1986, wrapped in white cloth and with gunshot wounds to the head. A note left nearby said: "The Arab Commando Cells are carrying out the death sentences on a CIA official and two British intelligence officers." British journalist ] was kidnapped the same day.<ref>, BBC On This Day, April 17.</ref> Another British journalist, 64-year-old Alec Collett, who had been kidnapped in Beirut on March 25, 1986, while working on an article about the UN, was hanged by ANO operatives in response to the bombing. Collett's remains were found in the Bekaa Valley in November 2009.<ref>Pidd, Helen. , ''The Guardian'', November 23, 2009.</ref> | |||
British journalist ] was kidnapped the same day. See , BBC On This Day, 17 April.</ref> | |||
====Hindawi affair==== | ====Hindawi affair==== | ||
{{main |
{{main|Hindawi affair}} | ||
On |
On 17 April 1986 – the day the bodies of two British and American teachers were found in Beirut, and ] was kidnapped – Ann Marie Murphy, a pregnant Irish chambermaid, was discovered in ] with a ] bomb in the false bottom of one of her bags. She had been about to board an El Al flight from New York to Tel Aviv, via London. The bag had been packed by her Jordanian fiancé ], who had said he would join her in Israel where they were to be married.<ref>Melman 1986, pp. 170–174.</ref> | ||
According to Melman, Abu Nidal had recommended Hindawi to Syrian intelligence.<ref>Melman 1986, p. 171.</ref> Seale writes that the bomb had been manufactured by Abu Nidal's technical committee, who had delivered it to Syrian air force intelligence. It was sent to London in a diplomatic bag and given to Hindawi. According to Seale, it was widely believed that the attack was in response to Israel having forced down a jet, two months earlier, carrying Syrian officials to Damascus, which Israel had supposed was carrying senior Palestinians.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 248.</ref> | |||
====Pan Am Flight 73==== | ====Pan Am Flight 73==== | ||
{{main|Pan Am Flight 73}} | {{main|Pan Am Flight 73}} | ||
On 5 September 1986, four ANO gunmen hijacked Pan Am Flight 73 at ] on its way from Mumbai to New York, holding 389 passengers and crew for 16 hours in the plane on the tarmac before detonating grenades inside the cabin. ], the flight's senior purser, was able to open an emergency door, and most passengers escaped; 20 died, including Bhanot, and 120 were wounded.<ref>Melman 1987, p. 190; Seale 1992, pp. 252–254; Chidanand Rajghatta, , ''The Times of India'', 17 January 2010.</ref> The London ''Times'' reported in March 2004 that Libya was behind the hijacking.<ref>],, ''The Times'', 28 March 2004.</ref> | |||
The attack had been organized by the head of Abu Nidal's foreign operations, Samih Muhammad Khudr, who had eight years earlier, in 1978, led the team that assassinated Egyptian journalist, Yusuf a-Siba'i. The hijacking had been practised at a training camp in the ] in Lebanon, run by Abu Nidal's Intelligence Directorate. The hijackers were told the aircraft would be flown to Israel and blown up over an important military installation, though in fact the intention was to blow it up as soon as it was airborne. It was only when the hijackers' photographs appeared in newspapers after the failed attack that other members of the ANO realized the operation had been one of theirs.<ref name=Seale254/> | |||
====Relationship with Gaddafi==== | ====Relationship with Gaddafi==== | ||
] |
]]] | ||
As a result of his operations{{spaced ndash}}particularly his involvement in the Hindawi affair, which had brought the Syrian government embarrassment and further unwanted attention Abu Nidal was '']'' in Syria and began to move to Libya in the summer of 1986. He would also repeatedly take credit for operations with which he had no involvement, adding to Syria's unease, such as the ]'s attempted assassination of Margaret Thatcher in the October 1984 ]. He did the same in March 1986 when the PFLP assassinated Zafir al-Masri, the mayor of Nablus. When the ] exploded in 1986, he published a congratulatory note in his magazine and ordered sweets to be distributed to the ANO membership, leading new recruits to suppose he had had a hand in it.<ref name=Seale254>Seale 1992, p. 254.</ref> | |||
Abu Nidal began to move his organization out of Syria to Libya in the summer of 1986,<ref name=Seale1992p255/> arriving here in March 1987. In June that year the Syrian government expelled him, in part because of the Hindawi affair and Pan Am Flight 73 hijacking.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 257.</ref> | |||
His move to Libya was completed by March 1987. Settling in Tripoli, Abu Nidal and Libya's leader ] allegedly became great friends, sharing what ''The Sunday Times'' called their "dangerous combination of an inferiority complex mixed with the belief that a man of great destiny". Both appeared to benefit from the relationship: Abu Nidal had a steady sponsor, while Gaddafi had a mercenary in place for any operations Libyan intelligence could not carry out directly.<ref name=Colvin/> | |||
He repeatedly took credit during this period for operations in which he had no involvement, including the 1984 ], 1985 ], and 1986 assassination of Zafir al-Masri, the mayor of Nablus (killed by the ], according to Seale). He also implied he had been behind the 1986 ] by publishing a congratulatory note in the ANO magazine, writes Seale.<ref name=Seale1992p254>Seale 1992, p. 254.</ref> | |||
Seale reports that Libya brought out the worst in Abu Nidal. Previously, he had been dictatorial, but, in Libya, he became a tyrant. He would not allow members to socialize with each other; all meetings between members had to be reported to him, the prohibition applying to even the most senior members. An unreported meeting could mean death. He ordered all passports to be handed over to him. No one was allowed to travel without his permission. Ordinary members were not allowed to have a telephone; the leadership were allowed to make local calls only. Anyone traveling overseas had to stay away from duty-free stores. Even the purchase of a bar of chocolate at an airport could lead to trouble. Seale writes that the pettiness was Abu Nidal's way of consolidating his power through humiliation. His members did not know where he lived, knew nothing about his daily life. If he wanted to entertain a guest, he would commandeer the home of another member, whose wife was expected to cook and serve the meal at short notice.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 258–260.</ref> | |||
Abu Nidal and Libya's leader, ], allegedly became great friends, each holding what ] and Sonya Murad called a "dangerous combination of an inferiority complex mixed with the belief that he was a man of great destiny." The relationship gave Abu Nidal a sponsor and Gaddafi a mercenary.<ref name=ColvinMurad2002>] and Sonya Murad, "Executed," ''The Sunday Times'', 25 August 2002.</ref> Seale reports that Libya brought out the worst in Abu Nidal. He would not allow even the most senior ANO members to socialize with each other; all meetings had to be reported to him. All passports had to be handed over. No one was allowed to travel without his permission. Ordinary members were not allowed to have telephones; senior members were allowed to make local calls only.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 258–259.</ref> His members did not know where he lived, and knew nothing about his daily life. If he wanted to entertain, Seal writes, he would take over the home of another member.<ref>Seale 1992, pp. 258–260.</ref> | |||
