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This is an old revision of this page, as edited by Eleland (talk | contribs) at 15:58, 4 March 2008 (→2003 to present: ok, this is entirely indefensible, we're now translating abbas's use of "shoah", in response to Vilnai's, as "holocaust," while Vilnai's use is obfuscated and not translated. fix). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an ongoing dispute between the State of Israel and the Palestinian people. It also forms part of the wider Arab-Israeli conflict. Essentially it is a dispute between two national identities with claims over the same area of land. Many attempts have been made to broker a "two state solution," which would entail the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. At present, the vast majority of Israelis and Palestinians, according to many major polls, agree that a two state solution is the best way to end the conflict. Most Palestinians view the West Bank and Gaza Strip as constituting the area of their future state, a view also accepted by most Israelis. A handful of academics advocate a one-state solution, whereby all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state with equal rights for all. However, there are significant areas of disagreement over the shape of any final agreement, and also regarding the level of credibility each side sees in the other in upholding basic commitments.

There are several domestic and international actors involved in the conflict. The direct negotiating parties are the Israeli government led by Ehud Olmert and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), headed by Mahmoud Abbas. The official negotiations are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East (the Quartet), consisting of the United States, Russia, the European Union, the United Nations, and represented by a special envoy, currently Tony Blair. The Arab League is another important actor, who have proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, has historically been a key participant.

Since 2006, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, the largest party, and Hamas, an Islamist militant group. As a result, the territory controlled by the Palestinian National Authority (the Palestinian interim government) is split between Fatah in the West Bank, and Hamas in the Gaza strip. This has proved problematic as Hamas is considered a terrorist organization by Israel and many other countries which means that despite the fact it won the Palestinian elections of 2006, it has not been allowed to participate in official negotiations.

The most recent round of peace negotiations began at Annapolis, USA in November, 2007. These talks aim to have a final resolution by the end of 2008. The parties agree there are six core, or 'final status,' issues which need to be resolved: Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, security, borders and water. These issues are discussed at length below.

Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflict generates a wide variety of views and opinions (see also Israeli and Palestinian views of the peace process). This serves to highlight the deep divisions which exist not only between Israelis and Palestinians, but also amongst themselves.

A hallmark of the conflict has been the level of violence witnessed for virtually its entire duration. Fighting has been conducted by regular armies, paramilitary groups, and terror cells. Casualties have not been restricted to the military, with a large loss of civilian life on both sides.

Basic historical outline

The roots of the conflict can be traced to the late 19th century, which saw a rise in national movements, including Zionism and Arab nationalism. Zionism, the Jewish national movement, was established as a political movement in 1897, largely as a response to Russian and European anti-Semitism. It sought the establishment of a Jewish Nation-State in Eretz Israel, the historical Jewish homeland, so that Jews could find sanctuary and self-­determination. To this end, the World Zionist Organization and the Jewish National Fund encouraged immigration and funded purchase of land, both under Ottoman rule and under British rule, in the region of Palestine.

Following World War I and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Palestine came under the control of the United Kingdom through the Sykes-Picot Agreement and a League of Nations mandate. During the mandatory period, tensions between Arab and Jewish groups in the region erupted into physical violence as in the 1920 Palestine riots, the 1921 Palestine riots, the 1929 Hebron massacre and the Great Arab Revolt. These groups also directed violence against the British in order to expel the mandatory government, which was held in contempt by both sides.

This violence and the heavy cost of World War II led Britain to turn the issue of Palestine over to the United Nations. In 1947, the U.N. approved the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into two states: one Jewish and one Arab. The Jewish leadership accepted the plan, and on May 14, 1948, Israel declared its independence. Palestinian Arab leaders, supported by the Arab League, rejected the plan and, supported by five Arab League countries (Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan and Iraq), launched the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. The war resulted in an Israeli victory, with Israel capturing additional territory beyond the partition borders, but leaving Jerusalem as a divided city; the territory Israel did not capture was taken over by Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Transjordan (now Jordan). The war also resulted in the 1948 Palestinian exodus, known as Al-Naqba.

For decades after 1948, Arab governments had refused to recognize Israel and in 1964 the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded with the central tenet that Palestine, with its original Mandate borders, is the indivisible homeland of the Arab Palestinian people. In turn, Israel refused to recognize the PLO as a negotiating partner.

In the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel captured the West Bank from Jordan, the Gaza Strip from Egypt, and East Jerusalem including the Old City and its holy sites, which Israel annexed and reunited with the Western neighborhoods of Jerusalem. The status of the city as Israel's capital and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip created a new set of contentious issues which became one major focus of the conflict.

The Oslo Peace Process, which began in 1993, was a key turning point in the conflict, where Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During the Oslo process, the PLO was permitted to establish the autonomous Palestinian Authority and associated governing institutions, to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders or a commitment by Israel to stop settlement activity in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

History

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict resulted from competing Jewish and Arab national aspirations for the region of Palestine, conflicting promises by the British in the forms of the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Balfour Declaration of 1917, and several outbreaks of violence between Jewish and Arab residents of the region of Palestine.

Background

The area between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, known to some as Palestine and to others as Eretz Israel, was controlled by various national groups throughout history. A number of groups, including the Canaanites, the Israelites, the Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Byzantines, Umayyads, Abbasids, Turks, Crusaders, and Mamluks controlled the region at one time or another. From 1516 until the conclusion of World War I, the region was controlled by the Ottoman Empire.

1915-1919

From 1915 to 1916, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, Sir Henry McMahon, corresponded by letter with Hussein ibn Ali, the father of Pan Arabism. In these letters, later known as the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence, McMahon promised Hussein and his Arab followers the territory of the Ottoman Empire in exchange for assistance in driving out the Ottoman Turks. Hussein interpreted these letters as promising the region of Palestine to the Arabs. Conversely, McMahon and the British government claimed that Palestine was excluded from the territorial promises.

In 1916, Britain and France signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which divided the colonies of the Ottoman Empire between them. Under this agreement, the region of Palestine would be controlled by Britain. In a 1917 letter from Arthur James Balfour to Lord Rothschild, known as the Balfour Declaration of 1917, the British government promised "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people", but at the same time required "that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine".

1920-1945

In 1922, the League of Nations granted Britain a mandate. Like all League of Nations Mandates, the British mandate derived from article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant, which called for the self-determination of former Ottoman Empire colonies following a transitory period administered by a world power. The Palestine Mandate recognized the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and required that the mandatory government "facilitate Jewish immigration" while at the same time "ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced."

In 1920, disagreements over Jewish immigration as well as incitement by Haj Amin Al-Husseini led to an outbreak of violent Arab disturbances against the Jews of Jerusalem. The following year, violence erupted again during the Jaffa Riots. In response, Britain established the Haycraft Commission of Inquiry. In 1929, violence erupted again in the form of the riots, the Hebron massacre, and the Safed massacre, which were documented by the British in the Shaw Report.

Violence erupted again during the 1936-1939 Arab revolt in Palestine. The British established the Peel Commission of 1936-1937 in order to put an end to the violence. The Peel Commission concluded that only partition could put an end to the violence and proposed the Peel Partition Plan. There was no consensus in the Jewish community regarding the partition plan; while the Jewish community accepted the concept of partition not all members endorsed the implementation proposed by the Peel Commission. The Arab community rejected the Peel Partition Plan in its entirety.

