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Arab citizens of Israel is a phrase used to describe Arabs that are not Jewish, who are citizens of the State of Israel.

Arab citizens of Israel are largely the descendants of the 150,000 Palestinian Arabs who remained within what became Israel shortly after the end of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Others include some from the Gaza Strip and West Bank who procured Israeli citizenship under family-unification provisions that were recently made significantly more stringent.

Many Arab citizens of Israel have continued to identify themselves as Palestinian and hold many ties, including family ties, to Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, as well as residents of occupied East Jerusalem, annexed by Israel in 1980 . The attitudes of Arab citizens of Israel toward their country ranges from resentment to pure loyalty.

The majority of Arab citizens of Israel are Sunni Muslims, but there are also large numbers of Druze (120,000) and Christian (180,000) Arabs, as well.

Like other indigenous minority populations elsewhere in the world, the relationship of Arab citizens to the State of Israel is often fraught with tension.

Arab citizens of Israel comprise 17% of the country's total number of citizens. When Arab residents of East Jerusalem are included that figure rises to 19.5%.

Terms used by others or Arab citizens of Israel to describe themselves include “Arab Israelis", "Arab citizens of Israel", "Palestinians of 1948", and "Palestinian Arabs in Israel".

Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews, who fled or were expelled from Arab countries, mostly after 1948, or who are the descendants of those immigrants and refugees, are not usually identified as Arabs, though many of them and their ancestors were traditionally Arabic-speaking. Still, there are some Mizhari and Sephardi Jews that do self-identify as Arab Jews.

History

Al-Nakba

In the aftermath of the 1948 war, Palestinian Arabs went from being a majority population of 900,000 in what was then British Mandate Palestine, to a minority population of 150,000 in a newly created state of Israel. The significant reduction in numbers, the tearing apart of families who found themselves on either side of the newly created borders, and the loss of lands and homes, even for some of those who managed to remain, is referred to by all Palestinians, including those who are now citizens of Israel, as “al-Nakba,” i.e., the Disaster.

To this day, Palestinians around the world commemorate Al-Nakba via marches and rallies on Nakba Day. For Arab citizens of Israel, the commemoration generally coincides with celebrations for Israel’s Independence Day, which are different every year since it is determined by the Jewish calendar rather than the Gregorian one.

Palestinians who had left their homes during the period of armed conflict but remained in what had become Israeli territory were considered to be "present absentees", and in some cases refused permission to return to their original homes, which were expropriated and turned over to state ownership, as was the property of other Palestinian refugees. Notable cases of "present absentees" included the residents of Tzippori and the Galilee villages of Bir'am and Ekrit. The legal efforts by residents of Bir'am and Ekrit to be allowed to return to their homes have continued into the twenty-first century.

Martial Law (1948-1966)

While Palestinian Arabs who remained inside what became Israel were granted citizenship, this population was subject to a number of controlling measures that amounted to martial law. This required that they apply for permission from the military governor to travel more than a given distance from their registered residence. It also included the use of curfew, administrative detentions, expulsions, and other activities that violate the basic human rights and dignity of human beings as outlined in international law. Martial law was lifted from the Arab population living in predominantly-Jewish cities some years later, but remained in place in Arab areas until 1966.

A variety of legal measures in effect during this period facilitated the transfer of land abandoned by Arabs to state ownership. These included the Absentee Property Law of 1950 which allowed the state to take control of land belonging to land owners who emigrated to other countries, and the Land Acquisition Law of 1953 which authorised the Ministry of Finance to transfer expropriated land to the state. Other common legal expedients included the use of emergency regulations to declare land belonging to Arab citizens a closed military zone, followed by the use of Ottoman legislation on abandoned land to take control of the land.

Religious Groupings

The official number of Arab residents in Israel, including East Jerusalem permanent residents, in Israel at the start of 2004 stands at around 1,350,000, about 19.5% of Israel’s population. Muslims, including Bedouins, make up 82% of the entire Israeli Arab population, with around 9% Druze, and 9% Christians, according to the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, May 2003.

Muslim Arabs

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Muslim Arabs, excluding Bedouins, comprise about 70% of Israel's Arab population. They live predominantly in the north, although a sizable number reside in East Jerusalem and some towns in the south. They are not required to serve in the Israeli military, and very few (around 120 a year) volunteer.

Muslim Israelis have the highest birthrate of any group: 4.6 children per woman, as opposed to 2.6 for Jewish Israelis, a natural reproduction rate of 3.3% compared to 1.4%. Around 25% of the children born in Israel today are Muslim. The Muslim population is mostly young: 42% of Muslims are children under the age of 15, compared with 26% of the Jewish population. The median age of Muslim Israelis is 18, while the median age of Jewish Israelis is 30. The percentage of people over 65 is less than 3% for Muslims, compared with 12% for the Jewish population.

According to forecasts, the Muslim population will rise to over 2,000,000 people, or 24-26% of the population within the next 15 years. They will also comprise 85% of the Israeli Arab population in 2020 (3% up from 2005). (See the section on Demographics below for more on this issue.)

