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British National Party
Chairman	Nick Griffin MEP
Founded	1982
Headquarters	PO Box 14 Welshpool SY21 0WE
Newspaper	Voice of Freedom
Youth wing	Resistance
Membership (August 2010)	4,200
Ideology	Fascism Right-wing populism White nationalism Euroscepticism
Political position	Far-right
European affiliation	Alliance of European National Movements
European Parliament group	Non-Inscrits
Colours	Red, white, blue
European Parliament	1 / 72
Local government	3 / 21,871
Website
http://bnp.org.uk/
Politics of the United Kingdom Political parties Elections

The British National Party (BNP) is a racist, far-right political party formed as a splinter group from the National Front by John Tyndall in 1982. It restricted membership to "indigenous British" people until a 2010 legal challenge to its constitution.

The BNP advocates "firm but voluntary incentives for immigrants and their descendants to return home", as well as the repeal of anti-discrimination legislation.

The BNP finished fifth in the 2008 London mayoral election with 5.2% of the vote, winning a seat in the London Assembly. In 2009 it won its first county council seats and two seats in the European Parliament, with leader Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons being elected as MEPs. Since Brons' 2012 resignation, Griffin is the BNP's only MEP.

During the 2010 General Election, the BNP received 1.9% of the vote and failed to win any seats. The party's current leader, Nick Griffin, is a former national organiser of the National Front.

History

National Front

The British National Party was founded in 1982 following a split within the National Front (NF) two years before. After a poor showing at the 1979 general election, internal factional division heightened within the National Front. This culminated in chairman John Tyndall leaving the party in 1980, founding the New National Front, which became the BNP two years later. According to Spearhead, a magazine produced by Tyndall, the split within the NNF was not initially intended to be permanent. The National Front had organised marches in an attempt to further raise its profile. These sometimes led to violent clashes with political opponents such as the Anti-Nazi League. Members of Tyndall's New National Front, wished to modernise and move away from fascist ideology, blaming the old National Front for its lack of popular appeal. Tyndall's newly formed British National Party therefore absorbed the membership of the British Democratic Party, a small British nationalist party led by Anthony Reed Herbert which attempted to distance itself from neo-nazism. The British Democratic Party had itself earlier split from the National Front. Members of the Constitutional Movement, another splinter group, who had distanced themselves from fascism and violent subcultures such as football hooliganism, also joined. These smaller nationalist parties attempting to modernise their image, joined Tyndall's New National Front through the Committee for Nationalist Unity (1981), which acted as a front to draw members from similar modernising nationalist organizations. However despite Tyndall's attempt to distance the newly formed British National Party from fascism, several individuals of the disintegrating British Movement were allowed to join.

Tyndall leadership, early years

At its formation in 1982, the British National Party had 2500 members, most of whom had joined from the Constitutional Movement through the Committee for Nationalist Unity. Eddy Morrison and his minor Leeds based nationalist party, merged with the British National Party later that year. In 1983, Tyndall sought to make an electoral impact by fielding 53 candidates in the 1983 general election, which guaranteed a free party broadcast. This broadcast featured Tyndall, flanked by two British flags, and footage of the Brixton riot, a violent riot between predominantly black local residents and the police. All candidates combined, which included Tyndall himself and his wife Valerie, the British National Party achieved only 14,621 votes and lost all its deposits. It was revealed afterwards that the BNP Deputy Chairman Ray Hill had been working as a mole on behalf of the anti-fascist magazine Searchlight. During the mid-1980s, the British National Party under Tyndall absorbed numerous existing National Front Flag Group branches including Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds and Glasgow. The party also began to develop friendly relations with the Federation of Conservative Students. The British National Party also made contacts on the continent, particularly with Flemish nationalists of the radical Odal Group, which succeeded the Order of Flemish Militants. John Peacock, a regional organiser for the British National Party was the British representative of the Odal Ring.