Abandoning the Peel partition plan, Britain issued its White Paper of 1939. The White Paper sought to accommodate Arab demands regarding Jewish immigration by placing a quota of 10,000 Jewish immigrants per year over a five-year period from 1939 to 1944. After 1944, the White Paper required Arab consent for further Jewish immigration. The White Paper was seen by the Jewish community as a revocation of the Balfour Declaration of 1917. Nonetheless, due to Jewish persecution in the Holocaust, Jews continued to immigrate illegally in what has become known as Aliyah Bet.

1945-1948

After World War II, Zionists exerted continuous pressure to relocate Jewish survivors of the Holocaust and establish a Jewish homeland in Palestine. These efforts caused difficulties for the British authorities before the international community, since they still rigorously applied the policies against further Jewish immigration outlined in the 1939 White Paper. Arab leaders expressed reservations about this immigration, as well as the political aspirations related to Zionism.

During this period, some Zionist groups, such as the Haganah and Irgun, began to launch attacks on the British military in Palestine, in order to end British rule there. As the conflict went on, the British government asked the United Nations to look into the question of how to politically manage conflicting claims within Palestine. The United Nations formed a special committee, UNSCOP, and eventually proposed a two-state solution, with a Jerusalem/Bethlehem enclave internationalized. On 29 November 1947, the U.N. adopted a Partition Plan . The Plan was accepted by the Yishuv but rejected by the Arab League representing the Arab states. Immediately, a civil war broke out in Palestine and British troops began evacuating the territory.

In anticipation of conflict, both sides began to purchase arms. The Arabs in the region of Palestine purchased arms from Prague through Syria, the only sovereign Arab state at the time. The Jewish Yishuv purchased arms from the Soviet Union and the Czech Republic. Additionally, bullets were manufactured at Kibbutz Ayalon.

Violence intensified. In February, Arab volunteers entered Palestine. The Jewish sector of Jerusalem became isolated. In April, the Haganah took the offensive and defeated Arab Palestinians and volunteers, and took control of different mixed localities. A massive exodus of Palestinian Arabs began.

On May 14, 1948, Israel declared its independence. Several Arab armies entered Palestine. After six weeks of heavy fighting, particularly around Jerusalem, all parties agreed to a truce. During the truce, Israel reinforced its forces and, after the truce, Israel took the initiative and defeated the Arab armies. By the conclusion of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Israel had greatly expanded its borders and signed ceasefire agreements with all its Arab neighbors.

The 1948 conflict led to several massacres that occurred both before and after Israel's Declaration of Independence. While each case was unique, both sides of the conflict bore some responsibility for the massacres. Expulsions also occurred on both sides. The 1948 conflict resulted in thousands of casualties on both sides and an exodus of Palestinian Arabs. The exact causes of this exodus are a source of dispute among historians; some claim that the Palestinian villagers were forcibly expelled while others claim that the villagers fled in fear before Israeli forces arrived. Whatever the reasons behind it, this exodus created the Palestinian refugee problem, which has remained unsolved.

Palestinians are defined by the United Nations Relief Works Agency (UNRWA) as those who lived in Palestine between 1946-1948 or their descendants. Aid is given by the United Nations to the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as in refugee camps in Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan. The number of Palestinian refugees has since increased to several million.

1949-1967

PLO	Fatah	Hamas	PIJ	PFLP
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The emblems of major Palestinian organizations include a map of present-day Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. (Significant populations of Palestinians and Israelis alike claim a right to the entire region).

By the end of 1949, only 150,123 Palestinians remained within Israel. For this reason, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict took a back seat to the broader Arab-Israeli conflict during this time.

Meanwhile, Palestinian volunteers played a crucial role in the Egyptian-Israeli conflict. Beginning in 1950, Egypt began using fedayeen (guerillas) to conduct a proxy war against Israel. These units of Palestinians—often trained and equipped by Egypt—would infiltrate across what was then the Israeli-Egyptian border at Gaza, and conduct guerrilla raids against Israeli targets (mostly civilian in nature). In the first five years of the 1950s, "884 Israelis were wounded or killed by" Palestinian fedayeen trained and sent into Israel by the Egyptians. The fedayeen attacks were cited as being among the factors leading up to the Israeli decision to participate in the Sinai Campaign in 1956.

The scope of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict again broadened after Israel conquered the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt during the Six-Day War.

1968-1986

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1987-2000

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2000-2002

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2003 to present

Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon announced a controversial disengagement plan in December 2003. Israel was to remove all of its civilian and military presence in the Gaza Strip, (namely 21 Jewish settlements there, and four in the West Bank), but continue to supervise and guard the external envelope on land excepting a border crossing with Egypt, which is jointly run by the Palestinian National Authority in conjunction with the European Union. Israel also maintained exclusive control in the air space of Gaza. The Israeli government argued that "as a result, there will be no basis for the claim that the Gaza Strip is occupied territory," while others argued that the only effect would be that Israel "would be permitted to complete the wall (that is, the Israeli West Bank Barrier) and to maintain the situation in the West Bank as is."

Israel implemented their disengagement plan in August-September 2005, and it was initially popular with most Israelis, helping Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to win the following election after Sharon was incapacitated by a stroke. As preparation for Israel's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, Fatah and Hamas had called a cease-fire on attacks against Israel in February 2005. CNN reported in 2006 that Fatah and Hamas "stuck to the cease-fire it announced in February 2005, but other groups did not sign on and have continued attacks against Israel." Nevertheless, Israel continued to target militants inside Gaza whom it alleged had planned or carried out attacks on Israel, including some members of Hamas. Then in June 2006, violence on both sides escalated. Israel killed a Hamas official in a missile attack on June 5; then on June 6 militants from the "Popular Resistance" group fired rockets into Israel which produced no casualties; Israel launched airstrikes against those militants and others, killing five. On June 9, an explosion on a Northern Gaza beach, killed seven and wounded 20 amongst the Palestinian families picnicking on the beach. In response and due to 'Palestinian streets public pressure', Hamas declared a the end of low level military activity, describing it as a calling off of a 16-month-old cease-fire.

Since that time, Israeli military incursions into Gaza and Palestinian rocket attacks towards Israeli cities have continued to this day. Later in June 2006, Corporal Gilad Shalit, a 19-year-old Israeli IDF soldier, was abducted by Palestinian militants. Israel carried out a military operation against targets in Gaza, which it claimed to be in response to Palestinian attacks. Israeli Prime Minister Olmert stated that Israel's goal was not to reacquire control of the Gaza Strip, and that the IDF would withdraw once its operations were completed.

Hamas's victory in the 2006 elections for Palestinian Legislative Council, and Ismail Haniyeh’s ascension to the post of Prime Minister further complicated the peace process. Hamas openly states that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist, although they have expressed openness to a long-term hudna or truce.

In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to form a new unity government. Haniyeh later resigned, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. In 2007, the coalition of Hamas and Fatah collapsed, and the two engaged in a physical struggle. Eventually, Fatah was defeated in Gaza, and Hamas took over full control of the Gaza Strip. Fatah retains control of the West Bank. Gaza has been subjected to economic sanctions due to Hamas' non-recognition of Israel, and sporadic fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza has continued. In 2007, Hamas claimed to have attempted to renew a cease-fire with Israel, but Israel dismissed such offers. In 2007 - 2008, conflict intensified as militants in Gaza fired multiple rocket attacks towards the Israeli city of Sderot.

