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Despite the claims that Islam does not recognize any castes or social stratification, Islam has the concept of kafa’ah (status) which has been used by the Muslim communities in South Asia to justify the application of a system of multi-tier social stratification resulting in mutual discrimination, persecution, oppression and division based on the fault lines of
(a) fiqh (sect): which call each other kafir or non-believers;
(b) madhhab (subsects): which call each other non-believers or heritics;
(c) ethnicity or race: based on ahl al-bayt concept of proximity to Muhammad's lineage and related tribes resulting in discrimination against those who are ethnically farther from him;
(d) culture: based on dissimilarity from Arabic culture resulting in discrimination from khadim-al islam early-Arab converts towards jadid-al islam later non-Arab converts, specially in case of converts of non-Arabic cultures who wish to maintain the syncretism, e.g. by keeping their native Indian-origin Hindu-Buddhist culture and foreign-origin Islamic religion; and
(e) ethnocultural: discrimination on the basis of dissimilarity of later non-Arab jadid-al islam converts from Arabic culture combined with their distance from ahl al-bayt lineage of Muhammad. Islam spread to Indian subcontinent as a result of successive waves of Islamic invasions, resulting in the development of ethnic segregation between the foreign Muslim conquerors called Ashraf (Arabic for noble, high class or unch zat) and the local Muslim converts called Ajlaf (Arabic for degraded class) and the lowest of all local Muslim converts called Arzal (Arabic for untouchables). Local converts, Ajlaf and Arzal, are jointly also called Pasmanda (Persian for those who have fallen behind i.e nich zat in Urdu). Pasmandas comprise 85% of Indian subcontinent's Muslim population.

Ashrafs are Afghans, Arabs, Persians and Turks. Ethnic or lineage based discrimination even among Ashrafs is applied on the basis of linking the lineage to Muhammad, Sayyids who are in the profession of being Ulema (clergy) and claim descent from Muhammad are superior most, and in the order of decreasing importance followed by the Qureshis who claim descent from Muhammad's tribe, Shaikh claim descent from Muhammad’s companions, Pathan who claim descent from migrants from Afghanistan, and even clans and courtiers of Mughals who were mainly Central Asian Chagatai Turko-Mongols and Iranians. Many have attempted Asrafization (social mobility) by usurping Ashraf surnames, such as Ansari weavers adopting Ansar surname or ]s who adopted Ashraf surnames at the time of their migration to Pakistan, hence the exact number of real Ashrafs is hard to determine. DeAshrafization or fall from higher status to lower class takes places, for example, when a clan (e.g. Shaikhs or Pathan) take on unclean professions (adoption of napak pesha die to poverty) combined with the further dilution of overall status with usurpation of the clan names (e.g. Shaikhs or Khan) by the lower caste pasmanda converts.

Ajlafs masses are mainly farmers, traders and weavers (Ansari and Julaha), and their status is determined by their pesha (Persian for profession). Ashrafs ulemas (clergy), who are mostly Sayyids, justify classification of the masses of local converts as Ajlaf, a term which Ashrafs also use as a pejorative in daily life for the local converts. Many socially powerful Ashrafs in rural areas also consider Ajlaf as outcast not belonging to millat (Muslim community) and hence not worthy of emancipation (equal rights and treatment). Arzals are (Arabic for vile or vulgar) those who have unclean pesha or profession such as Qassab, Dhobi, Nai, Hajjam, Chamar etc. Even among themselves these various social groups discriminate and interact with each other through complex social code based on the concept of "a strong hierarchy among themselves according to geographical origin, birth group and professional occupation, are identified by a series of terms, often of Arab or Persian origin and usually interchangeable: jati (“hope”, birth group for Hindus), or zat (identical in Urdu), qaum (clan, community, lineage, tribe, nation) and jama’at (group, community, association)" as well as khandan or nasab (blood line lineage, e.g. surname or gotra) and pak (clean) or napak (unclean or untouchable) concept of biraderi (caste). Endogamy is strongly practiced by marrying within the triple criteria of own zat (caste), biradri (clanship), and first or second parallel cousins.