Bedouins

File:Beduintrackers.jpg
Bedouin Trackers in the Israeli Army

The term "Bedouin" or "Badawi" in Arabic defines a range of nomadic desert-dwelling ethnic groups spanning from the western Sahara desert to the Middle East. Through the latter half of the 19th century, the traditionally pastoral nomadic Bedouin in Palestine, began transitioning to a semi-nomadic pastoral agricultural community, with an emphasis on agricultural production and the privatization of tribal lands. Prior to the establishment of Israel in 1948, there were an estimated 65,000-90,000 Bedouins living in the Negev. The 11,000 who remained were relocated by the Israeli government in the 1950s and 1960s to an area called the "siyag" (closure) made up of relatively infertile land in the northeastern Negev comprising only 10% of their ancestral lands. Negev Bedouins, like the rest of the indigenous Arab population in Israel, lived under military rule up to 1966. Seven government developed townships were established in the "siyag" area where roughly half of Israel's Bedouin population live today. The largest Bedouin locality in Israel is the city of Rahat. The Israeli government encourages Bedouins to settle as permanent residents in these towns, but some 76,000 continue to live in tens of "unrecognized villages," some of which predate the existence of Israel. These villages do not appear on any Israeli maps, and are denied basic services like water, electricity and schools. It is forbidden to build permanent structures, though many do risking fines and home demolition.

Each year, between 5%-10% of the Bedouin population of draft age volunteer for the Israeli army, (unlike Jewish and Druze Israelis they are not required by law to do so). The legendary Israeli soldier, Amos Yarkoni, first commander of the Shaked Reconnaissance Battalion in the Givati Brigade, was a Bedouin (born Abd el-Majid Hidr).

Christian Arabs

See also: Palestinian Christian

Christian Arabs comprise about 9% of the Arab population in Israel, and reside mostly in the north. Nazareth has the largest Christian Arab population.

Some Christian Arabs are active in Israeli politics and civil life. The only non-Jewish Arab judge to receive a permanent appointment to preside over Israel's Supreme Court is a Christian Arab, Salim Jubran. The famous Munir Redfa who flew an MiG 21 from Iraq to Israel, was an Arab Christian who accepted Israeli citizenship and decided to stay and live with his family in Israel, despite his previous wishes to emigrate to the United States.

Abuna Elias Chacour is a Palestinian and an Israeli citizen, currently the Archbishop of Galilee, of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church. With his family he was forced from their home in Kafr Bir'im in Galilee in 1948. The villagers of Kafr Bir'im are still fighting for the right to return.

Druze

The Druze are members of a sect residing in many countries, although predominantly in Israel, Lebanon and Syria. Israeli Druze mainly live in northern Israel, notably in Daliyat Al-Karmel near Haifa. There are also Druze localities in the Syrian Golan Heights, which have been occupied by Israel since 1967.

Some Druze identify themselves as Israelis and are required to serve in the IDF per an agreement made between their local religious leaders and the Israeli government in the 1960s. In recent years many members of the community have denounced this mandatory enrollment.

The Druze in Israel, like all Druze, follow a unique Druze religion which stemmed from Islam, although unlike Syrian Druze for instance, Israeli Druze generally resent being referred to as Muslim. Some do not even identify as Arabs, claiming to have nothing in common with Arabs other than a shared language.

Spatial distribution

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In total, 71% of the Arab population lives in 116 different localities throughout Israel. In these localities, Arabs are a heavy majority. Only nine of the 116 Arab localities are cities. The other localities are ruled by an Arab local authority or else they are strictly rural areas.

Almost 40% of the country’s Muslims (400,000 people) live in various predominantly-Arab communities in the north. The largest Muslim city is Umm El Fahm, with a population of 43,000. Nazareth is the largest Arab city, with a population of 65,000, roughly 40,000 of whom are Muslim. Jerusalem, a "mixed" city, has the largest overall Arab population. Jerusalem housed 209,000 Arabs in 2000. They make up some 30% of the city’s residents and some 20% of the country’s entire Arab population.

24% of Arabs live in cities that have a Jewish majority. These cities are Jerusalem, Haifa, Tel Aviv-Yaffo, Akko (Acre), Lod, Ramla, Ma'alot-Tarshiha, and Nazerat Illit. They are sometimes called the "mixed cities" The remaining 5% of the national Arab population, approximately 4% live in Bedouin communities in the Negev, and 1% live in areas that are almost completely Jewish.

Legal and political status

Israel does not a have written constitution but the rights of citizens are guaranteed by a set of Basic Laws . Although this set of laws does not explictly include the term "right to equality", the Israeli Supreme Court has repeatedly and consistently interpreted "Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty" and "Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation (1994)" as guaranteeing equal rights for all Israeli citizens.