It was while Abu Nidal was living in Libya that, according to Abu Bakr, Abdullah Senussi told Abu Nidal to supply a bomb. Libyan intelligence would arrange for it to be placed on a flight, as yet more retaliation for the American raids in 1986. Abu Bakr told ''Al Hayatt'' that the flight that was chosen was ], which exploded over ], Scotland, on December 21, 1988, an attack for which a former head of security for ] was later convicted.<ref>, BBC News, August 23, 2002.</ref> Abu Nidal himself said of Lockerbie, "We do have some involvement in this matter, but if anyone so much as mentions it, I will kill him with my own hands!"<ref name=Seale1992p255>Seale 1992, p. 255.</ref> Seale writes that this was nonsense. One of Abu Nidal's associates told him, "If an American soldier tripped in some corner of the globe, Abu Nidal would instantly claim it as his own work."<ref name=Seale1992p255/> | |||
According to Abu Bakr, speaking to ''Al Hayatt'' in 2002, Abu Nidal said he was behind the bombing of ], which exploded over ], Scotland, on 21 December 1988; a former head of security for ] was later convicted.<ref>, BBC News, 23 August 2002.</ref> Abu Nidal reportedly said of Lockerbie, according to Seale: "We do have some involvement in this matter, but if anyone so much as mentions it, I will kill him with my own hands!" Seale writes that the ANO appeared to have no connection to it; one of Abu Nidal's associates told him, "If an American soldier tripped in some corner of the globe, Abu Nidal would instantly claim it as his own work."<ref name=Seale1992p255>Seale 1992, p. 255.</ref> | |||
====Banking with BCCI==== | ====Banking with BCCI==== | ||
In the late 1980s British intelligence learned that the ANO held accounts with the ] (BCCI) in London.<ref name=Walsh2004>Conal Walsh, , ''The Observer'', 18 January 2004.</ref> BCCI was closed in July 1991 by banking regulators in six countries after evidence emerged of widespread fraud.<ref>Sarah Fritz and James Bates, , ''Los Angeles Times'', 11 July 1991.</ref> Abu Nidal himself was said to have visited London using the name Shakar Farhan; a BCCI branch manager, who passed information about the ANO accounts to MI5, reportedly drove him around several stores in London without realizing who he was.<ref>James Adams, Douglas Frantz, ''A Full Service Bank'', Simon and Schuster, 1992, p. 90.</ref> Abu Nidal was using a company called SAS International Trading and Investments in Warsaw as cover for arms deals.<ref>Adams and Frantz 1992, p. 136.</ref> The company's transactions included the purchase of riot guns, ostensibly for Syria, then when the British refused an export licence to Syria, for an African state; in fact half the shipment went to the police in ] and half to Abu Nidal.<ref>Adams and Frantz 1992, p. 91.</ref> | |||
{{main|Bank of Credit and Commerce International}} | |||
] closed ] after learning it had engaged in fraud and had allowed terrorist groups, including the ANO, to open accounts.]] | |||
In the late 1980s, Britain's intelligence organizations, ] and ], discovered that the ANO held several accounts with the ] (BCCI). The bank was raided in July 1991 in seven countries because of concerns about fraud and its willingness to open accounts for dubious customers. The Bank of England asked financial consultants ] to conduct an investigation, and on June 24, 1991, the company submitted their ] showing that the bank had engaged in widespread fraud, and had allowed organizations regarded as terrorist groups, including the ANO, to set up accounts in London. The report showed that the manager of the Sloane Street branch of BCCI, near ], had passed information about the Abu Nidal accounts to MI5, and had told them Abu Nidal himself had visited London using the name Shakir Farhan; the manager did not realize who he was dealing with until he later saw a photograph of Abu Nidal. The manager reportedly drove Abu Nidal round London's most expensive stores, including Selfridges, a tailor's on Oxford Street, and a cigar store on Jermyn Street.<ref name=Adams90>Adams and Frantz 1992, p. 90.</ref> | |||
When ] completed his 1992 public inquiry into the closure of BCCI, he wrote a secret thirty-page appendix, called Appendix 8, about the role of the intelligence services. The appendix shows that MI5 had learned in 1987 that Abu Nidal had been using a company called SAS Trade and Investment in Warsaw as a cover for ANO business deals, with the company director, Samir Najmeddin, based in Baghdad. All SAS deals went through BCCI in Sloane Street, where the balance in the SAS account always hovered around ₤50 million. Most of the deals involved the sale of guns, ] and armored ] vehicles with concealed grenade-launchers, many of them worth tens of millions of dollars.<ref>Adams and Frantz 1992, pp. 89–91, 135–136; Walsh 2004.</ref> | |||
Bank records showed ANO arms transactions with many Middle Eastern countries as well as with East Germany. There was no shortage of European and American clients willing to sell equipment, including British companies, one of which unwittingly sold the ANO riot guns it believed were intended for an African state, though documents show half the shipment went to East Germany and half was kept by Abu Nidal. From 1987 until the bank was closed in 1991, British intelligence and the CIA monitored these transactions, rather than freezing them and arresting the ANO operatives and the suppliers.<ref>Adams and Frantz 1992, p. 89. See also Walsh 2004.</ref> | |||
====Assassination of Abu Iyad==== | ====Assassination of Abu Iyad==== | ||
On |
On 14 January 1991 in Tunis, the night before U.S. forces moved into Kuwait, the ANO assassinated ], head of PLO intelligence, along with Abu al-Hol, Fatah's chief of security, and Fakhri al-Umari, another Fatah aide; all three men were shot in Abu Iyad's home.<ref name="Seale 1992, pp. 32, 34, 312"/> The killer, Hamza Abu Zaid, confessed that an ANO operative had hired him.<ref>Seale 1992, p. 312.</ref> When he shot Abu Iyad, he reportedly shouted, "Let Atif Abu Bakr help you now!", a reference to the senior ANO member who had left the group in 1989, and whom Abu Nidal believed had been planted within the ANO by Abu Iyad as a spy.<ref name="Seale 1992, pp. 32, 34, 312">Seale 1992, pp. 32, 34, 312.</ref> Abu Iyad had known that Abu Nidal nursed a hatred of him, in part because he had kept Abu Nidal out of the PLO. But the real reason for the hatred, Abu Iyad told Seale, was that he had protected Abu Nidal in his early years within the movement. Given his personality, Abu Nidal could not acknowledge that debt. Seale writes that the murder "must therefore be seen as a final settlement of old scores."<ref name=Seale1992p312>Seale 1992, pp. 312–313.</ref> | ||
== Death == | == Death == | ||
] shows reporters photographs of Abu Nidal's body.]] | |||
After Libyan intelligence operatives were charged with the Lockerbie bombing, Gaddafi tried to distance himself from terrorism. |
After Libyan intelligence operatives were charged with the Lockerbie bombing, Gaddafi tried to distance himself from terrorism. Abu Nidal was expelled from Libya in 1999,<ref name=StJohn2011p187>Ronald Bruce St John, ''Libya and the United States, Two Centuries of Strife'', University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011, p. 187.</ref> and in 2002 he returned to Iraq; the Iraqi government later said he had entered the country using a fake Yemeni passport and false name.<ref>Jane Arraf, , CNN, 21 August 2002.{{paragraph break}} | ||
Mohammed Najib, , ''Jane's Information Group'', 23 August 2002.</ref> | |||
On August 19, 2002, ''al-Ayyam'', the official newspaper of the ], reported that Abu Nidal had died three days earlier of multiple gunshot wounds at his home in the wealthy al-Masbah neighborhood of al-Jadriyah, Baghdad, where he had lived in a villa owned by the '']'', the Iraqi secret service.<ref name=Colvin/> | |||
], on August 21, 2002, showing photographs of Abu Nidal's body.]] | |||
Iraq's chief of intelligence ] held a press conference on August 21, 2002 at which he handed out photographs of Abu Nidal's bloodied body along with a medical report purportedly showing he had died after a single bullet had entered his mouth and exited his skull. Habbush said that Iraq's internal security force had arrived at Abu Nidal's house to arrest him on suspicion of conspiring with the Kuwaiti and Saudi governments to bring down Saddam Hussein. According to Habbush, having said he needed a change of clothes, Abu Nidal went into his bedroom and shot himself in the mouth. He died eight hours later in intensive care. His brush with Iraqi intelligence apart, he was also believed to have been suffering from ].<ref name=CNN21>, CNN, August 21, 2002.</ref> | |||