The concept of Ashraf nobles have existed in Islamic texts since the 7th century, the concept of Arzal appeared in Islamic texts from 13th century onward only after a sustainable Islamic rule was established in the Indian subcontinent through Delhi sultanate, this system was later sustained in manner by the Mughal Empire who applied different policies to the subject of social stratification, discrimination and forced conversions. The kafa’ah concept of status in Islam is determined by occupation and birth group such as ahl al-bayt (closeness to Mohammad's lineage); since the ahl al-bayt is hereditary and furthermore the equality among muslims apply only if at least two generations have been converts; even the sects like Deobandi and Barelvi claiming to be reformist also use the concept of kafa’ah to "legitimize the importance of caste in South Asian Islam" by attributing it to Quran and hadiths. "One’s birth group constitutes a major criterion for defining social status, and the distinction between Arabs and non-Arabs remains fundamental; scholars from the Hanafi school of jurisprudence followed by the Shafi’i school, approved this principle of differentiation between groups at the turn of the 20th century." These concepts are applied differently depending on the political, social and personal context. Pasmanda activists, who raise voice against this discrimination, have been attacked by the Jamaat-e-Islami and other Muslim organisation. The hypocrisy of casteism in Islam sometimes leads to awkward situations, for example, when a Muslim speaker who asked dalit Hindus to convert to Islam, was silenced when a dalit Hindu replied 'there might be no castes in Islam, there are castes among Indian muslims'.

Historical development

Islam does not recognize any castes, but, when it came to Persia and India, the existing divisions in these regions were adopted among the local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification can be found in several later Persian works, such as Siyasatnama of Nizam al-Mulk (11th century), Akhlaq-i Nasiri of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (13th century), and Jam-i-Mufidi (17th century).

The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th century Muslim conquests on the Indian subcontinent were already divided into social classes such as priests, nobles and others. Further, a racial segregation demarcated the local Muslim converts from those of foreign origin. The foreigners claimed a superior status as they were associated with the conquerors, and categorized themselves as Ashraf ("noble"). Over time, the Indian Muslim society also split on the basis of the existing Hindu caste system. According to M. N. Srinivas (1986), Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their original caste system to the Muslim society in the region. On the other hand, Louis Dumont (1957) believes that the Islamic conquerors consciously adopted the Hindu caste system.

Ziauddin Barani, a 14th century political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate, recommended that the "sons of Mohamed" (i.e. Ashrafs) be given a higher social status than the low-born (i.e. Ajlaf). His most significant contribution in the fatwa was his analysis of the castes with respect to Islam. His assertion was that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over Sharia law whenever they were in conflict. According to Barani, every act which is "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominity, comes elegantly ". Barani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers ("Wazirs") that was primarily based on their caste.

History of research

There are various definitions of the term "caste", and therefore, various opinions on whether this term can be used to denote social stratification among non-Hindu communities. Ghaus Ansari (1960) uses the term "caste" to describe the Muslim social groups with following characteristics:

• endogamy within a given social group
• hierarchical gradation of social groups
• determination of the group membership by birth
• in some cases, association of an occupation with the social group

Beginning in the 19th century, the British scholars of India first catalogued the various Muslim castes:

• Henry Miers Elliot's Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms (1844), later amplied into Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India
• John Charles Williams's The Report on the Census of Oudh (1869)
• Denzil Ibbetson's Census Report of Punjab (1883), later adapted into Panjab Castes
• John Nesfield's Brief View of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh (1885)
• Herbert Hope Risley's Tribes and castes of Bengal (1893)
• William Crooke's The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh (1896)

Nelson's book, in particular, included a whole chapter dedicated to the Muslim castes. In the 20th century British India, a number of works included the Muslim social groups in their descriptions of the Indian castes. These included H. A. Rose's A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province (1911).

In independent India, Ghaus Ansari (1960) initiated academic discussion over the Muslim caste system. Subsequently, Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated the topic in his Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims (1973).