Arab citizens of Israel enjoy the same citizenship rights afforded their Jewish counterparts; however, not all rights in Israel are based on citizenship, or "ezrahut" in Hebrew. Some rights are defined by nationality, or "le'um, and are reserved for Jews only. . The Israeli government reportedly denies these charges , and pro-Israeli advocacy groups have addresed the allegations regarding "le'um" rights. . According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the Occupied Territories, the Israeli government "did little to reduce institutional, legal, and societal discrimination against the country's Arab citizens."

Unlike Jewish citizens, Arab citizens (with the exception of the Druze and Circassians) are currently exempt from being drafted into the Israeli army, but they may serve voluntarily.

Arabic is one of Israel's official languages. There are currently twelve Israeli Arabs sitting as members of the 17th Knesset out of a total of 120 seats.

Amendment #9 to the 'Basic Law: The Knesset and the Law of Political Parties' passed on July 31, 1985, changed section 7(a) to state that a political party "may not participate in the elections if there is in its goals or actions a denial of the existence of the State of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, a denial of the democratic nature of the state, or incitement to racism."

This amendment has been used by the Israeli Central Elections Committee to ban parties like the Progressive List for Peace. While the decision was overruled by the Israeli Supreme Court, the legality of section 7(a) has remained intact. The Justices reaffirmed that "a political party may be disqualified under section 7(a)(1), if it rejects the ideology of Israel as the State of the Jewish people, even if there was no danger to the security of the state."

Inequality in funding between Jewish and Arab towns, and widespread discrimination present significant hurdles for Israeli-Arabs .

On Dec 2005, member of Israeli Knesset Azmi Bishara told an audience in Lebanon that "(Israeli Arabs) are like all Arabs, only with Israeli citizenship forced upon them...Return Palestine to us and take your democracy with you. We Arabs are not interested in it.". Bishara has been a critic of what he feels is the lack of democracy in Israel, as he champions a state for "all of its citizens" and believes the Israeli state provides only democracy for certain favored groups.

Political development

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The Communist Party of Israel played a major role in mobilising the Israeli Arab community throughout these years and in demanding full equality for Arab citizens. Its newspapers and journals were important outlets for Arab Israeli expression and cultural production. In 1965 the first attempt was made to stand an independent Arab list for Knesset elections, with the radical group al-Ard forming the United Arab List. The list was, however, banned. In 1966 martial law was lifted completely, and the government set about dismantling most of the discriminatory laws, while Arab citizens were, theoretically if not always in practice, granted the same rights as Jewish citizens. The defeat of the Arab forces in the Six Day War the following year was a turning point in the political development of the Israeli Arab community, as it appeared to prove the durability of the state of Israel.

The 1970s saw a number of major developments in the political history of the Israeli Arab community. In 1974, a committee of Arab mayors and municipal council chairmen was established which was able to play an important role in representing the community and bringing its pressure to bear on the Israeli government. This was followed in 1975 by the formation of the Committee for the Defence of the Land, which sought to prevent continuing land expropriations.

That same year, a political breakthrough took place with the election of Israeli Arab poet Tawfiq Zayad, a Communist Party member, as mayor of Nazareth, and the election of a strong communist presence to the town council.

The next year was marked for the Israeli Arab community by the killing of six demonstrators at a protest against land expropriations and house demolitions. The date of the protest, March 30, has since been commemorated annually as Land Day.

The United Arab List was established in 1996.

Recent Political Developments

The political face of the Israeli Arab community has continued to change, with a more active participation of Israeli Arabs in the Labour Party in the 1992 elections but a large-scale alienation of them from that party after the Qana massacre of 1996 and the harsh response of the Israeli government to the al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000.

Meanwhile, nationalist parties such as Balad have continued to gain support, as has the Islamic Movement, divided between a conciliatory and a radical faction. Hadash, the left-wing coalition based around the Communist Party, still gains strong support in the Israeli Arab community, while Likud and Kadima have made considerable inroads in the Druze vote.

There is also Abna al-Balad, a radical Israeli Arab organisation (not to be confused with Balad) and Ta'ayush, an organisation which links Arabs and Jews.

To combat what they call "violent elements in Arab society" Israeli Arab leaders urge police action against weapons in Arab sector, this was after "over 20 Arab municipality heads have been attacked in recent months as part of an attempt to change their positions or in response to decisions they made".

Some Arab Members of the Knesset (MKs), past and present, are under police investigation for their visits to countries designated as "enemy countries" by Israeli law. This law was amended following MK Muhammad Baraka's illegal trip to Syria in 2001, such that MKs must explicitly request permission to visit these countries from the Minister of the Interior. In August 2006, Balad MKs Azmi Bishara, Jamal Zahalka and Wasil Taha visited Syria without requesting nor receiving such permission, and a criminal inestigation of thier actions has been started. Former Arab Member of Knesset Muhammed Miari was questioned 18 September 2006 by police on suspicion of having entered an enemy country without official permission. He was questioned "under caution" for 2.5 hours in the Petah Tikva station about his recent visit to Syria. Another former Arab Member of Knesset, Muhammed Kanaan, has also been summoned for police questioning regarding the same trip. The Arab Association of Human Rights has described these investigations as "a pure political decision not a legal decision ... part of the political policy by the State towards the Arab minority and their representatives".