In early 2008 the clashes between Hamas ans Israel rised. Israel began to take offensive military measures, and blocked border crossings and delivery of some basic resources. Finally, on January 17 2008, Israel sealed the border completely following a rise in rocket attacks. The breach of the Gaza-Egypt border began on January 23, 2008. The United Nations estimates that as many as half the 1.5 million population of the Gaza Strip crossed the border into Egypt seeking food and supplies. Israeli police went on an increased alert due to fears that militants will acquire more weapons in Egypt. On February 3, Gaza's Foreign minister, Mahmoud al-Zahar, announced that Hamas and Egypt would cooperate in controlling the border without Israeli oversight. The border was closed, after 11 days, except for travelers returning home.

Conflict continued as three Israeli missiles hit the Palestinian Interior Ministry in Gaza on February 27 2008, hours after Palestinian militants fired more than 40 Qassam rockets into southern Israel. Israel began its Air and ground operations on February 29. Israeli aircraft bombed a police station near the Gaza City home of Hamas leader Ismail Haniya.

IDF's offensive in Gaza has killed more than 100 Palestinians in less than a week. The Palestinian offensive included firing from the Gaza Strip of over 180 rockets within 3 days, 20 of them long-range 122 mm Grad missiles, directed at southern Israel's civilian population, placing more than 250,000 Israeli civilians under their direct threat. The Palestinians also killed three Israelis, including two soldiers and a civilian. The United States called for an end to clashes between Israel and the Palestinians. The Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, has accused Israel of "international terrorism", saying its assault on Gaza constitutes "more than a disaster," after Israel's Deputy Defense Minister Matan Vilnai warned that "the Palestinians are bringing upon themselves a bigger disaster". Both men used the term "shoah," which in Hebrew is used to describe the Nazi holocaust. Later on March 3 he has suspended all contact with Israel.

The European Union and United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon condemned what they called disproportionate use of force by the Israeli military in Gaza, while denouncing the ongoing rocket attacks. Ehud Olmert responded that:

"Nobody has the right to preach morality to the State of Israel for taking basic action to defend itself and prevent hundreds of thousands of residents of the south from continuing to be exposed to incessant firing that disrupts their lives."

In the Muslim world, demonstrators took to the streets to protest the IDF attacks in Egypt, Jordan, West Bank, Mauritania and Lebanon. Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei called on Muslims to rise up and their leaders to hit Israel "in the face with their nations' anger,". Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Mauritania governments protest against Israeli operations. Most Israeli tanks and troops pulled out of northern Gaza March 3 2008, and an Israel Defense Forces spokesman confirmed that the Israeli military was ending offensive operations there after five days.

Politics of Palestine Officeholders whose status is disputed are shown in italics National symbols Flag National anthem Coat of arms Administrative divisions Palestinian enclaves Governorates Palestinian refugee camps Government State of Palestine government (Ramallah) President: Mahmoud Abbas Prime Minister: Mohammad Mustafa Hamas government (Gaza) Legislative Council Palestinian National Council Palestinian Legislative Council Current members Speaker Aziz Dweik Elections Elections Electoral regions Political parties PLO political parties Next presidential election Next legislative election Local elections 2017 Palestinian local elections Political parties Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) factions Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah) Al-Mustaqbal electoral list Marwan Barghouti (Fatah) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) Palestinian People's Party (PPP) Palestinian Liberation Front (PLF) Arab Liberation Front (ALF) Palestinian Democratic Union (FIDA) Palestinian Popular Struggle Front (PPSF) Palestinian Arab Front (PAF) As-Sa'iqa Other parties Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) List of leaders Palestinian Islamic Jihad Third Way Leader: Salam Fayyad Palestinian Electoral Lists Democratic Alliance List Al-Mustaqbal LeadersMap shows birthplaces or family origins Yassin b.1936 Haniyeh's parents Rantisi b.1947 MashalSinwar Habash b.1926 Abbas b.1935 HawatmehNakhalah Foreign relations Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates Minister: Riyad al-Maliki Diplomatic missions of / in Palestine Passport Visa requirements Visa policy Palestinian Ambassador to the United Nations Fatah–Hamas reconciliation process Israeli–Palestinian peace process International recognition Member state of the Arab League Palestine portal Other countries v t e

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Peace Proposals

Oslo peace process

In 1993, Israeli officials and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization strove to find a peaceful solution through what became known as the Oslo peace process. A crucial milestone in this process was Yasser Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. In 1993, the Oslo Accords were finalized as a framework for future Israeli-Palestinian relations. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, but finally came to a close when Arafat and Ehud Barak failed to reach agreement. Robert Malley, special assistant to President Clinton for Arab-Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat. Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered. However, the main obstacle to agreement appears to have been the status of Jerusalem.

Camp David 2000 Summit

In 2000, US President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. The Israeli prime minister, Ehud Barak reportedly offered the Palestinian leader approximately 95% of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem, and that 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the West Bank's Jewish settlers) be ceded to Israel. He also proposed "temporary Israeli control" indefinitely over another 10% of the West Bank territory--an area including many more Jewish settlements. According to Palestinian sources, the remaining area would be under Palestinian control, yet certain areas would be broken up by Israeli bypass roads and checkpoints. Depending on how the security roads would be configured, these Israeli roads might impede free travel by Palestinians throughout their proposed nation and reduce the ability to absorb Palestinian refugees.

President Arafat rejected this offer. President Clinton reportedly requested that President Arafat make a counter-offer, but he proposed none. No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even under intense U.S. pressure. Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure of the Camp David Summit. In the months following the summit, Clinton appointed former US Senator George J. Mitchell to lead a fact-finding committee that later published the Mitchell Report. Later at the Taba summit (at Taba) in January 2001, the Israeli negotiation team presented a new map. The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas, and the Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation. However, Prime Minister Ehud Barak did not conduct further negotiations at that time; the talks ended without an agreement and the following month the right-wing Likud party candidate Ariel Sharon was elected as Israeli prime minister in February 2001.

Road Map for Peace

One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road map for peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. Israel did not accept the proposal as written, but called out 14 "reservations" or changes before they would accept it, which were unacceptable to the current Palestinian government. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israeli settlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved.

Negotiations based on the "Road Map" resumed with the Annapolis conference in late 2007 and are underway as of early 2008.

Arab Peace Initiative

The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية) is a peace initiative first proposed by Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, then crown prince, in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular.

The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002 in Beirut Summit, and agreed on again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. The peace initiative achieved the unanimous consent of all members of the Arab League, including both the Hamas and Fatah Palestinian factions.

Considered a progressive proposal that would end the Arab-Israeli conflict, unlike the Road map for peace it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitely on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the Occupied Territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees.

Although the proposal was rejected outright by Israel when it was first proposed in 2002, the Arab League continues to raise it as a possible solution, most recently in 2007, and recent meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been held. According to Haaretz, Arab leaders, have threatened on February 2008 to withdraw their proposal unless Israel explicitly expresses an acceptance of the initiative.