Tyndall claimed after the 1983 general election, that the parties more moderate image had been sufficiently attractive to invite 3,000 enquiries in joining the party. He also attempted to distance the party from neo-nazism and skinheads. Despite however an increase in membership, and increase in media exposure, the British National Party continued to poll very low in council elections, ranging from 1 - 3%, the sole exception being a council by-election in Sunderland in 1984, where the party polled 11.7%. In 1986, Tyndall and John Morse were imprisoned for inciting racial hatred. While in prison, Tyndall wrote the part-autobiographical, part-political The Eleventh Hour, making Richard Edmonds the de facto leader of the BNP during this time. While Tyndall was imprisoned, the British National Party ceased in electoral activity - only one candidate stood in the London Borough council elections. While Tyndall and Morse served short 4 month prison sentences, membership of the party had shrunk, and with little financial income, Tyndall decided not to stand candidates in the 1987 general election. However two party regional organisers, Alf Waite in Bromley and Michael Easter from the BNP's West Kent branch, defied his wishes and declared their intention to stand as BNP candidates. Both stood in the 1987 general election polling poorly. Both were subsequently expelled by Tyndall. The party was further damaged, by the fact a 1988 Sunday Times report revealed that BNP Deputy Chairman Richard Edmonds was once involved with a newspaper called the "Holocaust" News, published by the Centre for Historical Review. The publication claimed that the Holocaust, as presented in state-sponsored accounts, was an elaborate, politically motivated hoax. It promoted instead the Leuchter Report, the Ball Report and the Rudolf Expertise. In 1989, the BNP had 800 members.

Gains at local level, 1990s

The British National Party in the early 1990s picked up in its membership and support through the decline of the National Front, which had split into further factions. It had also mobilised 200 people for a "Rights for Whites" demonstration resulting in the 1989 Dewsbury race riot. The BNP claimed the demonstration was in support of white parents who withdrew their children from predominantly Muslim schools. Writing about Dewsbury, Tyndall made the claim that "the name of our party, for long languishing in obscurity, is now on thousands of lips". Around this time, the party also saw a popularity growth in east London and relocated its bookshop to a heavily fortified headquarters at Welling. At the 1992 general election, Tyndall and Lady Birdwood were noted candidates who unsuccessfully stood for election. Following this, BNP candidate Derek Beackon—a last minute replacement for Eddy Butler—won the party its first local council seat in 1993 from Labour, during a local-by election for the Isle of Dogs, Tower Hamlets. The seat was fought on a "Rights for Whites" platform, in which it was alleged black families were being favoured in local housing initiatives. In May 1994, as local elections approached, the BNP hoped to hold its seat, but was defeated by Labour. However the BNP polled well elsewhere in London, particularly in the neighbouring borough of Newham where a BNP candidate came within 65 votes of being elected. Eddy Butler remarked on the results at the time: "Compared with results achieved by nationalist candidates in the recent past, our votes were nothing short of phenomenal.". John Tyndall also succeeded in retaining his deposit at a parliamentary by-election at Dagenham in June 1994, a first ever for the BNP.

In the aftermath of Beackon's electoral victory and losing his seat the following year, the British National Party clashed with paramilitary organisation, Combat 18, which had evolved in 1991 from a 'security force' made up of nationalists drawn from football casual firms was created to defend far-right activists, allegedly in response to a hammer attack at Kensington Library. The force firebombed the headquarters of the communist newspaper, the Morning Star, and by 1993 had transformed into the Neo-Nazi paramilitary organisation Combat 18. That same year, the BNP proscribed membership of the group and claimed it had been infiltrated by MI5. In September 1995, Tyndall maintained that in response to the BNP's victory in Millwall, C18 had been 'created' by the State security services in order to wreck the BNP and its electoral support. Nick Griffin, who later became British National Party chairman, stated in Spearhead during 1999 that members of Combat 18 had been a faction of the British Movement some years earlier, from which they were expelled, but never part of the BNP. He claimed that it had "been known for some years that MI5 encouraged or even ordered the setting up of C18 in order to disrupt and discredit the BNP after historic electoral success in Millwall in 1993", and also that The Observer had confirmed that Combat 18 was a state-sponsored "honeytrap" right from the start. It was revealed around this time that another Searchlight mole, Tim Hepple, had infiltrated the BNP, proving controversial in far-left circles, since he was the primary organiser of the Dewsbury incident in 1989. However, Hepple also worked as a Searchlight mole amongst the radical left as an "agent provocateur". According to author Larry O'Hara, Hepple attempted to get Green Anarchist to publish works by radical nationalists, with the intention of publishing an expose in Searchlight that they were "working with fascists"—thus leaving them open to attack from all sides. This happened to Class War. Political opponents claimed that "racist incidents" occurred around the BNP's headquarters and instigated a "close down the BNP" march in October 1993. In 1995, Bexley Council shut down the BNP headquarters. The same year, relations were built up with William Luther Pierce's US-based National Alliance.