According to a study commissioned by the Arab Association of Human Rights entitled "Silencing Dissent," over the past three years, eight of nine of these Arab Knesset members have been beaten by Israeli forces during demonstrations. Most recently according to the report, legislation has been passed, including three election laws , and two Knesset related laws aimed to "significantly curb the minority right to choose a public representative and for those representatives to develop independent political platforms and carry out their duties" Silencing Dissent Report

Examples of Political & Governmental Representatives

Nawaf Massalha has served in the Knesset since 1988. In August 1999, Massalha was appointed Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Hussniya Jabara a Muslim Arab woman from central Israel, is a prominent feminist who served as a member of the Knesset.

On March 3, 1999 Abdel Rahman Zuabi took his seat as the first Arab on the Supreme Court, a post he held for nine months. Zuabi was Deputy President of the Nazareth District Court and was elevated to the temporary posting by Justice Minister Tzahi Hanegbi, who on March 2 said that " appointment highlights the successful integration of the Arab community into the life of the state."

In May 2004, Salim Jubran was selected as the first Arab to hold a permanent appointment as Supreme Court Justice. Jubran, 57, is a native of Haifa, born to a Christian family with roots among the Maronites in Lebanon. Jubran's expertise lies in the field of criminal law, and he is known for his tough stand on sex and drug-related crimes.

In June 2006, Ismail Khaldi was appointed as Israeli consul in San Francisco, to become the first Bedouin consul of the State of Israel.

Israeli ambassadorships are held by Ali Yahya, Walid Mansour, and Mohammed Masarwa.

Arab IDF Generals

Major General Hussain Fares, commander of Israel's border police

Major General Yosef Mishlav, head of the Israeli Home Front Command, current Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories

Demographic Threat

Israeli politicians have used the term "demographic threat" (also "demographic bomb") to describe the potential threat the growing Arab population is to the Jewish majority in Israel. The term was famously used by Benjamin Netanyahu in 2003 to refer to the growing Israeli-Arab population of Israel, saying that if the percentage of Arab citizens rises above its current level of about 20 percent, Israel will not be able to remain both Jewish and democratic. Netanyahu's comments were criticized as racist by Arab Knesset members and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel.

The increasing population of Arabs within Israel, and the majority status they hold in two major geographic regions - the Galilee and the Triangle - has become a point of political contention in recent years. Dr. Wahid Abd Al-Magid, the editor of Al-Ahram's "Arab Strategic Report" predicts that "...The Arabs of 1948 (i.e. Israeli Arabs) may become a majority in Israel in 2035, and they will certainly be the majority in 2048." (See the section on Demographic below for more information)

This has led some Israeli politicians to advocate land-swap proposals with the West Bank, in order to assure a continued Jewish majority within Israel. A specific proposal is that Israel would give part of the Arab-populated Wadi Ara area (west of the Green Line) to a future Palestinian state, in return for the major Jewish settlement "blocks" that lie inside the West Bank adjust to the Green Line.)

Critics of the Wadi Ara land swap plan have argued that this measure will not be enough since "The number of Arab Israelis would drop by 116,000-148,000, or a total of 8.2-10.5 percent of the Arab population of Israel, and just 2.1 percent of the population in general."

Avigdor Liberman of Yisrael Beytenu, the 4th largest faction in the 17th Knesset) is one of the foremost advocates the transfer of the large Israeli Arab towns near the West Bank (e.g. Tayibe, Umm al-Fahm, Baqa al-Gharbiyye), to the Palestinian Authority in exchange for Israeli settlements. As the London Times notes: "Liberman plans to strengthen Israel’s status as a Jewish state by transferring 500,000 of its minority Arab population to the West Bank, by the simple expedient of redrawing the West Bank to include several Arab Israeli towns in northern Israel. Another 500,000 would be stripped of their right to vote if they failed to pledge loyalty to Zionism."

Modifications to Citizenship and Entry Law

On July 31, 2003 Israel enacted the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003, a one year amendment to Israel's Citizenship Law denying citizenship and Israeli residence to Palestinians who reside in the West Bank or Gaza Strip and who marry Israelis, though this rule is waived for any Palestinian "who identifies with the State of Israel and its goals, when he or a member of his family has taken concrete action to advance the security, economy or any other matter important to the State." Upon expiry the law was extended for six months in August 2004, and again for 4 months in February 2005. The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination unanimously approved a resolution saying that the Israeli law violated an international human rights treaty against racism.