Major issues of contention

A variety of concerns have become prominent issues between the two sides in regards to ongoing day-to-day interactions, and actions by either side towards the other.

Incitement to violence and societal attitudes in Palestinian society

One key issue for Israelis is their concern that key Palestinian leaders have promoted incitement against and overall non-acceptance of Israel, including promotion of violence against Israel. Israelis have pointed to key statements by Palestinians in media, and community organizations which appear to promote violence towards and non-acceptance of Israel.

Collective punishment

Palestinians claim that some security-based measures by the Israeli Defense Forces constitute undue collective punishment. These include offensive military measures which Israel asserts are targeted at terrorist personnel and facilities.

In recent history, supporters of the Palestinians have used the term to label certain Israeli military actions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the Israeli policy of destroying homes of suicide bombers or terrorists responsible for Israeli deaths. Israel stopped using the practice, which dates from British Mandate times, in February 2005. The claim of collective punishment has also been extended to include Israel's extensive system of internal roadblocks and checkpoints in Palestinian land. Israel asserts these are needed to impede terrorist activities.

Debate on Gaza blockade

The Israeli Government's cut in the flow of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip has also been called collective punishment of the civilian population, which violates Israel’s obligations under the laws of war. Starting February 7, 2008, the Israeli Government reduced the electricity it sells directly to Gaza. This follows the ruling of Israel’s High Court of Justice’s decision, which held, with respect to the amount of industrial fuel supplied to Gaza, that, “The clarification that we made indicates that the supply of industrial diesel fuel to the Gaza Strip in the winter months of last year was comparable to the amount that the Respondents now undertake to allow into the Gaza Strip. This fact also indicates that the amount is reasonable and sufficient to meet the vital humanitarian needs in the Gaza Strip.”

With regard to Israel’s plan, the Court stated that, “calls for a reduction of five percent of the power supply in three of the ten power lines that supply electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip, to a level of 13.5 megawatts in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third line, we were convinced that this reduction does not breach the humanitarian obligations imposed on the State of Israel in the framework of the armed conflict being waged between it and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip. Our conclusion is based, in part, on the affidavit of the Respondents indicating that the relevant Palestinian officials stated that they can reduce the load in the event limitations are placed on the power lines, and that they had used this capability in the past."

In earlier times, during the British Mandate, the term "collective punishment" was freely used by the British government to refer to measures they took against Arabs when unknown Arabs attacked Jews, or against Jews when unknown Jews attacked Arabs during the British mandate over Palestine after 1919. In that era, it meant closure of shops, restriction of movement, and taxes or fines levied on towns as punishment. Supporters of Israel have argued that Palestinian violence against Israeli civilians constitutes collective punishment of Israelis for the actions of their government.

Core Issues

A variety of concerns have emerged as key issues in seeking a negotiated settlement between the two sides. Since the Oslo Accords, finalized in 1993, the government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) have been officially committed to an eventual two-state solution. There are six core or 'final status' issues which need to be resolved.

Jerusalem

The borders of Jerusalem is a particularly delicate issue, with each side asserting claims over this city. Israel asserts that the city should not be divided, and should remain unified within Israel's political control. Palestinians claim at least the parts of the city which were not part of Israel prior to June 1967.

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The question of Palestinian refugees

The number of Palestinians who fled Israel following its creation and their descendants now stands at around four million.

Palestinian negotiators have so far insisted that refugees, and all their descendants, from the 1948 and 1967 wars have a right to return to the places where they lived before 1948 and 1967, including those within the 1949 Armistice lines, citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and UN General Assembly Resolution 194 as evidence.

The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 declared that it proposed the compromise of a "just resolution" of the refugee problem. It is not currently understood what is meant by "just resolution"; a similar concept was offered by the Israeli government, but rejected outright by the Palestinians in the Summer 2000 Camp David negotiations.

Although many Israelis are open to compromise on the issue, by means such as the monetary reparations and family reunification initiatives offered by Ehud Barak at the Camp David 2000 summit, the majority of Israelis find a literal, comprehensive right of return for Palestinian refugees to be unacceptable. The most common arguments given for this opposition are:

• Israel's official response is that one factor in the persistence of the Arab refugee problem was the refusal of any Arab government except Jordan to offer the Palestinian Arabs citizenship. This produced much of the poverty and economic problems of the refugees, according to MFA documents. There were other much larger refugee problems after World War II which were eventually solved, while this one persisted.
• Many Israelis contend that Palestinian flight from Israel was not compelled, but voluntary. During the 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine and 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the Arab Higher Committee and the Arab states encouraged Palestinians to flee, in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state. This point, however, is a matter of some contention. Certain actions on the part of Jewish militias were considered to provoke Palestinians to leave Israel. Still, such cases were relatively rare, and the vast majority of Palestinians fled of their own accord. Since most Palestinians chose their status as refugees themselves, some argue that Israel is therefore absolved of responsibility. In fact, a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee reveals that Arab states officially agreed to take responsibility for these refugees at the height of the Palestinian exodus, until such time as Israel would be destroyed:

Arab leaders and their ministries in Arab capitals ... declared that they welcomed the immigration of Palestinian Arabs into the Arab countries until they saved Palestine.

• Historical legal precedent from the Middle East supports this contention. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world were ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them.
• Most Israelis hold that the inflow of millions of poor refugees (almost none of whom were properly integrated by the surrounding Arab countries) will simply exceed the region's dwindling resources.
• Although Israel accepts the right of the Palestinian Diaspora to return into a new Palestinian state, their return into Israel would be a great danger for the stability of the Jewish state; an influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel. Because a right of return would make Arabs the majority within Israel, this would essentially seal the fate of the Jewish state. As Fatah explains: “To us, the refugees issue is the winning card which means the end of the Israeli state.”

Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several grounds:

• Several authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun. A report from the military intelligence SHAI of the Haganah entitled "The emigration of Palestinian Arabs in the period 1/12/1947-1/6/1948", dated 30 June 1948 affirms that:

"At least 55% of the total of the exodus was caused by our (Haganah/IDF) operations." To this figure, the report’s compilers add the operations of the Irgun and Lehi, which "directly (caused) some 15%... of the emigration". A further 2% was attributed to explicit expulsion orders issued by Israeli troops, and 1% to their psychological warfare. This leads to a figure of 73% for departures caused directly by the Israelis. In addition, the report attributes 22% of the departures to "fears" and "a crisis of confidence" affecting the Palestinian population. As for Arab calls for flight, these were reckoned to be significant in only 5% of cases...

• The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay put.
• The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination towards non-Jews and especially to Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship nor return to the territory from which they were displaced or left.
• The strongest legal basis on the issue is UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948. It states that, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible." UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return". Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem," however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of return.

Israeli settlements

In the years following the Six-Day War, and especially in the 1990s during the peace process, Israel re-established communities destroyed in 1929 and 1948 as well as established numerous new settlements on the West Bank. These settlements are now home to about 350,000 people. Most of the settlements are in the western parts of the West Bank, while others are deep into Palestinian territory, overlooking Palestinian cities. These settlements have been the site of much intercommunal conflict.

Insistence by some Palestinians that all Jewish communities within the territories to be part of a Palestinian state be removed. This includes ancient communities (Hebron), communities destroyed in 1948 and since re-established (Gush Etzion), and settlements established since 1967. The Palestinian position on the Jews of the Old City of Jerusalem is unclear.