Divisions

Ghaus Ansari (1960) named the following four broad categories of Muslim social divisions in India:

• Ashraf, who claim foreign-origin descent from Afghans, Arabs, Persians and Turks etc.
  • e.g. Mughal, Pathan, Sayyid, Sheikh
• Converts from upper castes
  • e.g. Muslim Rajputs
• Converts from other "clean" castes
  • e.g. Darzi, Dhobi, Dhuniya, Gaddi, Faqir, Hajjam (Nai), Julaha, Kabaria, Kumhar, Kunjra, Mirasi, Manihar and Teli
• Converts from untouchable castes
  • e.g. Bhangi

The non-Ashrafs are categorized as Ajlaf. The untouchable Hindu converts are also categorized as Arzal ("degraded"). They are relegated to menial professions such as scavenging and carrying night soil.

B.R. Ambedkar, citing the Superintendent of the Census for 1901 for the Province of Bengal, mentions that the Ajlaf primarily include:

• Cultivating Sheikhs, and others who were originally Hindus but who do not belong to any functional group, and have not gained admittance to the Ashraf Community, e.g. Pirali and Thakrai.
• Darzi, Jolaha, Fakir, and Rangrez.
• Barhi, Bhalhiara, Chik, Churihar, Dai, Dhawa, Dhunia, Gaddi, Kalal, Kasai, Kula Kunjara, Laheri, Mahifarosh, Mallah, Naliya, Nikari.
• Abdal, Bako, Bediya, Bhal, Chamba, Dafali, Dhobi, Hajjam, Mucho, Nagarchi, Nal,Panwaria, Madaria, Tunlia.

For the Arzal, the following castes are mentioned by the Superintendant of the Census: Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Kasbi, Lalbegi, Maugta, Mehtar.

In Pakistan, various social groups (called quoms) display a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The various quoms differ widely in power, privilege and wealth. Both ethnic affiliation (e.g. Pathan, Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi, etc.) and membership of specific biraderis or zaat/quoms are additional integral components of social identity. Within the bounds of endogamy defined by the above parameters, close consanguineous unions are preferred due to a congruence of key features of group- and individual-level background factors as well as affinities. McKim Marriott adds that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan.

In Nepal, the castes of Muslims rank differs according to the criteria applied.

Discrimination

Over the centuries, like other South Asian societies, the Muslim society in the region has evolved into the concept of caste purity and pollution. Hence, the low-class (Ajlaf) Muslims in the region have faced other kinds of discrimination. In 20th century India, the upper-class (Ashraf) Muslims dominated the government jobs and parliamentary representation. As a result, there have been campaigns to include lower social classes among the groups eligible for affirmative action in India under SC and STs provision act.

In Bihar state of India, cases have been reported in which the higher caste Muslims have opposed the burials of lower caste Muslims in the same graveyard.

A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in the Muslim community of the village. The sweeper group is ranked the lowest. The other Muslim communities do not allow the sweepers to touch the cooking vessels of the upper ranking groups of Muslims.

See also

• Caste system in India
• Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz
• Islam in India
• Caste system among Indian Christians
• Social class in the United States