Although this law affected all Israelis, it disproportionately affected Israeli Arabs, and was considered by many to be highly discriminatory . Critics argue that the law is racist because it is targeted at Arabs, since Israeli Arabs are far more likely to have Palestinian spouses than other Israelis. On May 8, 2005, The Israeli ministerial committee for issues of legislation once again amended the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, to restrict citizenship and residence in Israel only to Palestinian men over the age of 35, and Palestinian women over the age of 25. The new bill was formulated in accordance with Shin Bet statistics showing that involvement in terror attacks declines with age. This newest amendment, in practice, removes restrictions from half of the Palestinian population requesting legal status through marriage in Israel. This law was upheld by a High Court decision in 2006.

Defenders say the law is aimed at preventing terrorist attacks and preserving the "Jewish character" of Israel by restricting Arab immigration.

Economy

Economic Development of the Israeli Arab Community

The predominant feature of the Israeli Arab community's economic development after 1949 was its transformation from a predominantly peasant farming population to, in large degree, a proletarian industrial workforce. It has been suggested that the economic development of the community was marked by distinct stages. The first period, until 1967, was characterised by this process of proletarianisation. From 1967 on, economic development of the population was encouraged and a Palestinian bourgeoisie began to develop on the margin of the Israeli bourgeoisie. From the 1980s on, the community developed its economic and, in particular, industrial potential.

In July 2006, the Israeli Government decided to brand all Arab communities in the country as 'class A' development areas, thus making them eligible for tax benefits. This decision aims to encourage investments in the Arab sector

Current Economic Situation

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The participation in the labor market of Arab Israelis in 2003 is 39%. This is considerably lower than for Jewish Israelis (including "others") at 57%. For the men the participation is equal at 60%, with a higher participation in the labor market at 15 through 34 years but lower at 45 through 64. Arab women participate much less in the labor market (17% as compared to 55% for Jews). Personal preferences, social pressures, a lack of opportunites and differences in education (especially for the older generation) contribute to the variances among the genders and ethnicities. Moreover the Arab sector has been hit harder by the current recession in Israel; in 1989 68% of the Arab men particpated in the labor market compared to 62% for the Jewish men (now both are equal at 60%). The main branch of occupation for Arab men is building (25%) and for women education (38%).

The gross hourly income for Arab Israelis in 2003 was 29.5 shekel. The mean income for women was higher than that of men, 30.3 and 29.3 shekel per hour respectively. This situation is remarkable for large populations. The mean hourly rate of the Arab Israelis is 69% of what the Jewish Israelis earned, 63% for the men and 82% for the women (Jewish women earn on average less than Jewish men). The reasons for the atypical gender distribution within the Arab Israeli population can be found in the lower female participation in the labor market (it is mostly the women who can earn a higher salary that work) and the higher proportion of Arab women versus Arab men in government jobs, such as in education. 76% of the household income is from wages (77% for the Jews) and 20% from allowances (versus 11% for the Jewish Israelis). The major household expense is food (housing for Jews). This difference is related to the lower income and higher ownership of housing for the Arab Israeli households (87% as compared to 68% for the Jews).

"In November, the Israeli-Arab advocacy NGO Sikkuy's annual report stated that 45 percent of Arab families were poor, in contrast to 15 percent of Jewish families, and that the rate of infant mortality in the Arab sector was 8 out of 1,000 births--twice that of the Jewish population."

Health

Improvements in healthcare, environmental conditions, and improved education have led to a lower infant mortality rate for Arabs, from 32 deaths per thousand births in 1970 to 8.6 per thousand in 2000. Muslims have the highest rate of infant mortality with 9.1 per every thousand from 46.4 in 1961. Among Christian Arabs, the decrease was from 42.1 in 1961 to 6.7 in 1996; among the Druze it dropped from 50.4 to 8.9 deaths. Life expectancy has increased 27 years since 1948. The most common health-related causes of death are heart disease and cancer. Around half of all Arab men smoke, and roughly 14% were diagnosed with diabetes in 2000.

In the 2002 budget, Israel's health ministry allocated 1.6m shekels (£200,000) to Arab communities out of its 277m-shekel (£35m) budget to develop healthcare facilities.

Education

The median years of schooling of Arab Israelis rose over a 35-year period (1961-1996) from 1.2 to 10.4 years.

Education levels in the Arab sector are relatively lower than those in the Jewish sector, often leading to lower incomes.

Human Rights Watch issued a report in 2001, which stated: "Government-run Arab schools are a world apart from government-run Jewish schools. In virtually every respect, Palestinian Arab children get an education inferior to that of Jewish children, and their relatively poor performance in school reflects this." The report found striking differences in virtually every aspect of the education system. It found that the Education Ministry did not allocate as much money per Palestinian Arab child as it did for Jewish children. The classes were 20 percent larger on average.

(Note: Human Rights Watch has over the years been accused by Israel government supporters of having an anti-Israel bias.

According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the occupied territories, "Israeli Arabs were underrepresented in the student bodies and faculties of most universities and in higher professional and business ranks. The Bureau of Statistics noted that the median number of school years for the Jewish population is 3 years more than for the Arab population. Well educated Arabs often were unable to find jobs commensurate with their level of education. According to Sikkuy, Arab citizens held approximately 60 to 70 of the country's 5,000 university faculty positions."