The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip have been described as an obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, by the international media; as well as the international political community (including the US, the UK, and the EU). These actors have also called the settlements illegal under international law, however Israel disputes this. Furthermore, the ICJ as well as international and Israeli human rights organizations consider the settlements illegal. Whilst several scholars and commentators disagree, citing recent historical trends to back up their argument, it has not changed the view of the international community and human rights organizations.

As of 2006, 267,163 Israelis lived within the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The establishment and expansion of these settlements in the West Bank and (at the time, the) Gaza Strip have been described as violations of the fourth Geneva Convention by the UN Security Council in several resolutions. The European Union and the General Assembly of the United Nations consider the settlements to be illegal. Proponents of the settlements justify their legality using arguments based upon Article 2 and 49 of the fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242. On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations.

In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was enacted. All Jewish residents in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished.

Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as: the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims, Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression, and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.

President George Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines, due to "new realities on the ground. One of the main compromise plans put forth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel to keep some settlements in the West Bank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre-1967 borders of Israel. In return, Palestinians would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country.

Security

Without the West Bank, Israel would be only nine miles across at its narrowest point, close to its greatest population center. Many fear that this would leave it vulnerable to any future attacks by an Arab alliance. Moreover, such an army would be fighting from the higher ground of the West Bank, and would find its invasion made easier, since it would not have to cross the Jordan River.

The threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern. In 2006--the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip--the Israeli government recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005. Many Israelis see this as evidence that greater Palestinian autonomy necessarily comes at the expense of Israel's ability to defend itself against threats from the Palestinian territories.

Contrarily, many maintain that Israeli concessions will result in reduced friction between Israelis and Palestinians, and that this will in turn bring about a reduction of violence.

Borders and international status

In the past Israel has demanded control over border crossings between the Palestinian territories and Jordan and Egypt, and the right to set the import and export controls, asserting that Israel and the Palestinian territories are a single economic space.

Palestinians insist on contiguous territory which will in turn rupture the existing territorial contiguity of Israel. In the interim agreements reached as part of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority has received control over cities (Area A) while the surrounding countryside has been placed under Israeli security and Palestinian civil administration (Area B) or complete Israeli control (Area C). Israel has built additional highways to allow Israelis to traverse the area without entering Palestinian cities. The initial areas under Palestinian Authority control are diverse and non-contiguous . The areas have changed over time because of subsequent negotiations, including Oslo II, Wye River and Sharm el-Sheik. According to Palestinians, the separated areas make it impossible to create a viable nation and fails to address Palestinian security needs; Israel has expressed no agreement to withdrawal from some Areas B, resulting in no reduction in the division of the Palestinian areas, and the institution of a safe pass system, without Israeli checkpoints, between these parts. Because of increased Palestinian violence to occupation this plan is in abeyance. The number of checkpoints has increased; resulting is more suicide bombings since the early summer of 2003. Neither side has publicized a proposal for a final map. (Some maps have been leaked. These, purporting to show Israeli proposals, are reputed to come from the Israelis and the Palestinians).

The division of resources and Water

Palestinians note, as one of their most central concerns, that their society must be given land and resources with enough contiguity to give them a viable society, and that they must therefore not be forced to give up too many resources to Israel, as this may cause economic collapse.

In the Middle East, water is a resource of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its water from two large aquifers which are sprawled across Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since some of the wells used to draw this water lie within the Palestinian Authority areas, there are many who question the legality of using their water for Israeli needs.

But critics of this argument point out that even though Israel withdraws some water from these areas, it also supplies the West Bank with 40 MCMs--77% of its consumption. While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the vast majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. This water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border. By 1999, these numbers had declined to 82% and 80%, respectively.

Finally, Israel cites the Oslo II Accord. In this treaty, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established unequivocally the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank. Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer. Many Palestinians counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution, and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. Indeed its name is "The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement."

This agreement also established the right of the Palestinian Authority to explore and drill for natural gas, fuel and petroleum within its territory and territorial waters. It also delineated the major terms of conduct regarding regulations on the parties' facilities.

Other Issues

The status of the occupied territories

The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem—territories which Israel conquered from Egypt and Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War—are the subject of contentious legal, ethical and political dispute between Israelis and Palestinians.

Occupied Palestinian Territories is the term used by the UN in the conflict. The Israeli government uses the term Disputed Territories, to indicate its position that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquired them in June 1967. The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historical regional names from ancient times.

In 1980, Israel outright annexed East Jerusalem. The United Nations rejected this annexation on August 20 of that year. Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See United Nations Security Council Resolution 242#Semantic dispute.

It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. In 2000, for example, Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of the entire Gaza Strip and 92% of the West Bank. Due to security restrictions, and Barak's opposition to a broad right of return, Arafat refused this proposal.

Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, due to security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion. Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be.

Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, insist that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas views the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable."

Holy places

Israel has grave concerns regarding the welfare of Jewish holy places under possible Palestinian control. When Jerusalem was under Jordanian control, no Jews were allowed to visit the Western Wall. In 2000, a Palestinian mob took over Joseph's Tomb, a shrine considered sacred by both Jews and Muslims, looted and burned the building, and turned it into a mosque. There are unauthorized Palestinian excavations for construction on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, which could threaten the stability of the Western Wall. Israel, on the other hand, has seldom blocked access to holy places sacred to other religions, and never permanently. Israeli security agencies routinely monitor and arrest Jewish extremists that plan attacks, resulting in almost no serious incidents for the last twenty years. Moreover, Israel has given almost complete autonomy to the Muslim trust (Waqf) over the Temple Mount.

Palestinians have grave concerns regarding the welfare of Christian and Muslim holy places under Israeli control. They point to the several attacks on the Al-Aqsa Mosque (Masjid al Aqsa) since 1967, including a serious fire in 1969, which destroyed the south wing, and the discovery, in 1981, of ancient tunnels under the structure of the mosque which some archaeologists believe have weakened the building structures on the Al Aqsa (Haram ash-Sharif). In the ensuing confrontations, more than 70 Palestinians died . Some advocates believe that the tunnels were re-opened with the intent of causing the mosque's collapse. The Israeli government claims it treats the Muslim and Christian holy sites with utmost respect (see previous paragraph).

Mutual recognition

The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people. Despite Yasser Arafat's official renouncement of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity. Simultaneously, at the time of Hamas's victory in the 2006, polls indicated that 66% of Palestinians supported mutual recognition and a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict.

It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. Palestinians respond that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. Many feel that their own opposition to Israel was justified by Israel's apparent stifling of any genuine Palestinian political and economic development.

Israel cites past concessions, such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August, 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel, as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'tzellem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. Practically, they also point out that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, given that the Israeli army has run incursions into the Gaza Strip on various occasions, closed off its borders, and placed an embargo on the region, the Gazan economy has since gone into free fall. This has led and continues to result in warnings of the Palestinian population becoming more radicalized unless conditions improve.

Many significant Palestinian militant groups refuse to recognize Israel's existence, based on their belief that Israel has repeatedly taken Palestinian resources and violated their perceived rights. Based on this, they seek to destroy Israel at some point in the future. It is unclear how much popular support they have. In response, some Israeli groups and individuals oppose any territorial or political concessions to Palestinians.