References

Citations

1. ^ Rémy Delage, Muslim Castes in India, translated by Susannah Dale to English from French essay, La Vie des Idées journal, 29 September 2014.
2. Ajay Gudavarthy, Secular Sectarianism: Limits of Subaltern Politics, Sage Publications, pp. 129 onward.
3. Ja'far Sharif, 1999, ‎Islam in India, pp 1-16.
4. ^ Mohammed Wajihuddin, Being Muslim in India means Syeds spit on Julahas in an 'egalitarian community', Times of India, 16 May 2010.
5. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 27.
6. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 29.
7. ^ Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 30.
8. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 115–116.
9. Das, Arbind, Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barrani: an analysis, Pratibha Publications, Delhi 1996, ISBN 81-85268-45-2 pp. 124-143
10. Sikand, Yoginder (2003), Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India, Penguin Books India, pp. 7–, ISBN 978-0-14-302931-1
11. ^ Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 22.
12. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 2.
13. Azra Khanam 2013, p. 115.
14. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 32-35.
15. Ambedkar, Bhimrao. Pakistan or the Partition of India. Thackers Publishers.
16. Web resource for Pakistan or the Partition of India
17. "Dereserve these myths - Indian Express". archive.indianexpress.com. Retrieved 2017-09-30.
18. Falahi, Masood. "Caste and caste based discrimination s Among Indian Muslims'" (PDF). SAS. Retrieved 5 January 2015.
19. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/410.html#part_2
20. Barth, Fredrik (1962). E. R. Leach (ed.). The System Of Social Stratification In Swat, North Pakistan (Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon, and North-West Pakistan). Cambridge University Press. p. 113.
21. Fredrick Barth (December 1956). "Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic Groups in Swat, North Pakistan". American Anthropologist. 58 (6): 1079–1089. doi:10.1525/aa.1956.58.6.02a00080.
22. Zeyauddin Ahmed (1977). The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia (Editor: Kenneth David). Aldine Publishing Company. pp. 337–354. ISBN 978-90-279-7959-9.
23. McKim Marriott (1960). Caste ranking and community structure in five regions of India and Pakistan. Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute.
24. Nagendra Kr Singh, Abdul Mabud Khan (2001). Encyclopaedia of the World Muslims: Tribes, Castes and Communities, Volume 1. Global Vision Pub House. p. 1124. ISBN 9788187746072.
25. Marmaduke William Pickthall, Muhammad Asad (1978). Islamic Culture - Volume 52. p. 207.
26. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 120–121.
27. Webner, Pnina (2007). The Migration Process: Capital, Gifts and Offerings among British Pakistanis. ISBN 9781472518477. Retrieved 30 October 2016.
28. Asghar Ali Engineer. "On reservation for Muslims". The Milli Gazette. Pharos. Retrieved 2004-09-01.
29. Anand Mohan Sahay. "Backward Muslims protest denial of burial". Rediff.com. Retrieved 2003-03-06.
30. Ahmad, I., 2010. Can There Be a Category Called Dalit Muslims?. STUDIES IN INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE, p.79.
31. Hastings Donnan (1988). Marriage Among Muslims: Preference and Choice in Northern Pakistan. BRILL. pp. 51–56. ISBN 978-90-04-08416-2.

Bibliography

• Azra Khanam (2013). Muslim Backward Classes: A Sociological Perspective. SAGE. ISBN 9788132116509. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Fredrik Barth (1960). Edmund Leach (ed.). Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon and North-West Pakistan. CUP Archive. ISBN 9780521096645. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Ghaus Ansari (1960). Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh: A Study of Culture Contact. Ethnographic and Folk Culture Society. OCLC 1104993. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

Further reading

• Ahmad, Imtiaz (1978). Caste and social stratification among Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar. OCLC 5147249.
• Ali, A.F. Imam (September 1993). Changing Social Stratification in Rural Bangladesh. South Asia Books. ISBN 978-81-7169-267-5.
• Sikand, Yoginder (2004). Islam, Caste and Muslim Relations in India. Global Media Publications. ISBN 978-81-88869-06-0.
• Ali, Syed (December 2002). "Collective and Elective Ethnicity: Caste Among Urban Muslims in India". Sociological Forum. 17 (4): 593–620. doi:10.1023/A:1021077323866. ISSN 0884-8971.
• Ahmad, S. Shamim; A. K. Chakravarti (January 1981). "Some regional characteristics of Muslim caste systems in India". GeoJournal. 5 (1): 55–60. doi:10.1007/BF00185243. ISSN 0343-2521.
• Berreman, Gerald D. (June 1972). "Social Categories and Social Interaction in Urban India". American Anthropologist. 74 (3): 567–586. doi:10.1525/aa.1972.74.3.02a00220. ISSN 0002-7294.

• Indian caste system
• Islam in India
• Islam in Pakistan
• Islam in Bangladesh
• Islam in Sri Lanka
• Islam in Nepal
• Islam in Afghanistan
• Discrimination
• Abuse
• Barriers to critical thinking
• Social inequality
• Social justice