Examples of Discrimination

The 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices notes that:

  • "According to a 2003 Haifa University study, a tendency existed to impose heavier prison terms to Arab citizens than to Jewish citizens. Human rights advocates claimed that Arab citizens were more likely to be convicted of murder and to have been denied bail."
  • "The Orr Commission of Inquiry's report ... stated that the 'Government handling of the Arab sector has been primarily neglectful and discriminatory,' that the Government 'did not show sufficient sensitivity to the needs of the Arab population, and did not take enough action to allocate state resources in an equal manner.' As a result, 'serious distress prevailed in the Arab sector in various areas. Evidence of distress included poverty, unemployment, a shortage of land, serious problems in the education system, and substantially defective infrastructure.'"
  • "According to a report by Mossawa, racist violence against Arab citizens has increased, and the Government has not done enough to prevent this problem. The annual report cited 17 acts of violence by Jewish citizens against Arab citizens. ... A Haifa University poll released in June revealed that over 63 percent of Jews believed that the Government should encourage Israeli Arabs to emigrate."
  • "Approximately 93 percent of land in the country was public domain, including that owned by the state and some 12.5 percent owned by the Jewish National Fund (JNF). All public land by law may only be leased, not sold. The JNF's statutes prohibit the sale or lease of land to non-Jews. In October, civil rights groups petitioned the High Court of Justice claiming that a bid announcement by the Israel Land Administration (ILA) involving JNF land was discriminatory in that it banned Arabs from bidding."
  • "Israeli-Arab advocacy organizations have challenged the Government's policy of demolishing illegal buildings in the Arab sector, and claimed that the Government was more restrictive in issuing building permits in Arab communities than in Jewish communities, thereby not accommodating natural growth. In February, security forces demolished several homes allegedly built without authorization in the Arab village of Beineh."
  • "In June, the Supreme Court ruled that omitting Arab towns from specific government social and economic plans is discriminatory. This judgment builds on previous assessments of disadvantages suffered by Arab Israelis."
  • "Israeli Arabs were not required to perform mandatory military service and, in practice, only a small percentage of Israeli Arabs served in the military. Those who did not serve in the army had less access than other citizens to social and economic benefits for which military service was a prerequisite or an advantage, such as housing, new-household subsidies, and employment, especially government or security-related industrial employment. Regarding the latter, for security reasons, Israeli Arabs generally were restricted from working in companies with defense contracts or in security-related fields. The Ivri Committee on National Service has issued official recommendations to the Government that Israel Arabs not be compelled to perform national or "civic" service, but be afforded an opportunity to perform such service".

Other examples include:

  • In February 2006, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the government education development plan discriminated against Israeli Arabs and mandated that the government should come up with a new plan within a year.
  • A poll commissioned by an Arab advocacy group, the Center for the Struggle against Racism, found that 63% of Jews believe Arabs are a security threat; 68% of Jews would refuse to live in the same building as an Arab; 34% of Jews believe that Arab culture is inferior to Israeli culture; and support for segregation between Jews and Arabs is higher among Jews of Middle Eastern origin than those of European origin. Though the group points to such attitudes as evidence of racism in Israeli society, many Israeli Jews will counter that these attitudes are attributable to the security situation, as there have been some cases where Arabs inside Israel have been arrested for aiding terrorists.
  • Human Rights Watch has claimed that cuts in veteran benefits and child allowances based on parents' military service discriminate against Arab children, however "The cuts will also affect the children of Jewish ultra-orthodox parents who do not serve in the military, but they are eligible for extra subsidies, including educational supplements, not available to Palestinian Arab children."

Some point out to the fact that Arabs in Israel have even more rights than Israeli Jews since they are not required to serve in military still have all the rights, plus various cases of Israeli courts favoring Arabs' cases over Jews (including land issues). .

See also: anti-Arabism in Israel

Participation of Israeli Arabs in terror acts against Israeli citizens

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Since 2001, a growing number of Israeli Arabs have participated in terror acts against Israeli civilians: On September 9, 2001 was the first (and only) Israeli Arab suicide bomber attack, on a group of soldiers and civilians disembarking a train in the Nahariya station, killing 3 people and wounding at least 90.

Over the next few years, Israeli Arabs and residents of East Jerusalem took part in many attacks and assisted Palestinian suicide bombers reach cities in Israel. Several Israeli Arabs have been convicted of espionage for Hezbollah.,,, In 2001, at least 110 Israeli Arabs were detained on suspicion of involvement in terrorist activities – a record high, and about three times the number in the previous year. Despite those events, Israeli security sources said they still consider Israeli Arab involvement with terrorism to be the exception rather than the rule. The rule is that the vast majority of Israeli Arabs, regardless of their political viewpoints, see terrorism as the red line.