In August 1995 Tyndall committed the party to contesting 50 seats at the next general election. However the party was in a poor state, as the membership had dropped to 700 and there was an on-going conflict with Combat 18. The party attempted to further modernise its image for the upcoming 1997 general election as Michael Newland, the party's press officer looked towards the example of the Austrian Freedom Party as a model for a 'new', modern and respectable British nationalism. Newland however briefly resigned from the party in early 1996 convinced that it needed a new leader. Nick Griffin joined the party in 1995, having led a faction of the National Front and Tyndall employed him to edit Spearhead. Griffin believed the British National Party needed to be further modernised, with no fascist connections, but through a forthright commitment to what he regarded as historical revisionism. A booklet, Who are the Mind-benders? co-authered by Griffin was unveiled by the BNP in early 1997, arguing that Britain and its media was mass-controlled by a "liberal-elite". Furthermore, Griffin flirted with Holocaust Denial writing in The Rune that the Holocaust was a "mixture of Allied wartime propaganda, extremely profitable lie, and latter-day witch-hysteria". He was consequently prosecuted under the Public Order Act at the instigation of Alex Carlile MP. These claims some British National Party members believed were losing the appeal and ideology of the party, Newland considered them to be the views of "Nazi cranks". However according to Tyndall in his "July Members' Bulletin", the BNP's support was increasing with between 2,500 and 3,000 membership enquiries just prior to the 1997 general election. The party managed to save two deposits in this election, Tyndall with 7.26 per cent and Dave King with 7.5 per cent, in the East End of London and Canning Town. However it has been alleged that Dave King benefited from voter confusion since he shared the same surname as Oona King, the winning Labour candidate.

Following the 1997 general election, the BNP once again suffered a set back. At local elections in May 1998, the BNP fielded five more candidates than in 1994 but its average vote fell from just over 13% to a derisory 3.28%. In Tower Hamlets, its average share of the poll slumped by almost half. At the end of 1998, membership stood at 1,100. Within four years, the BNP had gone from thinking it was on the verge of a major electoral breakthrough to the point of stagnation, this led to the party's first leadership election.

Griffin leadership, identity nationalism

In October 1999, Nick Griffin, supported by Tony Lecomber, stood against Tyndall for leadership of the BNP. John Tyndall, only received 411 (30%) of the votes, while Griffin the majority. After Griffin won he began modernising the party's image, though the crucial policy change from compulsory to voluntary repatriation had already been accomplished under Tyndall's leadership. Griffin moved the party from a focus on the status of Jews in Britain, to allowing Jews to stand for the party. A new monthly newspaper, The Voice of Freedom, was initiated, as well as a journal, Identity. During the 2001 general election, following the milltown riots, Oldham and Burnley polled highest for the BNP. Following 9/11 the BNP made further political capital.

At local level, the BNP continued to improve on its electoral results in 2002—03, gaining council seats in Blackburn, Calderdale and Burnley, despite an extensive opposition campaign. This success led to a large number of the National Democrats party, including Simon Darby and Martin Wingfield defecting to the British National Party from 1999 to 2003. After the 2004 elections, the BBC and Searchlight created a documentary called The Secret Agent, featuring Jason Gwynne infiltrating the BNP. In it, Griffin and Mark Collett made comments critical of Islam. Following the documentary, Barclays Bank froze the party's accounts. Collett and Griffin were acquitted on charges of incitement to racial hatred in 2006. The BNP branded the BBC "cockroaches". In Burnley, the BNP lost one of its councillors, Maureen Stowe, who left the party after claiming it was racist. She told The Guardian, "I became a BNP councillor, like most people who voted for me, by believing their lies". Following the 7/7 bombings in London, the BNP released fliers with the slogan; "maybe now it's time to start listening to the BNP". Griffin claimed that this was the "cost of voting Labour", attacking the government for bringing the United Kingdom into an "illegal" Iraq War and for its immigration policies. YouGov claimed in 2006, that support for the party stood at up to 7%. Large gains were made in the 2006 local elections, where the BNP more than doubled its number of councillors and became the second party on the Barking and Dagenham council.