House demolition in the occupied territories

A factor in the ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians is the demolition of homes in the areas conquered in the 1967 Six-Day War. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have demolished and continue to demolish Palestinian homes in the occupied territories. The reasons for these demolitions are a subject of heated dispute.. Israel justifies the demolition of Palestinian homes on the grounds of deterrence against alleged terrorists and their families and as a means of counter-terrorism and as self-defense to protect Israeli citizens. Human Rights groups such as Amnesty International oppose the demolitions claiming they are in violation of international law, and accuse the Israelis of Collective punishment against innocent Palestinians and annexation of Palestinian land for the benefit of Israeli settlements.

Government

Some groups in Israel assert that the Palestinian Authority is corrupt, that it provides tacit support for extremists via its relationship with Hamas and other Islamic militant movements, and at times calls for the destruction of Israel. This makes it, in Israeli perception, unsuitable for governing any putative Palestinian state or (especially according to the right wing of Israeli politics), even negotiating about the character of such a state. Because of that, a number of organizations, including the previously ruling Likud party, declared they would not accept a Palestinian state based on the current PA. (Likud's former leader Ariel Sharon, publicly declared that he rejected this position as too radical).

A PA Cabinet minister, Saeb Erekat, declared this indicates that Israel is seeking to maintain its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza . Israel has not recognised a Palestinian state, and has resorted to extrajudicial killings of suspects within the West Bank and Gaza who it claims have planned and led terrorist attacks within Israel. Some international observers have recommended that negotiations proceed anyway, claiming that internal Palestinian reform can be undertaken if negotiations make progress.

Airspace

The West Bank and Israel form a strip only up to 80 kilometers wide. Israel has insisted on complete Israeli control of the airspace above the West Bank and Gaza as well as that above Israel itself. A Palestinian compromise of joint control over the combined airspace has been rejected by Israel.

Palestinian army

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Israel does not wish the Palestinians to build up an army capable of offensive operations, considering that the only party against which such an army could be turned in the near future is Israel itself. However, Israel has already allowed for the creation of a Palestinian police that can not only conduct police operations, but also carry out limited-scale warfare. Palestinians have argued that the IDF, a large and modern armed force, poses a direct and pressing threat to the sovereignty of any future Palestinian state, making a defensive force for a Palestinian state a matter of necessity. To this, Israelis claim that signing a treaty while building an army is a show of bad intentions.

Current status

The Oslo peace process obligated both sides to work towards a two-state solution, as noted above. However, during the process itself, there were numerous acts of violence by both sides. Israelis claimed they were acting only in response to Palestinian acts of terrorism. Palestinians claimed they were only carrying out legitimate resistance, against numerous violations by Israel of Palestinian rights, and political sovereignty.

In addition, during this process, both sides expressed dissatisfaction and grievances with the other side. The main Israeli allegation was that Palestinians were actively inciting and funding terrorism against Israel. The main Palestinian complaint was that Israel was repeatedly violating Palestinian rights, which made it pointless to attempt to persuade ordinary Palestinians to accept Israel.

In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, prompting the United States and many European countries to cut off all funds to the Palestinian Authority. The US cited three conditions that the Palestinian government would need to satisfy for a resumption of aid: an end to violence, recognition of Israel, and adherence to the Road Map for Peace. Palestinian critics stated that the US and Israel themselves complied with none of these conditions, and that Israel's support of the Road Map was accompanied by 14 reservations which, they say, drain it of its substance. Furthermore, they assert that Israeli violence against Palestinians continues without discussion. Israel states that its recent military operations are in response to Hamas's frequent rocket attacks from Gaza into Sderot, and on other Israeli cities.

In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia and reached agreement to unite their respective parties. In March 2007, Fatah and Hamas took office under a new unity coalition government. There remained much debate as to whether the PNA was now a credible negotiating authority, and whether sanctions should be lifted. When the Fatah-Hamas coalition collapsed and armed conflict ensued, the debate changed to whether the newly separated Fatah was a credible negotiating partner.

In June 2007, Hamas militarily defeated Fatah in the Gaza Strip in response to attacks. Critics said Fatah had attempted an overthrow and possible coup, funded and assisted by the United States, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, engineered by US National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy Elliott Abrams, led by Mohammed Dalan. Various forces affiliated with Fatah engaged in combat with Hamas, in numerous gun battles. Most Fatah leaders escaped to Egypt and the West Bank, while some were captured and killed. Fatah remained in control of the West Bank, and President Abbas formed a new governing coalition, which some critics of Fatah said subverts the Palestinian Constitution and excludes the majority government of Hamas.

In line with their policies, Israel, the United States, and several allied governments, have censured Hamas for its non-recognition of Israel. They have also assisted President Abbas and Fatah, who hold stances in favor of recognition of Israel. It is the position of the UN, the International Criminal Court, and a vast majority of the international community that Israel and the Palestinians should come to a peaceful resolution based on international laws, UN Resolutions, reciprocal recognition of self-determination and human rights.

Casualties

The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for the occupied Palestinian territory (OCHoPT) was established in late 2000 by the United Nations as a response to the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the West Bank and Gaza caused by military incursions and closures (See also: Second Intifada). The office monitors the conflict and presents figures relating to both internal-violence and direct conflict clashes.*

* All numbers refer to casualties of direct conflict between Israelis and Palestinians including in IDF military operations, artillery shelling, search and arrest campaigns, Barrier demonstrations, targeted killings, settler violence etc. The figures do not include events indirectly related to the conflict such as casualties from unexploded ordnance, etc. or events when the circumstances remain unclear or are in dispute. The figures include all reported casualties of all ages and both genders.

Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties

• One State Solution
• Paris Peace Conference, 1919
• Faisal-Weizmann Agreement (1919)
• 1949 Armistice Agreements
• Camp David Accords (1978)
• Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty (1979)
• Madrid Conference of 1991
• Oslo Accords (1993)
• Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace (1994)
• Camp David 2000 Summit
• History of the Arab-Israeli conflict
• Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs
• List of Middle East peace proposals
• International law and the Arab-Israeli conflict

See also

Geography

• Palestine
• Geography of Israel
• Israeli Settlements

General background and information

• History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Ideology and ideas

• Criticism of religion
• Islamism
• Jewish state
• Pan-Arabism
• Proposals for a Palestinian state
• Zionism

Elements of the conflict

• Children and minors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Child suicide bombers in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Palestinian political violence
• Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Peace organizations in the region

• OneVoice Movement (non-partisan)
• Peace Now (left wing)
• Seeds of Peace (neutral)
• Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (left wing)

Documentaries

• At the Green Line
• Death In Gaza
• Occupation 101
• Promises
• Relentless: The Struggle for Peace in the Middle East
• The Land of the Settlers
• ...more films