On March 9, 2004, an Israeli Arab woman, Lina Jarbuni, 29, of Arrabeh in the Galilee, was sentenced to 17 years in prison by the Haifa district court for helping members of the Islamic Jihad who had been planning to carry out terror attacks inside Israel. Jarbuni helped one of them obtain an Israeli ID card, rented an apartment in Israel, and also opened a bank account on behalf of the man and an accomplice. She was convicted of conspiracy to commit murder, contact with a foreign agent, and helping the enemy at a time of war.

On October 9, 2005, three Israeli Arab men were convicted of plotting to blow up the Azrieli Towers in Tel Aviv, and a plot to plant a bomb on railroad tracks near Netanya. The Tel Aviv District Court also convicted them of attempting to provide assistance to a foreign enemy during time of war. One of the Arabs was convicted of contacting a foreign enemy agent. The three, Dubian Natzirat, 27; Amir Zivati, 20; and Mugahad Dukan, 19; all from Taibe, admitted their guilt and were convicted under a plea bargain arrangement.

On December 12, 2005, Hamas sent a greeting to the "Arabs of 1948" (i.e Israeli Arabs) on their help to Hamas using a video that was translated to English on Hamas web site.

On March 13, 2006, Tel Aviv District Court sentenced Lenin Altouri, 24, from the Israeli Arab village of Kassem, to 16 years in prison, after he was convicted of being in contact with a foreign agent with the intention to betray the country. Altouri was convicted of plotting to aid Hamas kidnap soldiers and transfer them to Hebron or Ramallah.

Trivia

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The only non-Jew owning a business in the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem's Old City is an Israeli Arab Muslim who makes and sells breads. His food and facility is certified kosher and (like all business in the Jewish Quarter) his shop is closed on the Jewish Sabbath and holidays.

In 1999, an Arab woman was named Miss Israel for the first time in the nation's history. "I am totally Israeli, and I do not think about whether I am an Arab or a Jew", 21-year-old Rana Raslan, from Haifa, said at the pageant. "They wanted a beauty queen, not a political queen." News of her victory made headlines across Israel and the world. She is a secular Muslim.

In January 2005, The Palestinian Football Association signed Israeli Arab Azmi Nassar as their new national team coach for a two-year contract.

In April 2006, Niral-Najin Krantangi, A 20 year old Muslim Arab woman from Haifa won the Israeli TV reality show "The Super Models".

Well-known Israeli Arabs

Well-known Israeli Arabs include novelist Emile Habibi, film directors Elie Suleiman and Hany Abu-Assad, actress Hiam Abbass, politicians Azmi Bishara and Ahmad Tibi, Lt. Col. Amos Yarkoni, Salim Tuaama and several other soccer players.

See also

  • Arab al-Mawasi massacre (Nov. 1948) : 14 Israeli Arabs killed
  • Kafr Qasim massacre (Oct. 1956): 48 Israeli Arabs killed
  • Ma'alot massacre (May 1974): Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine kills 2 Israeli Arabs
  • Land Day (March 1976) 6 Israeli Arabs killed
  • October 2000 riots (Israel): (Oct. 2000) 12 Israeli Arabs killed
  • December 12, 2004: Five Israeli soldiers (all Arabs) are killed as approximately 1.5 tons of explosives were detonated by Palestinian terrorists in a tunnel under an Israeli military-controlled border crossing on the Egyptian border with Gaza near Rafah, collapsing several structures and damaging others. The explosion destroyed part of the JVT outpost and killed three soldiers. Two Palestinian militants then penetrated the outpost and killed two other Israeli soldiers with gunfire. Due to the explosion, the destroyed Rafah crossing was closed. The Fatah Hawks claimed responsibility. All 5 of the Israelis killed had been Israeli Arabs.
  • The Shfar'am attack: (Aug. 2005) 4 Israeli Arabs killed
  • Sinai bus crash: (August 22, 2006) 11 Israeli Arab tourists killed when their bus overturned in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula. Israel sends Magen David Adom but Egypt refuses the entry of Israeli aid. The ambulances wait for hours by the border before Egypt opens its borders. MDA treats the injured.
  • Israel-Hezbollah conflict: (2006) 19 Israeli Arab civilians killed