On 19 August 2002, the Palestinian newspaper ] reported that Abu Nidal had died three days earlier of multiple gunshot wounds at his home in Baghdad, a house the newspaper said was owned by the '']'', the Iraqi secret service.<ref name=ColvinMurad2002/> Two days later Iraq's chief of intelligence, ], handed out photographs of Abu Nidal's body to journalists, along with a medical report that said he had died after a bullet entered his mouth and exited through his skull. Habbush said Iraqi officials had arrived at Abu Nidal's home to arrest him on suspicion of conspiring with foreign governments. After saying he needed a change of clothes, he went into his bedroom and shot himself in the mouth, according to Habbush. He died eight hours later in hospital.<ref name=Arraf2002>Jane Arraf, , CNN, 21 August 2002.</ref> | |||
'']'' reported in 2002 that Iraqi intelligence had found classified documents in his home about a U.S. attack on Iraq. When they raided the house, fighting broke out between Abu Nidal's men and Iraqi intelligence. In the midst of this, Abu Nidal rushed into his bedroom and was killed; Palestinian sources told ''Jane's'' that he had been shot several times. ''Jane's'' suggested Saddam Hussein had him killed because he feared Abu Nidal would act against him in the event of an American invasion.<ref>Mohammed Najib, , ''Jane's Information Group'', 23 August 2002.</ref> | |||
In October 2008, a report from the former Iraqi "Special Intelligence Unit M4" was obtained by ], indicating that the Iraqis had been interrogating Abu Nidal as a suspected spy for Kuwait and Egypt, and indirectly for the U.S.; the documents say he had been asked by the Kuwaitis to find links between Saddam and ]. It was shortly after the first series of interrogations, and just before he was to be moved to a more secure location, that he shot himself, the report says. He was buried on August 29, 2002, in al-Karakh's Islamic cemetery in Baghdad, in a grave marked only "M7".<ref name=Fisk>Fisk 2008.</ref> | |||
In 2008 ] obtained a report written in September 2002 by Iraq's "Special Intelligence Unit M4" for Saddam Hussein's office. The report said that the Iraqis had been interrogating Abu Nidal in his home as a suspected spy for Kuwait and Egypt, and indirectly for the United States; it said he had been asked, indirectly, by the Kuwaitis to find links between Iraq and ]. Just before being moved to a more secure location, Abu Nidal asked to be allowed to change his clothing, went into his bedroom and shot himself, the report said. According to the report, he was buried on 29 August 2002 in al-Karakh's Islamic cemetery in Baghdad, in a grave marked M7.<ref>.</ref> | |||
== References == | |||
{{reflist|2}} | |||
== Sources == | == Sources == | ||
:''Sources are listed in long form on first reference and short form thereafter.'' | |||
{{refbegin|2}} | |||
{{reflist|30em}} | |||
*] (2000). , ''Encyclopedia of the Palestinians'', November 12, 2000, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Adams, James, and Frantz, Douglas (1992). ''A Full Service Bank''. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-72912-7 | |||
*] (1997). ''A Spy for all Seasons: My Life in the CIA''. Scribner. ISBN 978-0-7432-4536-4 | |||
*Colvin, Marie and Murad, Sonya (2002). "Executed", ''The Sunday Times'', August 25, 2002. | |||
*Dobson, Christopher, and Payne, Ronald (1979). ''The Terrorists: Their Weapons, Leaders and Tactics''. Facts on File. ISBN 0-87196-668-9 | |||
*Dobson, Christopher, and Payne, Ronald (1986). ''War Without End''. Harrap. ISBN 978-0-245-54354-8 | |||
*Elias, Adel S. and Steinbauer, Wolf Dieter (1985). . ''Der Spiegel'', December 2, 1985. | |||
*] (2008). , ''The Independent'', October 25, 2008, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*] (2002). , ''The Guardian'', August 20, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Hudson, Rex A. (1999). , Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, September 1999, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Joffe, Lawrence (2003). , ''The Guardian'', February 25, 2003, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Karmon, Ely (2002). , Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policywatch no. 652, August 29, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Kifner, John (1986). , ''The New York Times'', September 14, 1986, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*] (2002). , ''National Review online'', August 20, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Malinarich, Natalie (2001). , BBC News, November 13, 2001, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*] (1986). ''The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal'', Mama Books. ISBN 0-283-99452-5 | |||
*Miller, Aaron David (1990). "Sabri Khalil al-Banna" in Reich, Bernard. (ed.) ''Political Leaders of the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa: A Biographical Dictionary''. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-26213-5 | |||
*Najib, Mohammed (2002). , ''Jane's Information Group'', August 23, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*] (1992). ''Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire''. Hutchinson, 1992. ISBN 0-09-175327-9 | |||
*Steinberg, Matti (1988). "The Radical Worldview of the Abu Nidal Faction". ''Jerusalem Quarterly'' 48 (Fall 1988): 88–104. | |||
*] (2004). , ''The Times'', March 28, 2004, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*Walsh, Conal (2004). {{Wayback |date=20040818181959 |url=politics.guardian.co.uk/economics/story/0,11268,1125478,00.html |title="What spooks told Old Lady about BCCI"}}, ''The Observer'', January 18, 2004, accessed June 7, 2009. Also available {{Wayback |date=20071126115356 |url=http://www.borrull.org/e/noticia.php?id=26379&PHPSESSID=a2478de8b1b0de31e39302c53c9b8f04 |title=here }}. (This article has been removed from ''The Observer's'' website.) | |||
*Whitaker, Brian (2002). , ''The Guardian'', August 22, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*] (1993). ''To the Ends of the Earth''. Random House. ISBN 978-0-224-02368-9 | |||
*, Council on Foreign Relations, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
* BBC News, August 19, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*"Abu Nidal Organization", ''{{PDF||2.04 MB}}'', United States Department of State, April 2005. | |||
*, FAS Intelligence Resource Program, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*, BBC News, December 27, 1985; includes videotaped interview with one of the gunmen, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*, CNN, August 21, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009, | |||
*, GlobalSecurity.org, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*, BBC News, April 15, 1986, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
*, CNN, August 19, 2002, accessed June 7, 2009. | |||
{{refend}} | |||
== External links == | == External links == | ||
* | *, Global Terrorism Database | ||
* from the | |||
{{Israeli-Palestinian conflict |Individuals |
{{Israeli-Palestinian conflict |Individuals}} | ||
{{featured article}} | {{featured article}} | ||
Line 278: | Line 213: | ||
| DATE OF BIRTH = 1937 | | DATE OF BIRTH = 1937 | ||
| PLACE OF BIRTH = ], ] | | PLACE OF BIRTH = ], ] | ||
| DATE OF DEATH = |
| DATE OF DEATH = 16 August 2002 | ||
| PLACE OF DEATH = ], ] | | PLACE OF DEATH = ], ] | ||
}} | }} | ||
Line 284: | Line 219: | ||
] | ] | ||
] | ] | ||
] | |||
] | |||
] | |||
] | |||
] | |||
] | ] | ||
] | ] | ||
] | |||
] | ] | ||
] | |||
] | |||
] | ] | ||
] | |||
] | |||
] | |||
] |
Revision as of 04:39, 8 October 2014
For the Muslimgauze album, see Abu Nidal (album).