In February 2005, the party provoked controversy in denouncing a charity appeal following the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami two months earlier, calling it a "devious way to flood Britain with immigrants" and comparing the catastrophe to flooding in Cumbria at the beginning of 2005, which claimed three lives – whereas the tsunami death toll was in six figures. In December 2006, it was revealed that a The Guardian journalist, Ian Cobain, had worked undercover in the BNP for seven months, becoming the party's central London organiser. Among the accusations made by the paper was that the BNP used "techniques of secrecy and deception ... in its attempt to conceal its activities and intentions from the public". It asserted that the BNP operated with a "network of false identities" and organised rendezvous points to allow members to be directed to "clandestine meetings". Party members were directed to avoid "any racist or anti-semitic language in public". Cobain also claimed that the membership in central London had expanded beyond the party's traditional range, now including "dozens of company directors, computing entrepreneurs, bankers and estate agents, and a handful of teachers". Following the report, the campaign group Unite Against Fascism called for ballerina Simone Clarke to be dismissed from the English National Ballet, because her views on immigration were "incompatible with a leading arts institution such as the English National Ballet" and because she had "used her position to support a party which fosters division". Clarke said: "the BNP is the only party to take a stand against immigration". The BNP was investigated by the Electoral Commission in 2007, after The Guardian revealed that it had set up a front organisation to raise money from sympathisers in the United States. Later in 2007, three BNP councillors resigned. In Epping, Terry Farr resigned after suspension for writing abusive letters to Trevor Phillips. In Sandwell, James Lloyd was disqualified for not attending any meetings. In Blackburn, Robin Evans left the party and wrote a letter to his former colleagues denouncing it as a party of drug-dealers and football hooligans. Evans remains a councillor, describing himself as a "national socialist".

In late 2007, several BNP officials, including councillor Sadie Graham and head of administration Kenny Smith, had pressed for the expulsion of three senior officials—treasurer John Walker, his deputy Dave Hannam and director of publicity Mark Collett—who they accused of bringing the BNP into disrepute. The BNP later accused Graham and Smith of being "far left" infiltrators. In December Graham and Smith launched a blog detailing their complaints against the trio. They were dismissed from their positions by Nick Griffin. During the ensuing dispute, members of BNP security seized a computer from Graham's home. Griffin claimed that they were recovering party property, while Graham claimed that it was her own. A number of BNP councillors later resigned the whip after Councillor Nina Brown claimed that BNP Security had misled her into giving them the key to Sadie Graham's home.

A number of BNP officials resigned in support of Smith and Graham, or were expelled. These included the head of the Young BNP. The BNP leadership said that the significance of the dispute was exaggerated and that it would quickly blow over. In late December 2007, the dissidents began to refer to themselves as the "Real BNP". They said that they would stay within the BNP and campaign for a change of leaders. In January 2008, the group launched a new website called "Voice of Change", "an umbrella group to assist candidates who wish to stand as independent nationalists in the local elections in May 2008, and in any local by-elections throughout the year". They aimed to challenge Nick Griffin's leadership, calling him "tyrannical", "arrogant" and surrounded by "yes men".

The constitution of the BNP has been criticised by members for giving far too much power to the chairman and for not being easily accessible by the membership. In 2007, a leadership challenge by a Tyndallite faction led by Christian (Chris) Jackson succeeded in forcing an election, which was however lost. The following year saw the resignation or expulsion of scores of activists from a different wing of the party and an unsuccessful bid for the leadership by Cllr Colin Auty.

BNP candidate Richard Barnbrook won a seat in the London Assembly in 2008, after the party gained 5.3% of the London-wide vote.

Electoral breakthrough, European Parliament

In the 2009 European elections the British National Party won two seats in the European Parliament. Andrew Brons was elected in the Yorkshire and the Humber regional constituency with 9.8% of the vote. Party chairman Nick Griffin was elected in the North West region, with 8% of the vote. Nationally, the BNP received 6.26%. Griffin stated that it was "a great victory ... we go on from here." Meanwhile, the Labour and Conservative parties both referred to it as a "sad moment". The Archbishops of Canterbury and York said it would be tragic if people abstained or voted BNP at the local and European elections. In local elections held the same day, the BNP also won its first three county council seats in Lancashire, Leicestershire and Hertfordshire. The breakthrough of the British National Party in the 2009 European elections was widely reported throughout Britain by the media. Matthew Goodwin in his article "The BNP's breakthrough", notes that the British National Party was able to capitalise on widespread public anxiety over immigration. Also in light of the United Kingdom Parliamentary expenses scandal, there was media speculation that the BNP could do well in the polls, as voters sought an alternative party to register their protest. Nick Griffin claimed that the success of the British National Party was down to its modernisation, having kept things "simple" and ditched the fringe in the movement who were concerned with "... genetics, Zionism and historical revisionism". He also claimed the party's success was down to the fact the mainstream parties in Britain never discussed immigration, while the British National Party openly did and were not scared to do so:

"The Labour Party, the Lib Dems and the Tories, by leaving the door to Britain open, has forced people to turn to a party which speaks openly about the problem of immigration."

In May 2009, The Sunday Mirror revealed that the BNP had used stock photos on its leaflets to represent people supposedly in agreement with its policies. Plaid Cymru MP Adam Price alleged misrepresentation and called on the Royal Mail to halt distribution. The BNP claimed this was standard practice by political parties.