References

  1. Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. “(changes to family unification law).” Access date=October 2, 2006.
  2. "Population, by population group" (PDF). Israel Central Bureau of statistics. Template:PDFlink
  3. "Jordan keen to maintain good ties with Arab Israelis". Jordan Times. 2005-08-12. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  4. Report on Equality and Integration of the Arab Citizens in Israel. Jewish Virtual Library. Accessed March 27, 2006.
  5. The Arab Citizens of Israel Status & Implications for the Middle East Conflict. Mossawa.
  6. Amraw, Ahmad. The Palestinians of 1948, al-Jazeera, December 9, 2003.
  7. AAHR, The Arab Minority in Israel. The Arab Association for Human Rights.
  8. Ghanem, Asad. The Palestinian-Arab Minority in Israel, 1948-2000: (example of use of Palestinian-Arab term). SunyPress, May 24, 2001.
  9. Press Release. Jordan News Agency.
  10. Shohat, Ella. ”example of use of Arab-Jew term.””Middle East and Islamic Studies Department at NYU”
  11. Ahmed Amrawi. Al-Jazeera.net.
  12. Khalil Sakakini Cultural Center.
  13. Féron, pp. 94, 97-99
  14. Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126, Féron, pp. 37 and 40
  15. Féron, p. 94
  16. "Sources of population growth, by district, population group and religion" (PDF). Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. 2004. Template:PDFlink
  17. "Projections of population(1) in Israel for 2010-2025, by sex, age and population group" (PDF). Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. Template:PDFlink
  18. "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 8. {{cite web}}: Text "PDF format of report available at International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs " ignored (help)
  19. "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 9. {{cite web}}: Text "PDF format of report available at International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs " ignored (help)
  20. "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 9. {{cite web}}: Text "PDF format of report available at International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs " ignored (help)
  21. "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 10. {{cite web}}: Text "PDF format of report available at International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs " ignored (help)
  22. "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 10. {{cite web}}: Text "PDF format of report available at International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs " ignored (help)
  23. "The Indigenous Bedouin of the Negev Desert in Israel" (PDF). Negev Coexistence Forum. p. 10. {{cite web}}: Text "PDF format of report available at International Workgroup for Indigenous Affairs " ignored (help)
  24. Template:He icon מישיבת הוועדה לענייני ביקורת המדינה
  25. Kodmani, p. 126
  26. Kodmani, p. 129
  27. Féron, p. 41
  28. Féron, p. 106
  30. Asafa Peled (June 22, 2006). "Israel's first Bedouin envoy". YNetNews.
  31. Sedan, Gil (18/12/2003). "Netanyahu: Israel's Arabs are the real demographic threat". Haaretz. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  32. "MKs slam Netanyahu's remarks about Israeli Arabs". 18/12/2003. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  33. Aluf Benn (2005-08-14). "Trading Places". The Washington Post. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  34. Amayreh, Khalid. Israeli minister wants Arabs expelled. al-Jazeera. May 9, 2005.
  35. Avnery, Uri. The Israeli Elections. CounterPunch. March 30, 2006.
  36. Israel’s new political reality. ISN. March 31, 2006.
  37. Prusher, Ilene. Israeli right nips at Kadima. Christian Science Monitor. March 27, 2006.
  38. O'Loughlin, Ed. Israel's shunned Arabs watch poll with unease. The Age. March 24, 2006.
  39. Dromi, Uri. Israeli Arabs and the vote. International Herald Tribune. March 24, 2006.
  40. Halpern, Orly. Umm el-Fahm residents angry and apathetic before elections. The Jerusalem Post. March 26, 2006.
  41. Sofer, Ronny. Kadima's new 'enemy' - Lieberman. YNet News. March 23, 2006.
  42. Farrell, Stephen and MacKinnon, Ian. Winners and Losers on Israeli political scene. The Times. March 29, 2006.
  43. "UN blasts Israeli marriage law". BBC News. 15 August, 2003. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  44. "Israeli marriage law blocks citizenship for Palestinians". San Francisco Chronicle. August 1, 2003.
  45. ^ Ben Lynfield. "Arab spouses face Israeli legal purge". The Scotsman.
  46. Féron, pp. 40-41, see also Kodmani, p. 127
  47. Second Class - Discrimination Against Palestinian Arab Children in Israel's Schools, Human Rights Watch.
  48. Ashkenazi, Eli and Khoury, Jack. Poll: 68% of Jews would refuse to live in same building as an Arab. Haaretz. March 22, 2006. Accessed March 30, 2006.
  49. Israel: Cuts in Child Allowance Discriminate Against Palestinian Arab, Human Rights Watch.
  50. Palestinian Arab Muslims first class citizens in Israel whereas Israeli Jews are second class citizens Free Israel Now.
  51. "Palestinian soccer: a leg up on statehood?". Christian Science Monitor. 2000-03-07. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  52. Template:He icon "אל אל, ניראל". Ynet News. 2006-04-06. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  53. Template:He icon "ניראל לקחה". NRG Maariv. 2006-04-05. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)

Books Cited

  • Rosenthal, Donna. The Israelis. Free Press, 2003. ISBN 0-7432-7035-5
  • Féron, Valerie, Palestine(s): Les déchirures, Paris, Editions du Felin, 2001. ISBN 2-86645-391-3
  • Kodmani-Darwish, Bassma, La Diaspora Palestinienne, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1997. ISBN 2-13-048486-7
  • Mazie, Steven. Israel's Higher Law: Religion and Liberal Democracy in the Jewish State. Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. ISBN 0-7391-1485-9
  • Schenk, Bernadette "Druze Identity in the Middle East", in Salibi, Kamal, ed, The Druze: Realities and Perceptions, London, Druze Heritage Foundation, 2005
  • Orgad, Liav(PhD), IDC, Hertzlia, "Internationalizing the issue of Israeli Arabs" , Maariv, March 19, 2006 page 7.

External links

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