Abu Nidal (أبو نضال) | |
---|---|
Abu Nidal in an image released in 1976 | |
Born | Sabri Khalil al-Banna (صبري خليل البنا) May 1937 Jaffa, Mandatory Palestine |
Died | Error: Need valid birth date (second date): year, month, day Baghdad, Iraq |
Resting place | al-Karakh Islamic cemetery, Baghdad |
Nationality | Palestinian |
Organization(s) | Fatah – The Revolutionary Council (فتح المجلس الثوري) known as the Abu Nidal Organization |
Movement | Palestinian Rejectionist Front |
Sabri Khalil al-Banna (Arabic: صبري خليل البنا, May 1937 – 16 August 2002), known as Abu Nidal (أبو نضال), was the founder of Fatah – The Revolutionary Council (فتح المجلس الثوري), a militant Palestinian splinter group commonly known as the Abu Nidal Organization (ANO). At the height of its power in the 1970s and 1980s, the ANO was widely regarded as the most ruthless of the Palestinian groups.
Abu Nidal ("father of struggle") formed the ANO in October 1974 after a split from Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Acting as a freelance contractor, Abu Nidal is believed to have ordered attacks in 20 countries, killing over 300 and injuring over 650. The group's operations included the Rome and Vienna airport attacks on 27 December 1985, when gunmen opened fire on passengers in simultaneous shootings at El Al ticket counters, killing 20. Patrick Seale, Abu Nidal's biographer, wrote of the shootings that their "random cruelty marked them as typical Abu Nidal operations."
Abu Nidal died after a shooting in his Baghdad apartment in August 2002. Palestinian sources believed he was killed on the orders of Saddam Hussein, but Iraqi officials insisted he had committed suicide during an interrogation. David Hirst wrote in the Guardian on the news of his death: "He was the patriot turned psychopath. He served only himself, only the warped personal drives that pushed him into hideous crime. He was the ultimate mercenary."
Early life
Family, early education
Abu Nidal was born in May 1937 in Jaffa, on the Mediterranean coast of what was then the British Mandate of Palestine. His father, Hajj Khalil al-Banna, owned 6,000 acres (24 km) of orange groves situated between Jaffa and Majdal, today Ashkelon in Israel. The family lived in luxury in a three-storey stone house near the beach, later used as an Israeli military court. Muhammad Khalil al-Banna, Abu Nidal's brother, told Yossi Melman:
My father ... was the richest man in Palestine. He marketed about ten percent of all the citrus crops sent from Palestine to Europe – especially to England and Germany. He owned a summer house in Marseilles, France, and another house in İskenderun, then in Syria and afterwards Turkey, and a number of houses in Palestine itself. Most of the time we lived in Jaffa. Our house had about twenty rooms, and we children would go down to swim in the sea. We also had stables with Arabian horses, and one of our homes in Ashkelon even had a large swimming pool. I think we must have been the only family in Palestine with a private swimming pool.
— Muhammad al-Banna, brother of Abu NidalThe kibbutz named Ramat Hakovesh has to this day a tract of land known as "the al-Banna orchard." ...My brothers and I still preserve the documents showing our ownership of the property, even though we know full well that we and our children have no chance of getting it back.
Khalil al-Banna's wealth allowed him to take several wives. According to Abu Nidal in an interview with Der Spiegel, his father had 13 wives, 17 sons and eight daughters. Melman writes that Abu Nidal's mother was the eighth wife; she had been one of the family's maids, a 16-year-old Alawite girl. The family disapproved of the marriage, according to Patrick Seale, and as a result Abu Nidal, Khalil's 12th child, was apparently looked down on by his older siblings, though in later life the relationships were repaired.
In 1944 or 1945 his father sent him to Collège des Frères, a French mission school in Jaffa, which he attended for one year. The father died in 1945 when Abu Nidal was seven years old, and the family turned his mother out of the house. His brothers took him out of the mission school, and enrolled him instead in a prestigious, private Muslim school in Jerusalem, now known as Umariya Elementary School. He attended for about two years.
1948 Palestine War
Further information: 1948 Palestine War, 1948 Arab-Israeli War, and 1948 Palestinian exodusOn 29 November 1947, the United Nations resolved to partition Palestine into an Arab and Jewish state. Fighting broke out immediately, and the disruption of the citrus-fruit business hit the family's income. In Jaffa there were food shortages, truck bombs and an Irgun mortar bombardment. Melman writes that the al-Banna family had had good relations with the Jewish community, but it was war and the relationships did not help them. Abu Nidal's brother told Melman:
My father was a close friend of Avraham Shapira, one of the founders of Hashomer, the Jewish self-defense organization. He would visit in his home in Petah Tikva, or Shapira riding his horse would visit our home in Jaffa. I also remember how we visited Dr. Weizmann in his home in Rehovot.
Just before Jaffa was conquered by Israeli troops in April 1948, the family fled to their house near Majdal, but the Jewish militias arrived there too, and they had to flee again. This time they went to the Bureij refugee camp in the Gaza Strip, then under Egyptian control. Melman writes that the family spent nine months living in tents, dependent on UNRWA for an allowance of oil, rice and potatoes. The experience had a powerful effect on Abu Nidal.
Move to Nablus and Saudi Arabia
The al-Banna family's commercial experience and the money they had managed to take with them meant they could themselves up in business again, Melman writes. Their orange groves, however, had gone, now part of the new state of Israel, which had declared its independence on 14 May 1948. The family moved to Nablus in the West Bank, then under Jordanian control. Abu Nidal graduated from high school there in 1955, and joined the Arab nationalist Ba'ath party. He began a degree course in engineering at Cairo University, but left without a degree after two years.