At the end of 2009, the party's membership was 12,632, its highest. It also had set up BNPtv, its own online video outlet, a student wing (Student BNP) and the Young BNP (British Nationalist Youth Movement). The party's financial resources had also increased from £726,455 (in 2006) to £1,983,947.

Question Time appearance

In 2009, Nick Griffin appeared on the BBC's Question Time, amid significant public controversy.

2010 General Election, leadership challenge

The British National Party in the 2010 General Election fielded a record 338 candidates, polling 563,743 votes, but won no seats. Nick Griffin came third in the Barking constituency, where the party the same year in the local elections lost all of its 12 councillors it held on the borough. In total, 26 BNP councillors lost their seats, leaving the party with 28 seats overall. In aftermath of the elections, the party further suffered from infighting over concerns over the finances and leadership of the party. However the British National Party's campaign during the 2010 General Election already had been beset by problems before the results, as publicity director Mark Collett was arrested on suspicion of threatening to kill Nick Griffin. A day prior to the General Election, the BNP official website was also closed and replaced with a posting from its Simon Bennett, the party's website manager, accusing Griffin and James Dowson, the BNP election fundraiser, of being "pathetic, desperate and incompetent". Membership of the party also declined after the General Election.

Nick Griffin announced that he would step down as leader in 2013. Three senior BNP members subsequently challenged Griffin for the leadership of the party. Having failed to secure enough support to trigger a leadership ballot, both Eddy Butler and Richard Barnbrook were expelled from the party some months later.

2011 Leadership election

Following disappointing election results in 2011, and a General Members Meeting which did away with the virtually insurmountable nominations' requirement for a leadership election, a leadership election took place in 2011. Griffin was challenged by fellow MEP Andrew Brons. Griffin secured a narrow controversial victory, beating Brons by nine votes out of a total of 2,316 votes cast in a bitter contest.

Structure

The chairman of the BNP has final say in all policy matters. 15 further members of the party leadership have responsibility for various areas of its operations. These executive positions work alongside an Advisory Council, the party's senior policy body, which meets at least three times a year. Its role is to "inspect the party's accounts, ensuring proper conduct of the party's finances, and to act as a forum for the party's leadership to discuss vital issues and carve out the party's agenda". The Trafalgar Club is the party's fundraising arm.

The party is organised around 12 regions, based upon the UK European Parliament constituencies, each with an organiser. The party also organises four groups that deal with specific areas of activity–Land and People (rural affairs), Pensioners' Awareness Group, the Friends of European Nationalism (a New Zealand-based organisation) and the Ethnic Liaison Committee, which co-ordinates work with non-whites. The BNP has 16 specifically official posts:

• Chairman – Nick Griffin
• Deputy Chairman – vacant
• Director of Administration – vacant
• National Treasurer – Clive Jefferson
• National Organiser – Adam Walker
• National Media spokesman – Simon Darby
• National Elections Officer – Alwyn Deacon
• Legal Director – vacant
• Editor of Identity – vacant
• Editor of Voice of Freedom –vacant

• Head of Publicity – Charlie Whythe
• Head of the party's 18–30 group 'Resistance' – Thomas Imrie
• Secretary of the "ProFam" group - Lynne Mozar

Policies

Political tendency

It has been claimed that the BNP has, since its foundation, been fascist. The party's predecessor, the NF, was overtly fascist, incorporating British nationalism, racism, and antisemitism into its core ideology. This ideology was taken up by the newly formed BNP, whose founder, John Tyndall, proclaimed: "Mein Kampf is my bible". Piero Ignazi has said that the "proto-Nazi" mould of the NF, and the "generalised nostalgia for all sorts of fascist tendencies" and association with "foreign ideologies", which continued under the BNP, accounted for the lack of success for both parties in comparison to successful far-right parties in Europe, which disavowed traditional fascism.

The Daily Mirror has described the party's MEPs as "vile prophets who preach a Nazi-style doctrine of racial hatred". An editorial in The Guardian characterises the BNP as "a racist organisation with a fascist pedigree". Liberal Democrats leader Nick Clegg has described the BNP as "a party of thugs, fascists". According to David Cameron: "If you vote for the BNP you are voting for a bunch of fascists ... They dress up in a suit and knock on your door in a nice way but they are still Nazi thugs." Former Home Secretary Alan Johnson said: "These people believe in the things that the fascists believed in the second world war, they believe in what the National Front believe in. They believe in the purity of the Aryan race. It is a foul and despicable party and however they change their constitution they will remain foul and despicable." Peter Hain describes the BNP as "a racist organisation with known fascist roots and values" and wrote about its "racist and fascist agenda".