References

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    בזרוע הצבאית של חמאס אומרים כי חזרו לשגר קסאמים בעקבות לחץ הרחוב הפלסטיני.
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76. See Causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus.
77. Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4
78. ^ ”Rights and Wrongs.” Efraim Karsh. Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council. June 2001. http://www.aijac.org.au/review/2001/266/essay266.html.
79. From a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee; quoted in Joseph B. Schechtman, The Refugees in the World (New York: Barnes, 1963), p. 197.
80. ^ http://wais.stanford.edu/Israel/israel_andthepalestinerightofreturn51603.html
81. Do Palestinian Refugees Have a Right to Return to Israel? by Ruth Lapidoth, MFA website, 1/15/01. (See section labeled "Conclusions."
82. http://www.fateh.net/e_public/refugees.htm
83. McGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. "Right of return: Palestinian dream?" BBC News. 18 February 2003. 15 July 2007.
84. Flapan, Simha (1987):The Palestinian Exodus of 1948. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4. (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26.
85. Khalidi, Rashid I.(1992): Observations on the Right of Return. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2. (Winter, 1992), pp. 29-40.
86. Interview to Avi Shlaim in Haaretz's supplement
87. Kapeliouk, Amnon (1987): New Light on the Israeli-Arab Conflict and the Refugee Problem and Its Origins, p.21. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3. (Spring, 1987), pp. 16-24.
88. Review by Dominique Vidal in Le Monde Diplomatique
89. Morris, Benny (1986): What Happened in History. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 15, No. 4. (Summer, 1986), pp. 181-182.
90. See for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, Special Issue: Palestine 1948. (Autumn, 1988), pp. 121-137. and Childers, Irskine (1961): The Other Exodus. The Spectator (London), May 12, 1961.
91. Al-Awda web site on points of unity
92. Edward Said cited on the issue of the palestinian right of return and israeli Law of Return in www.samsonblinded.org
93. The Arab Association of Human Rights criticises the israeli Law of Return as being discriminatory towards arabs in www.arabhra.org
94. Jonathan Cook considers the support for the Israeli Law of Return together with the opposition towards Palestinian Right of Return as a way that "maintains the act of ethnic cleansing that dispossessed the Palestinian refugees more than half a century ago."
95. Global Policy Forum on Palestinians' right of return
96. Radley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 586-614.
97. 700 housing units to be built in W. Bank Jerusalem Post, 4 September 2006
98. Obstacles to peace: Borders and settlements, BBC News, 25 May 2007
99. State Department annual report. US-led international commission on BBC
100. Select Committee on International Development in www.parliament.uk
101. Interparliamentary European Security and Defence Assembly. [http://www.bittyurl.com/?f59416
102. Security Council. 49 speakers addresss Security Council. Summary record of the 16th meeting of the UN General Assembly. General Assembly Resolution A/RES/ES-10/7. Security Council Resolution 476 (1980)
103. Israel confirms settlement growth, BBC, 21 March, 2005.
104. Study Guide to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Israeli Wall Being Built in Palestine. Znet
105. The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions. A Human Rights Review on the EU and Israel. NGO Monitor
106. Six reasons to settle Yedioth Ahronoth 18 June 2005
107. Bard, Mitchell G. "Myths & Facts - Settlements." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 July 2007.
108. Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. pp. 176-177
109. Report: 12,400 new settlers in 2006. Tovah Lazaroff. Jerusalem Post.
110. EU Committee Report.
111. General Assembly 1998 vote
112. Rostow, Eugene. Resolved: are the settlements legal? Israeli West Bank policies, The New Republic, October 21, 1991.
113. "Special Update: Disengagement - August 2005". Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
114. Remarks by Pres. Clinton, 1/7/01. (Full transcript available at: cnn transcript)
115. Tony Blair press conference, 4/17/04, incl. comments on compromising on settlements, UK Foreign office, accessed 7/12/07
116. ^ > What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel?, by Dore Gold, jcpa.org
117. ^ Israeli Settlements and International Law, Israel Foreign Ministry website, 5/4/01, accessed 12/18/07. (Scroll down to paragraph which begins "Politically, the West Bank and Gaza Strip is best regarded as...")
118. Diplomatic and Legal Aspects of the Settlement Issue, by Jeffrey Helmreich, Institute for Contemporary Affairs, jcpa.org, accessed 7/11/07.
119. Israel 'to keep some settlements', BBC, 4/12/05.
120. Review of Dennis Ross book, BY RAY HANANIA, hanania.com, 8/16/04, accessed 7/11/07.
121. http://focusonjerusalem.com/newsroom72.html
122. http://www.grantjeffrey.com/article/rusisrl.htm
123. "Victims of Palestinian Violence and Terrorism since September 2000". Israeli Ministry of Internal Affairs. Retrieved April 10, 2007. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
124. ^ "Security Implications of Disengagement from the Gaza Strip and Northern Samaria" (PDF). {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |source= ignored (help)
125. ^ "Geography of Water Resources." Princeton University. http://www.wws.princeton.edu/wws401c/geography.html
126. ^ "What about water issues? Is Israel using Palestinian water?" Palestine Facts. http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_water.php
127. ^ "Does Israel Use 'Palestinian' Water?" Camera Backgrounder. July, 2001. http://world.std.com/~camera/docs/backg/water.html
128. ^ The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement - Annex I. Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. September 5, 1995.
129. Emma Playfair (Ed.) (1992). International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories. USA: Oxford University Press. p. 396. ISBN 0-19-825297-8.
130. Cecilia Albin (2001). Justice and Fairness in International Negotiation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 150. ISBN 0-521-79725-X.
131. The question of Palestine and the United Nations, online booklet published by www.un.org
132. "Occupied Territories" to "Disputed Territories" by Dore Gold, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, January 16, 2002. Retrieved September 29, 2005.
133. Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps British Broadcasting Corporation, April 10, 2007
134. United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 United Nations, Aug. 20, 1980
135. http://www.aijac.org.au/resources/Israel-peace-timeline.html
136. Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147.
137. Sela, Avraham. "Hamas." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 335-342.
     
138. http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_oslo_accords.php
139. Dershowitz, Alan (2003). The Case for Israel. Wiley. ISBN 0-471-46502-X. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |year= (help)CS1 maint: year (link)
140. Israeli Settlements on Occupied Palestinian Territories
141. Update to Amnesty International’s briefing to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Amnesty International, 1 February 2007
142. Yaacov Lozowick (2004): "Right to Exist: A Moral Defense of Israel's Wars" ISBN 1400032431. p.260
143. "Israel limits house demolitions." BBC News 17 February 2005. 24 September 2007.
144. Israel and the Occupied Territories Under the rubble: House demolition and destruction of land and property. Amnesty International, 18 May 2004.
145. Through No Fault of Their Own: Israel's Punitive House Demolitions in the al-Aqsa Intifada. B'Tselem
146. About OCHA
147. ^ The Humanitarian Monitor, December 2007, tables on pages 5 and 7, all numbers refer to casualties of the direct conflict as defined therein (page 23).