In 1960 he made his way to Saudi Arabia, where he set himself up as a painter and electrician, and worked as a casual laborer for Aramco. He remained close to his mother; his brother told Melman that Abu Nidal would return to Nablus from Saudi Arabia every year to visit her. It was during one of those visits in 1962 that he met his wife, whose family had also fled from Jaffa. The couple had a son and two daughters.
Personality
Abu Nidal was often in poor health, according to Seale, and tended to dress in zip-up jackets and old trousers, drinking whisky every night in his later years. He became, writes Seale, a "master of disguises and subterfuge, trusting no one, lonely and self-protective, like a mole, hidden away from public view." Acquaintances said that he was capable of hard work and had a good financial brain. Salah Khalaf (Abu Iyad), the deputy chief of Fatah who was assassinated by the ANO in 1991, knew him well in the late 1960s when he took Abu Nidal under his wing. He told Seale:
He had been recommended to me as a man of energy and enthusiasm, but he seemed shy when we met. It was only on further acquaintance that I noticed other traits. He was extremely good company, with a sharp tongue and an inclination to dismiss most of humanity as spies and traitors. I rather liked that! I discovered he was very ambitious, perhaps more than his abilities warranted, and also very excitable. He sometimes worked himself up into such a state that he lost all powers of reasoning.
Seale suggests that Abu Nidal's childhood explained his personality, described as chaotic by Abu Iyad and as psychopathic by Issam Sartawi, the late Palestinian heart surgeon. His siblings' scorn, the loss of his father and his mother's removal from the family home when he was seven, then the loss of his home and status in the conflict with Israel, created a mental world of plots and counterplots, reflected in his tyrannical leadership of the ANO. Members' wives (it was an all-male group) were not allowed to befriend each another, and Abu Nidal's wife was expected to live in isolation without friends.
Political life
Impex, Black September
In Saudi Arabia Abu Nidal helped found a small group of young Palestinians who called themselves the Palestine Secret Organization. The activism cost him his job and home: Aramco fired him, and the Saudi government imprisoned, then expelled him.
He returned to Nablus with his wife and family, and joined Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction of the PLO. Working as an odd-job man, he was committed to Palestinian politics but not particularly active, until Israel won the 1967 Six-Day War, capturing the Golan Heights, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Melman writes that "the entrance of the Israel Defense Forces tanks into Nablus was a traumatic experienced for him. The conquest aroused him to action."
He moved to Amman, Jordan, setting up a trading company called Impex. Fatah asked him to choose a nom de guerre, and he chose Abu Nidal ("father of struggle") after his son, Nidal; it is customary in the Arab world for men to call themselves "father of" (Abu), followed by their first son's name. He was described by those who knew him at the time as a well-organized leader, not a guerrilla; during fighting between the Palestinian fedayeen and King Hussein's troops, he stayed in his office.
Impex became a front for Fatah, serving as a meeting place and conduit for funds. This became a hallmark of Abu Nidal's career. Companies controlled by the ANO made him a rich man by engaging in legitimate business deals, while acting as cover for arms deals and mercenary activities. Abu Iyad appointed him in 1968 as the Fatah representative in Khartoum, Sudan, then (at Abu Nidal's insistence) to the same position in Baghdad in July 1970, two months before Black September, when over 10 days of fighting King Hussein's army drove the Palestinian fedayeen out of Jordan, with the loss of thousands of lives. Seale writes that Abu Nidal's absence from Jordan during this period, when it was clear that King Hussein was about to act against the Palestinians, raised suspicion within the movement that Abu Nidal was interested only in saving himself.
First operation
Shortly after Black September, Abu Nidal began accusing the PLO of cowardice over his Voice of Palestine radio station in Iraq for having agreed to a ceasefire with Hussein. During Fatah's Third Congress in Damascus in 1971, Abu Nidal joined Palestinian activist and writer Naji Allush and Abu Daoud (leader of the Black September Organization responsible for the 1972 Munich Massacre), calling for greater democracy within Fatah and revenge against King Hussein.
In February 1973 Abu Daoud was arrested in Jordan for an attempt on King Hussein's life. This led to Abu Nidal's first operation, using the name Al-Iqab ("the Punishment"), when on 5 September five gunmen entered the Saudi embassy in Paris, took 15 hostages and threatened to blow up the building if Abu Daoud was not released. The gunmen flew two days later to Kuwait on a Syrian Airways flight, still holding five hostages, then to Riyadh, threatening to throw the hostages out of the aircraft. They surrendered and released the hostages on 8 September. Abu Daoud was released from prison two weeks later; Seale writes that the Kuwaiti government paid King Hussein $12 million for his release.
On the day of the attack, 56 heads of state were meeting in Algiers for the 4th conference of the Non-Aligned Movement. According to Seale, the Saudi Embassy operation had been commissioned by Iraq's president, Ahmed Hasan al-Bakr, as a distraction because he was jealous that Algeria was hosting the conference. Seale writes one of the hostage-takers admitted that he had been told to fly the hostages around until the conference was over.
Abu Nidal had carried out the operation without the permission of Fatah. Abu Iyad (Arafat's deputy) and Mahmoud Abbas (later President of the State of Palestine), flew to Iraq to reason with Abu Nidal that hostage-taking harmed the movement. Abu Iyad told Seale that an Iraqi official at the meeting said: "Why are you attacking Abu Nidal? The operation was ours! We asked him to mount it for us." Abbas was furious and left the meeting with the other PLO delegates. From that point on, Seale writes, the PLO regarded Abu Nidal as under the control of Iraq.
Expulsion from Fatah
Two months later, in November 1973 (just after the Yom Kippur War in October), the ANO hijacked KLM Flight 861, this time using the name Arab Nationalist Youth Organization. Fatah had been discussing convening a peace conference in Geneva; the hijacking was intended to warn them not to go ahead with it. In response, in July 1974, Arafat expelled Abu Nidal from Fatah.
In October 1974 Abu Nidal formed the ANO, calling it Fatah: The Revolutionary Council. In November that year a Fatah court sentenced him to death in absentia for the attempted assassination of Mahmoud Abbas. Seale writes that it is unlikely that Abu Nidal had intended to kill Abbas, and just as unlikely that Fatah wanted to kill Abu Nidal. He was invited to Beirut to discuss the death sentence, and was allowed to leave again, but it was clear that he had become persona non grata. As a result the Iraqis gave him Fatah's assets in Iraq, including a training camp, farm, newspaper, radio station, passports, overseas scholarships and $15 million worth of Chinese weapons. He also received Iraq's regular aid to the PLO: around $150,000 a month and a lump sum of $3–5 million.
ANO
Nature of the organization
As well as Fatah: The Revolutionary Council, the ANO used several names, including the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, Black June (for actions against Syria), Black September (for actions against Jordan), the Revolutionary Arab Brigades, the Revolutionary Organization of Socialist Muslims, the Egyptian Revolution, Revolutionary Egypt, Al-Asifa ("the Storm," a name also used by Fatah), Al-Iqab ("the Punishment"), and the Arab Nationalist Youth Organization.