The BNP denies that it is fascist and claims that opposition parties are trying to "prevent freedom of speech". Griffin has said that such accusations are "a smear that comes from the far left." He has also said that "he actually 'detested' fascism".

Political scientists see the party as fascist and say that it has attempted to hide its true nature in order to attract popular support. Nigel Copsey examined the party's 2005 General Election manifesto Rebuilding British Democracy and concluded that it was a recalibration of fascism rather than a fundamental break with it.

Historian Richard Overy has said that "Fascism with a capital F" was strictly a movement of the past. According to David Stevenson, "the BNP is different in style and structure from fascism in the 1930s" saying that although they do not wear uniforms they still count "bully boys" among their membership.

It has also been suggested that the BNP represents a hybrid movement containing elements of Neo-fascism and anti-immigrant themes.

Economic policy

The economic policy of the party has developed over time. In the 1990s, the party reflected protectionism and economic nationalism, although in comparison with other radical nationalist parties, the BNP focuses less on corporatism. It has called for British ownership of its own industries and resources and the "subordination of the power of the City to the power of the government". It has promoted the regeneration of farming in the United Kingdom, with the object of achieving maximum self-sufficiency in food production. It has advocated ending overseas aid in order to provide aid within the UK and to finance the repatriation of immigrants. In 2002, the party criticised corporatism as a "mixture of big capitalism and state control", saying it favoured a "distributionist tradition established by home-grown thinkers" favouring small business. In its 2005 manifesto, the BNP opposed "globalism, international socialism, laissez-faire capitalism and economic liberalism". The BNP rejects the notion of Thatcherism and "submitting to the dictates of the international marketplace" which "has no loyalty to this country". The BNP has claimed that it is possible for a national economy to thrive outside of the laissez-faire model, pointing to 21st century examples such as Japan, South Korea and Singapore. The BNP claims that, while immigration increases the aggregate GNP by providing cheap labour, it decreases the per-capita GNP, which the BNP claims is most representative of the economic well-being of British people.

The party says that "old-style socialist methods" of tax and spend "turned out to have harmful effects" and it would instead seek "non-destructive means to reduce income inequality". Central to the BNP's economic policies are greater share ownership and the establishment of worker co-operatives. The party advocates the provision of extra resources for "especially gifted children" and the reversal of closures of special needs schools.

In the BNP 2010 Manifesto (pp. 8–10) some of their key economic policies are summed up as follows:

• The BNP will forbid the development and importation of genetically modified produce.
• The BNP would support local economies by creating a national network of autonomous credit unions.
• The BNP will ensure that globalist corporations pay their fair share of the tax burden.
• The BNP will charge foreign trucks for the right to use Britain's road network, as other European nations already allegedly do.
• A BNP government would tackle the national debt problem by cutting expenditure on all projects which they think do not serve British interests.

European Union

The British National Party are Eurosceptics, who wish to move towards a greater national self-sufficiency. According to the BNP 2010 Manifesto (p. 27): "The BNP demands an immediate withdrawal from the European Union, which is an organisation dedicated to usurping British sovereignty and to destroying our nationhood and national identity".

Social and cultural policy

Some key social and cultural policies of the British National Party are summed up below from their most recent Manifesto:

• The BNP rejects ID cards as an undesirable representation of the surveillance society.
• The BNP will oppose the intrusion of non-British and alien cultural influences which undermine our traditional value systems.
• The BNP will enact legislation to ensure that pensions are eligible only to Britons and those who have fully paid into the system.
• The BNP will introduce a new Bill of Rights which will guarantee certain basic civil liberties.
• The BNP will encourage the teaching of British history, culture and traditions at schools.
• The BNP will introduce formal bank holidays for all of our nations' patron saints
• The BNP will ensure that the National Health Service is used to serve British people and not used as an International Health Service.
• The BNP will repeal the 1998 Human Rights Act and withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights.
• The BNP will ensure that appropriate areas of public life, including school assemblies, are based on a commitment to the values of traditional Western Christianity, as a benchmark for a decent and civilised society.

In 2005 the BNP proposed to reintroduce compulsory National Service for the young and proposed that men should keep a rifle and ammunition in their homes. In their 2010 Manifesto, the BNP have expanded on their policy of National Service, claiming the youths who take National Service will subsequently be funded for their University or further education: "On satisfactory completion of their period of National Service, all suitably qualified youngsters will become eligible to receive a fully funded university education. The less academically qualified will be entitled to paid apprenticeships or training."