Further reading

General History

• Bregman, Ahron (2002). Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-28716-2
• Bregman, Ahron Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America.
• Bard, Mitchell. The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict. 2nd ed. (Alpha, 2002), ISBN 0-02-864410-7
• Bickerton, Ian J. and Carla L. Klausner. A Concise History of the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 4th ed. (Prentice Hall, 2001), ISBN 0-13-090303-5
• Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. The Palestine-Israeli Conflict: A Beginner's Guide (Oneworld Publications, 2003), ISBN 1-85168-332-1
• David, Ron. Arabs & Israel for Beginners (Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc. 1996), ISBN 0-86316-161-8
• Dowty, Alan. Israel/Palestine (Polity, 2005), ISBN 0-7456-3202-5
• Fraser, T. G. The Arab–Israeli Conflict. 2nd ed. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), ISBN 1-4039-1338-2
• Gelvin, James L. The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 0521618045
• Harms, Gregory with Todd M. Ferry. The Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction (Pluto Press, 2005), ISBN 0-7453-2378-2
• Hirst, David. The Gun and the Olive Branch. 3rd ed. (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-483-1
• Hurewitz, J. C. The Struggle for Palestine (Shocken Books, 1976),
• Khouri, Fred J. The Arab–Israeli Dilemma. 3rd ed. (Syracuse University Press, 1985), ISBN 0-8156-2340-2
• Morris, Benny. Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab Conflict, 1881–2001 (Vintage Books, 2001), ISBN 0-679-74475-4
• Mandel, Neville J. The Arabs and Zionism Before World War I (University of California Press, 1976),
• Roraback, Amanda. Palestine in a Nutshell or Israel in a Nutshell (Enisen Publishing, 2004), ISBN 0-9702908-4-5
• Safran, Nadav. Israel: The Embattled Ally (The Belknap Press, Harvard, 1978),
• Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121.
• Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 5th ed. (Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004), ISBN 0-312-40408-5
• Sykes, Christopher. Crossroads to Israel (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1965),
• Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4
• Thomas, Baylis. How Israel Was Won (Lexington Books, 1999), ISBN 0-7391-0064-5
• Wasserstein, Bernard. Israelis and Palestinians (Yale University Press, 2003), ISBN 0-300-10172-4

Analytical / Focused

• Carey, Roane, ed. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid (Verso, 2001), ISBN 1-85984-377-8
• Chomsky, Noam. The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians. Rev. ed. (South End Press, 1999), ISBN 0-89608-187-7.
• Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel (John Wiley & Sons, 2004), ISBN 0-471-67952-6
• Enderlin, Charles. Shattered Dreams: The Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East, 1995-2002 (Other Press, 2003), ISBN 1-59051-060-7
• Falk, Avner Fratricide in the Holy Land: A Psychoanalytic View of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Wisconsin Press, 2004, ISBN 0-299-20250-X
• Finkelstein, Norman. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. 2nd ed. (Verso, 2003), ISBN 1-85984-442-1 2nd ed. introduction
• Flapan, Simha. The Birth of Israel: Myth and Realities (Pantheon Books, 1987),
• Flapan, Simha. Zionism and the Palestinians (Croom Helm, 1979),
• Green, Stephen. Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations with a Militant Israel (William Morrow and Co., Inc., 1984),
• Maniscalco, Fabio. Protection, conservation and valorisation of Palestinian Cultural Patrimony (Massa Publisher, 2005), ISBN 88-87835-62-4
• Martin, Dom. COEXISTENCE: Humanity's Wailing Wall TransGalactic Publications, 2006, ISBN 0-9616078-8-2
• Pappe, Ilan, ed. The Israel/Palestine Question (Routledge, 1999), ISBN 0-415-16948-8
• Pearlman, Wendy. Occupied Voices: Stories of Everyday Life from the Second Intifada (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-530-7
• Quandt, William B. Peace Process. 3rd ed. (Brookings Institution Press, 2005), ISBN 0-520-24631-4
• Reinhart, Tanya. Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948 (Seven Stories Press, 2002), ISBN 1-58322-538-2
• Ross, Dennis. The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), ISBN 0-374-19973-6
• Safran, Nadav. The United States and Israel, ISBN 0-674-92490-8
• Said, Edward W. The Question of Palestine (Vintage Books, 1992), ISBN 0-679-73988-2
• Salinas, Moises. Planting Hatred, Sowing Pain: The Psychology of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Greenwood-Praeger Publishers, 2007), ISBN 0-275-99005-2
• Selby, Jan (2003). Water, Power and Politics in the Middle East: The Other Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1860649343
• Shipler, David K. Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land. Rev. ed. (Penguin Books, 2002), ISBN 0-14-200229-1
• Swisher, Clayton E. The Truth About Camp David (Nation Books, 2004), ISBN 1-56025-623-0
• Tilley, Virginia. The One-State Solution, (University of Michigan Press, May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138

Peace proposals

• A Comparison Of Three Drafts For An Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement

External links

Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)

• Plan of Israeli—Palestinian Resolution. A Conclusive Arrangement.
• Israeli-Palestinian ProCon.org Pros and Cons of hundreds of issues related to the conflict.
• Global Politician - Middle-East Section
• Middle East Policy Council
• The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
• Aix Group - Joint Palestinian-Israeli-international economic working group.
• The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict--An overview of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians from 1948 through the present day. From the History Guy Website.
• The Media Line - A non-profit news agency which provides credible, unbiased content, background and context from across the Middle East.
• Inter Press Service - Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East conflicts

Conflict resolution groups

• OneVoice Movement - One Million Voices to End the Conflict
• Seeking Common Ground

Human rights groups

• Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine
• B'Tselem - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories
• Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group: West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists
• Palestinian Centre for Human Rights: Gaza affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists

Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites

• Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel The Jewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
• MidEastWeb.org
  • A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict
  • A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict
• Current breakdown of fatalities in conflict - Institute for Counter-Terrorism
• Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem

Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites

• Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs Palestinian Violence and Terrorism
• Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America
• Palestine Facts
• Eretz Yisroel: A comprehensive collection of news, articles and book excerpts
• Jewish Virtual Library
  • Palestinian Maps Omitting Israel and Maps of "Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
  • Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab-Israeli Conflict
• Honest Reporting UK monitoring mideast media
• Gamla shall not fall again
• NAAMZ, Revisionist Zionist group
• True Peace - Chabad-Lubavitch site

Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites

• UN Security Council Resolutions Against Israel 1955-1992
• Palestine Solidarity Campaign UK
• Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign
• Palestinian Campaign for the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel
• Palestine Media Watch
• Electronic Intifada
• Palestine Solidarity Project Palestinian grassroots organizing and reporting.

Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites

• The Other Israel, newsletter of the Israeli peace movement since 1983
  • http://israelipalestinianpeace.org The Other Israel, online archive under construction]
• "Barak's Generous offer" from Gush Shalom. Macromedia Flash version
• The Origin of the Palestine - Israel Conflict, Published by Jews for Justice in the Middle East
• Background to the Israel-Palestine Crisis--Q & A format overview by Stephen Shalom, who teaches political science at William Paterson University in New Jersey.
• Occupation Magazine

Other sites:

• century-intifada-israel-palestine-aufheben Behind the 21st Century Intifada - an analysis of Israel/Palestine - a leftist, working-class history of the conflict
• axisglobe.com a Russian perspective site
• Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a common enemy Salom Now! And METalks are two experimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, such popular, grassroots action is held hostage by some common enemies: despair, hatred, antipathy and distrust. (Jan, 2007)
• Exchange of friendly fire Anat el-Hashahar, an Israeli and founder of METalks, debates the Arab-Israeli conflict – from Oslo to Lebanon – with Khaled Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer.
• Website with information (articles, reports, maps, books, links, ...) on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

• Middle Eastern history stubs
• Guerrilla wars
• Israeli-Palestinian conflict