The group had up to 500 members, chosen from young men in the Palestinian refugee camps and in Lebanon, who were promised good pay and help looking after their families. They would be sent to training camps in whichever country was hosting the ANO at the time (Syria, Iraq or Libya), then organized into small cells. Once in, As`ad AbuKhalil and Michael Fischbach write, they were not allowed to leave again. The group assumed complete control over the membership. One member who spoke to Patrick Seale was told before being sent overseas: "If we say, 'Drink alcohol'", do so. If we say, 'Get married,' find a woman and marry her. If we say, 'Don't have children,' you must obey. If we say, 'Go and kill King Hussein,' you must be ready to sacrifice yourself!"
Seale writes that recruits were asked to write out their life stories, including names and addresses of family and friends, then sign a paper saying they agreed to execution if discovered to have intelligence connections. If suspected, they would be asked to rewrite the whole story, without discrepancies. The ANO's newspaper Filastin al-Thawra regularly announced the execution of traitors.
Committee for Revolutionary Justice
There were reports throughout the 1970s and 1980s of purges. Around 600 ANO members were killed in Lebanon and Libya, including 171 in one night in November 1987, when they were lined up, shot and thrown into a mass grave. Dozens were kidnapped in Syria and killed in the Badawi refugee camp. Most of the decisions to kill, Abu Daoud told Seale, were taken by Abu Nidal "in the middle of the night, after he knocked back a whole bottle of whiskey." The purges led to the defection from the ANO in 1989 of Atif Abu Bakr, head of the ANO's political directorate, who returned to Fatah.
Members were routinely tortured by the "Committee for Revolutionary Justice" until they confessed to disloyalty. Seale writes that reports of torture included hanging a man naked, whipping him until he was unconscious, reviving him with cold water, then rubbing salt or chili powder into his wounds. A naked prisoner would be forced into a car tyre with his legs and backside in the air, then whipped, wounded, salted and revived with cold water. A member's testicles might be fried in oil, or melted plastic dripped onto his skin. Between interrogations, prisoners would be tied up in tiny cells. If the cells were full, Seal writes, they might be buried with a pipe in their mouths for air and water; if Abu Nidal wanted them dead, a bullet would be fired down the pipe instead.
Intelligence Directorate
The Intelligence Directorate was formed in 1985 to oversee special operations. It had four subcommittees: the Committee for Special Missions, the Foreign Intelligence Committee, the Counterespionage Committee and the Lebanon Committee. Led by Abd al-Rahman Isa, the longest-serving member of the ANO – Seale writes that Isa was unshaven and shabby, but charming and persuasive – the directorate maintained 30–40 people overseas who looked after the ANO's arms caches in various countries. It trained staff, arranged passports and visas, and reviewed security at airports and seaports. Members were not allowed to visit each other at home, and no one outside the directorate was supposed to know who was a member.
Isa was demoted in 1987, because Abu Nidal believed he had become too close to other figures within the ANO. Always keen to punish members by humiliating them, Abu Nidal insisted he remain in the Intelligence Directorate, forcing him to work for his previous subordinates, who according to Seale were told to treat him with contempt.
Committee for Special Missions
The job of the Committee for Special Missions was to choose targets. It had started life as the Military Committee, headed by Naji Abu al-Fawaris, who had led the attack on Heinz Nittel, head of the Israel-Austria Friendship League, who was shot and killed in 1981. In 1982 the committee changed its name to the Committee for Special Missions, headed by Dr. Ghassan al-Ali, who had been born in the West Bank and educated in England, where he obtained a BA and MA in chemistry, and married a British woman (later divorced). A former ANO member told Seale that Ali favoured "the most extreme and reckless operations."
Operations and relationships
Shlomo Argov
On 3 June 1982, ANO operative Hussein Ghassan Said shot Shlomo Argov, the Israeli ambassador to Britain, once in the head as he left the Dorchester Hotel in London. Said was accompanied by Nawaf al-Rosan, an Iraqi intelligence officer, and Marwan al-Banna, Abu Nidal's cousin. Argov survived, but spent three months in a coma and the rest of his life disabled, until his death in February 2003. The PLO quickly denied responsibility for the attack.
Ariel Sharon, then Israel's defence minister, responded three days later by invading Lebanon, where the PLO was based, a reaction that Seale argues Abu Nidal had intended. The Israeli government had been preparing to invade and Abu Nidal provided a pretext. Der Spiegel put it to him in October 1985 that the assassination of Argov, when he knew Israel wanted to attack the PLO in Lebanon, made him appear to be working for the Israelis, in the view of Yasser Arafat. He replied:
What Arafat says about me doesn't bother me. Not only he, but also a whole list of Arab and world politicians claim that I am an agent of the Zionists or the CIA. Others state that I am a mercenary of the French secret service and of the Soviet KGB. The latest rumor is that I am an agent of Khomeini. During a certain period they said we were spies for the Iraqi regime. Now they say that we are Syrian agents. ... Many psychologists and sociologists in the Soviet bloc tried to investigate this man Abu Nidal. They wanted to find a weak point in his character. The result was zero.
Rome and Vienna
Main article: Rome and Vienna airport attacksAbu Nidal's most infamous operation was the 1985 attack on the Rome and Vienna airports. On 27 December, at 08:15 GMT, four gunmen opened fire on the El Al ticket counter at the Leonardo Da Vinci International Airport in Rome, killing 16 and wounding 99. In Vienna International Airport a few minutes later, three men threw hand grenades at passengers waiting to check into a flight to Tel Aviv, killing four and wounding 39. Seale writes that the gunmen had been told the people in civilian clothes at the check-in counter were Israeli pilots returning from a training mission.
Austria and Italy had both been involved in trying to arrange peace talks. Sources close to Abu Nidal told Seale that Libyan intelligence had supplied the weapons. The damage to the PLO was enormous, according to Abu Iyad, Arafat's deputy. Most people in the West and even many Arabs could not distinguish between the ANO and Fatah, he said. "When such horrible things take place, ordinary people are left thinking that all Palestinians are criminals."
United States bombing of Libya
Main article: 1986 United States bombing of LibyaOn 15 April 1986 the US launched bombing raids from British bases against Tripoli and Benghazi, killing around 100, in retaliation for the bombing of a Berlin nightclub used by US service personnel. The dead were reported to include Hanna Gaddafi, the adoptive daughter of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi; two of his other children were injured.
British journalist Alec Collett, who had been kidnapped in Beirut in March, was hanged after the airstrikes, reportedly by ANO operatives; his remains were found in the Beqaa Valley in November 2009. The bodies of two British teachers, Leigh Douglas and Philip Padfield, and an American, Peter Kilburn, were found in a village near Beirut on 17 April; the Arab Fedayeen Cells, a name linked to Abu Nidal, claimed responsibility.
Hindawi affair
Main article: Hindawi affairOn 17 April 1986 – the day the bodies of two British and American teachers were found in Beirut, and John McCarthy was kidnapped – Ann Marie Murphy, a pregnant Irish chambermaid, was discovered in Heathrow airport with a Semtex bomb in the false bottom of one of her bags. She had been about to board an El Al flight from New York to Tel Aviv, via London. The bag had been packed by her Jordanian fiancé Nizar Hindawi, who had said he would join her in Israel where they were to be married.