A further BNP policy is "to end the conflict in Ireland by welcoming Eire [sic] as well as Ulster as equal partners in a federation of the nations of the British Isles".

Crime

The BNP advocates capital punishment for "drug dealers, child murderers, multiple murderers, murderers of policemen on duty and terrorists where guilt is proven beyond all doubt". Other key BNP policies on crime include:

• The BNP will abolish political correctness from the police service in favour of real crime fighting.
• The BNP will establish a penal station for hardened and repeat criminals on the British island of South Georgia.
• The BNP will reintroduce the right of householders to defend themselves and their property using whatever means they deem necessary.

Immigration

Since its formation the British National Party has staunchly opposed immigration. The BNP argues that: "To ensure that we do not become a minority in our own homeland, and that the native British peoples of our Islands retain their culture and identity, we call for an immediate halt to all further immigration." Under the leadership of John Tyndall the party advocated total repatriation for all ethnic minorities. When Nick Griffin became chairman in 1999, the BNP changed their total repatriation policy to only voluntary, a key policy which remains to date, offering financial "incentives for immigrants and their descendants to return home." The party maintains that ethnic minorities legally in Britain are entitled to stay as long as they always remain the minority population demographically:

• The BNP recognises the right of legally settled and law-abiding minorities to remain in the UK and enjoy the full protection of the law, on the understanding that the indigenous population of Britain has the right to remain the majority population of our nation.

In their 2010 Manifesto (p. 30) the BNP argues that Islamic immigration must be "halted and reversed as it presents one of the most deadly threats yet to the survival of our nation". Furthermore their policy is also to "deport all foreigners convicted of crimes in Britain, regardless of their immigration status" as well as deport illegal immigrants and "reject all asylum seekers who passed safe countries on their way to Britain".

British Army immigrant issue

It has been claimed that the BNP is opposed to allowing British Army Gurkhas the right of settlement in the United Kingdom. In 2009, Nick Griffin said: "We don't think the most overcrowded country in Europe, can realistically say, 'Look, you can all come and all your relatives'... When the Gurkhas signed up—frankly as mercenaries—they expected a pension which would allow them to live well in their own country". Later, he said that if he could swap "100,000 members of the Muslim community, who say that they support al Qaeda" for the Gurkhas it "would be a good exchange". Nick Griffin has described the commentary about his party's polices on the Gurkhas as "lies", stating the party has "never before even debated this issue". He added, "... A BNP government would look far more sympathetically on the plight of the Gurkhas than the current Labour government."

Joanna Lumley, a campaigner for the Gurkhas' right of settlement, spoke to The Sun condemning a leaflet allegedly distributed by BNP candidate Adam Walker attacking her campaign and with a picture of a dead Gurkha soldier crossed out. The Sun later retracted the allegation, saying that neither the BNP nor Walker were responsible for the leaflet.

On 17 May 2009, The Daily Telegraph wrote that the BNP's leader, Nick Griffin, had branded Lance Corporal Johnson Beharry, a black recipient of the Victoria Cross, an "immigrant" whose bravery was simply "routine". The Telegraph quoted the BNP website as calling Beharry's award of the Victoria Cross "positive discrimination by the PC-mad government". Beharry was awarded the Victoria Cross in 2005 for action in Iraq, when he returned to his burning armoured personnel carrier three times, under sustained enemy fire, to lift his wounded comrades from the vehicle. The BNP claimed: "All he did was drive away very fast from a combat zone."

Race

During the leadership of Tyndall, the party firmly supported white nationalism and the BNP 1997 Manifesto thus called for Britain to be made "once again a white country" through a total repatriation programme for all ethnic minorities. The BNP's 1992 General Election manifesto said that the party had "no quarrel with the ordinary Jew who goes about his own business and does not attempt to influence national affairs in the interests of his racial group", but was opposed to Jewish people "whose activities in pursuit of the interests of their own co-racialists here and around the world can sometimes bring them into conflict with British interests". In 1990, the BNP under Tyndall was described by the European Parliament's committee on racism and xenophobia as an "openly Nazi party ..." In 1993, the party's deputy leader Richard Edmonds said, "We are 100 per cent racist". However, under the leadership of Nick Griffin, from 1999, the party began to radically change its stance on race issues. Writing in the party's newspaper, The Voice of Freedom, Nick Griffin wrote an article entitled "The BNP and Race" in 2001 to clarify that the "The BNP is no longer a genuine White Racial Nationalist party" and that:

"The BNP is not a 'race supremacist' party. The BNP does not claim that any one race is superior to any other, simply that they are different. The party merely wishes to preserve those differences which make up the rich tapestry of human kind ... to protect and preserve the racial and cultural integrity of the British people – and of others too – the party believes in separation ... To sum up, the BNP is fighting for the very right to exist of not just the British but of all peoples."