According to Melman, Abu Nidal had recommended Hindawi to Syrian intelligence. Seale writes that the bomb had been manufactured by Abu Nidal's technical committee, who had delivered it to Syrian air force intelligence. It was sent to London in a diplomatic bag and given to Hindawi. According to Seale, it was widely believed that the attack was in response to Israel having forced down a jet, two months earlier, carrying Syrian officials to Damascus, which Israel had supposed was carrying senior Palestinians.
Pan Am Flight 73
Main article: Pan Am Flight 73On 5 September 1986, four ANO gunmen hijacked Pan Am Flight 73 at Karachi Airport on its way from Mumbai to New York, holding 389 passengers and crew for 16 hours in the plane on the tarmac before detonating grenades inside the cabin. Neerja Bhanot, the flight's senior purser, was able to open an emergency door, and most passengers escaped; 20 died, including Bhanot, and 120 were wounded. The London Times reported in March 2004 that Libya was behind the hijacking.
Relationship with Gaddafi
Abu Nidal began to move his organization out of Syria to Libya in the summer of 1986, arriving here in March 1987. In June that year the Syrian government expelled him, in part because of the Hindawi affair and Pan Am Flight 73 hijacking.
He repeatedly took credit during this period for operations in which he had no involvement, including the 1984 Brighton hotel bombing, 1985 Bradford City stadium fire, and 1986 assassination of Zafir al-Masri, the mayor of Nablus (killed by the PFLP, according to Seale). He also implied he had been behind the 1986 Space Shuttle Challenger disaster by publishing a congratulatory note in the ANO magazine, writes Seale.
Abu Nidal and Libya's leader, Muammar Gaddafi, allegedly became great friends, each holding what Marie Colvin and Sonya Murad called a "dangerous combination of an inferiority complex mixed with the belief that he was a man of great destiny." The relationship gave Abu Nidal a sponsor and Gaddafi a mercenary. Seale reports that Libya brought out the worst in Abu Nidal. He would not allow even the most senior ANO members to socialize with each other; all meetings had to be reported to him. All passports had to be handed over. No one was allowed to travel without his permission. Ordinary members were not allowed to have telephones; senior members were allowed to make local calls only. His members did not know where he lived, and knew nothing about his daily life. If he wanted to entertain, Seal writes, he would take over the home of another member.
According to Abu Bakr, speaking to Al Hayatt in 2002, Abu Nidal said he was behind the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, which exploded over Lockerbie, Scotland, on 21 December 1988; a former head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines was later convicted. Abu Nidal reportedly said of Lockerbie, according to Seale: "We do have some involvement in this matter, but if anyone so much as mentions it, I will kill him with my own hands!" Seale writes that the ANO appeared to have no connection to it; one of Abu Nidal's associates told him, "If an American soldier tripped in some corner of the globe, Abu Nidal would instantly claim it as his own work."
Banking with BCCI
In the late 1980s British intelligence learned that the ANO held accounts with the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) in London. BCCI was closed in July 1991 by banking regulators in six countries after evidence emerged of widespread fraud. Abu Nidal himself was said to have visited London using the name Shakar Farhan; a BCCI branch manager, who passed information about the ANO accounts to MI5, reportedly drove him around several stores in London without realizing who he was. Abu Nidal was using a company called SAS International Trading and Investments in Warsaw as cover for arms deals. The company's transactions included the purchase of riot guns, ostensibly for Syria, then when the British refused an export licence to Syria, for an African state; in fact half the shipment went to the police in East Germany and half to Abu Nidal.
Assassination of Abu Iyad
On 14 January 1991 in Tunis, the night before U.S. forces moved into Kuwait, the ANO assassinated Abu Iyad, head of PLO intelligence, along with Abu al-Hol, Fatah's chief of security, and Fakhri al-Umari, another Fatah aide; all three men were shot in Abu Iyad's home. The killer, Hamza Abu Zaid, confessed that an ANO operative had hired him. When he shot Abu Iyad, he reportedly shouted, "Let Atif Abu Bakr help you now!", a reference to the senior ANO member who had left the group in 1989, and whom Abu Nidal believed had been planted within the ANO by Abu Iyad as a spy. Abu Iyad had known that Abu Nidal nursed a hatred of him, in part because he had kept Abu Nidal out of the PLO. But the real reason for the hatred, Abu Iyad told Seale, was that he had protected Abu Nidal in his early years within the movement. Given his personality, Abu Nidal could not acknowledge that debt. Seale writes that the murder "must therefore be seen as a final settlement of old scores."
Death
After Libyan intelligence operatives were charged with the Lockerbie bombing, Gaddafi tried to distance himself from terrorism. Abu Nidal was expelled from Libya in 1999, and in 2002 he returned to Iraq; the Iraqi government later said he had entered the country using a fake Yemeni passport and false name.
On 19 August 2002, the Palestinian newspaper al-Ayyam reported that Abu Nidal had died three days earlier of multiple gunshot wounds at his home in Baghdad, a house the newspaper said was owned by the Mukhabarat, the Iraqi secret service. Two days later Iraq's chief of intelligence, Taher Jalil Habbush, handed out photographs of Abu Nidal's body to journalists, along with a medical report that said he had died after a bullet entered his mouth and exited through his skull. Habbush said Iraqi officials had arrived at Abu Nidal's home to arrest him on suspicion of conspiring with foreign governments. After saying he needed a change of clothes, he went into his bedroom and shot himself in the mouth, according to Habbush. He died eight hours later in hospital.
Jane's reported in 2002 that Iraqi intelligence had found classified documents in his home about a U.S. attack on Iraq. When they raided the house, fighting broke out between Abu Nidal's men and Iraqi intelligence. In the midst of this, Abu Nidal rushed into his bedroom and was killed; Palestinian sources told Jane's that he had been shot several times. Jane's suggested Saddam Hussein had him killed because he feared Abu Nidal would act against him in the event of an American invasion.
In 2008 Robert Fisk obtained a report written in September 2002 by Iraq's "Special Intelligence Unit M4" for Saddam Hussein's office. The report said that the Iraqis had been interrogating Abu Nidal in his home as a suspected spy for Kuwait and Egypt, and indirectly for the United States; it said he had been asked, indirectly, by the Kuwaitis to find links between Iraq and Al-Qaeda. Just before being moved to a more secure location, Abu Nidal asked to be allowed to change his clothing, went into his bedroom and shot himself, the report said. According to the report, he was buried on 29 August 2002 in al-Karakh's Islamic cemetery in Baghdad, in a grave marked M7.
Sources
- Sources are listed in long form on first reference and short form thereafter.
- ^ Yossi Melman, The Master Terrorist: The True Story Behind Abu Nidal, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1987 , p. 213.
- John Kifner, "On the bloody trail of Sabri al-Banna", The New York Times, 14 September 1986.
Jonathan C. Randal, "Abu Nidal Battles Dissidents", The Washington Post, 10 June 1990.
Paul Thomas Chamberlin, The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post-Cold War Order, Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 173.
- Patrick Seale, Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire, Hutchinson, 1992, p. 99.
For "father of struggle," As'ad AbuKhalil and Michael R. Fischbach, "Biography of Abu Nidal – Sabri al-Bana," in Philip Mattar (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Palestinians, 2005 , p. 11. Melman 1987 translates it as "father of the struggle" (p. 53).
- Rex A. Hudson, "The Sociology and Psychology of Terrorism: Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?", Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, September 1999, p. 97. "Abu Nidal Organization (ANO)", United States Department of State, June 2004.
- Seale 1992, p. 243.
For 16 dead in Rome and four in Vienna, Roberto Suro, "Palestinian Gets 30 Years for Rome Airport Attack", The New York Times, 13 February 1988.
- Brian Whitaker, "Mystery of Abu Nidal's death deepens", The Guardian, 22 August 2002.
Robert Fisk, "Abu Nidal, notorious Palestinian mercenary, 'was a US spy'", The Independent, 25 October 2008.
- David Hirst, "Abu Nidal", The Guardian, 20 August 2002.
- Melman 1987, pp. 45–46; for orange groves, Seale 1992, p. 57.
- Melman 1987, pp. 45–46; for the military court, image between pp. 122 and 123.
- Melman 1987, p. 45.
- ^ Melman 1987, p. 47.
- ^ Melman 1987, p. 46.
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 58.
- ^ Melman 1987, p. 48.
- Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 212–213.
- ^ Melman 1987, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Melman 1987, p. 49.
- Melman 1987, p. 49; Seale 1992, p. 59.
- ^ Hudson 1999, p. 100.
- Melman 1987, p. 50.
- Melman 1987, p. 50; Seale 1992, p. 64.
- Melman 1987, p. 51.
- Seale 1992, p. 56.
- Seale 1992, p. 57.
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 69.
- For Abu Iyad, Melman 1987, p. 51; for Sartawi, p. 3.
Also see Seale 1992, p. 57, and Hirst (Guardian), 20 August 2002.
- Seale 1992, pp. 58–59.
- Melman 1986, p. 52.
- AbuKhalil and Fischbach (Encyclopedia of the Palestinians) 2005, p. 11.
- Melman 1987, p. 513; Seale 1992, p. 70.
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 78.
- Seale 1992, pp. 85–87.
- Melman 1987, p. 69; Seale 1992, p. 92.
Henry Kamm, "Gunmen Hold 15 Hostages In Saudi Embassy in Paris", The New York Times, 6 September 1973.
- Seale 1992, p. 91; Henry Kamm, "Commandos leave Embassy in Paris", The New York Times, 7 September 1973.
- Seale 1992, p. 91.
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 92.
- Melman 1987, p. 69.
- Melman 1987, p. 70; Seale 1992, pp. 97–98 (Melman writes that it was March 1974, Seale that it was July).
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 99.
- Seale 1992, p. 98.
- Seale 1992, p. 100.
- Seale 1992, p. 6; for up to 500 members, "Abu Nidal Organization," in Harvey W. Kushner, Encyclopedia of Terrorism, Sage Publications, 2002, p. 3.
- "Abu Nidal Organization," in Kushner 2002, p. 3.
- ^ AbuKhalil and Fischbach (Encyclopedia of the Palestinians) 2005, p. 12.
- Seale 1992, p. 21.
- Seale 1992, pp. 7, 13–18.
- Seale 1992, pp. 287–289.
- Seale 1992, pp. 307, 310.
- Seale 1992, pp. 286–287.
- Seale 1992, pp. 185–187.
- Seale 1992, p. 188.
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 183.
- Seale 1992, p. 186.
- Seale 1992, p. 182.
- Lawrence Joffe, "Shlomo Argov", The Guardian, 25 February 2003.
- Helena Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organisation, Cambridge University Press, 1984, p. 120.
- ^ Seale 1992, pp. 223–224.
- ^ Melman 1987, p. 120.
- Seale 1992, p. 246.
- Suro (New York Times, 13 February 1988; "Gunmen kill 16 at two European airports", BBC News, 27 December 1985.
- Seale 1992, p. 244.
- Seale 1992, p. 245.
- "US launches air strikes on Libya", BBC News, 15 April 1986; Natalie Malinarich, "The Berlin Disco Bombing", BBC News, 13 November 2001.
- Melman 1986, p. 162.
- Helen Pidd, "Remains of British journalist Alec Collett found in Lebanon", The Guardian, 23 November 2009.
- "Kilburn, Peter (1924–1986)," in Kushner 2002, p. 204.
British journalist John McCarthy was kidnapped the same day. See "1986: British journalist McCarthy kidnapped", BBC On This Day, 17 April.
- Melman 1986, pp. 170–174.
- Melman 1986, p. 171.
- Seale 1992, p. 248.
- Melman 1987, p. 190; Seale 1992, pp. 252–254; Chidanand Rajghatta, "24 yrs after Pan Am hijack, Neerja Bhanot killer falls to drone", The Times of India, 17 January 2010.
- Jon Swain,"Revealed: Gaddafi's air massacre plot", The Times, 28 March 2004.
- ^ Seale 1992, p. 255.
- Seale 1992, p. 257.
- Seale 1992, p. 254.
- ^ Marie Colvin and Sonya Murad, "Executed," The Sunday Times, 25 August 2002.
- Seale 1992, pp. 258–259.
- Seale 1992, pp. 258–260.
- "Abu Nidal 'behind Lockerbie bombing'", BBC News, 23 August 2002.
- Conal Walsh, "What spooks told Old Lady about BCCI", The Observer, 18 January 2004.
- Sarah Fritz and James Bates, "BCCI Case May Be History's Biggest Bank Fraud Scandal", Los Angeles Times, 11 July 1991.
- James Adams, Douglas Frantz, A Full Service Bank, Simon and Schuster, 1992, p. 90.
- Adams and Frantz 1992, p. 136.
- Adams and Frantz 1992, p. 91.
- ^ Seale 1992, pp. 32, 34, 312.
- Seale 1992, p. 312.
- Seale 1992, pp. 312–313.
- Ronald Bruce St John, Libya and the United States, Two Centuries of Strife, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011, p. 187.
- Jane Arraf, "Iraq details terror leader's death", CNN, 21 August 2002.
Mohammed Najib, "Abu Nidal murder trail leads directly to Iraqi regime", Jane's Information Group, 23 August 2002.
- Jane Arraf, "Iraq details terror leader's death", CNN, 21 August 2002.
- Mohammed Najib, "Abu Nidal murder trail leads directly to Iraqi regime", Jane's Information Group, 23 August 2002.
- Fisk (Independent), 25 October 2008.
External links
- Incidents attributed to the Abu Nidal Organization, Global Terrorism Database
Categories:
- Use dmy dates from December 2012
- 1937 births
- 2002 deaths
- Members of the Iraqi Regional Branch of the Ba'ath Party
- Members of the Jordanese Regional Branch of the Ba'ath Party
- Palestinian Arab nationalists
- Palestinian militants
- Palestinian Muslims
- Palestinian nationalists
- Palestinian refugees
- Palestinian revolutionaries
- People from Jaffa
- Suicides by firearm in Iraq