The BNP under Griffin espouses "ethno-nationalism" based on "concern for the well-being of the English, Scottish, Welsh and Irish ethnic nations that compose the United Kingdom". According to Griffin, regarding the BNP's racial views in 2004: "we don't hate black people, we don't hate asians, we don't oppose any ethnic group for what God made them, they have a right to their own identity as such as we do, all we want to do is to preserve the ethnic and cultural identity of the British people." Scholars of political science have noted this change in racial ideology and consider it to be ethnopluralism or 'differentialism' (racial realism), influenced by the European New Right. Speaking on the BBC's Andrew Marr Show in 2009, Nick Griffin declared that the BNP "does not want all-white UK" because "Nobody out there wants it or would pay for it" and that the claims he was a fascist were smears.

In 2010, the party changed its constitution which had restricted membership to "indigenous British" people.

The party has stated that it does not oppose the Jewish, Hindu or Sikh religions but does not accept practising Sikhs or Hindus as ethnically British since they are not indigenous. The BNP sums up its views on non-indigenous British as follows:

• The British National Party ... recognises pro-British members of assimilated minorities as British in a civic sense, and welcomes their contribution to our fight for fair play for, and the future survival of, the indigenous peoples of these islands.

• But we absolutely reject the poisonous, Politically Correct, anti-indigenous fiction that they are English, or Scottish, or Welsh, or Irish. They may well be very decent people, but if any of us went to Nigeria or Afghanistan, no-one would dream of pretending that we were Nigerians or Afghans.

The BNP is opposed to mixed-race relationships because "when whites take partners from other ethnic groups, a white family line that stretches back into deep pre-history is destroyed." Nick Griffin has also stated: "... while the BNP is not racist, it must not become multi-racist either. Our fundamental determination to secure a future for white children is restated, and an area of uncertainty is addressed and a position which is both principled and politically realistic is firmly established. We don't hate anyone, especially the mixed race children who are the most tragic victims of enforced multi-racism, but that does not mean that we accept miscegenation as moral or normal. We do not and we never will." However despite this, the BNP has a minority of members who are involved in mixed-marriages.

The BNP supported University of Leeds lecturer Dr. Frank Ellis, who was suspended after stating that the Bell Curve theory "has demonstrated to me beyond any reasonable doubt there is a persistent gap in average black and white average intelligence". Ellis called the BNP "a bit too socialist" for his liking and described himself as "an unrepentant Powellite" who would support "humane" repatriation.

In 2006, Sky News confronted the party's national press officer, Phil Edwards (real name Stuart Russell), with a tape of a telephone conversation in which he said that "the black kids are going to grow up dysfunctional, low IQ, low achievers that drain our welfare benefits and the prison system and probably go and mug you." He responded: "If I thought I was going to be recorded ... I would not have used such intemperate language, but let's be honest about it, the facts are there."

In recent years the BNP has established connections to nationalists in Japan, and in 2010 BNP staff manager Adam Walker attended an international far-right conference.

Support from ethnic minorities

The BNP under Griffin's leadership has worked with extremists from the Sikh and Hindu communities on anti-Muslim campaigns from 2001 and has also actively tried to win Jewish votes. When the party changed its constitution on membership which allowed ethnic minorities to join, a 78 year old Sikh, Rajinder Singh, became the first Asian member. In 2010, Reverend James Gitau joined the BNP and became its first black member claiming he only joined because it "was the only party that boldly speaks against sodomy in public"; however, he left the party a week later when he was not nominated to stand for Croydon Central and instead joined and stood as a Christian Party candidate.

The BNP has also fielded a small number of ethnic minority candidates and claims it has an elected "Jewish" councillor, Patricia Richardson. Formerly, the party also had a half-Turkish Cypriot, half-English councillor, Lawrence Rustem. In 2006, Sharif Abdel Gawad, partly Armenian and Greek, was chosen as a council candidate in Bradford. Sharon Ebanks, the BNP's first councillor in Birmingham, has denied claims made by her stepmother that she is of mixed race.

Criticism of Islam

The party states that it "has moved on in recent years, casting off the leg-irons of conspiracy theories and the thinly veiled anti-semitism which has held this party back for two decades. The real enemies of the British people are home grown Anglo-Saxon Celtic liberal-leftists ... and the Crescent Horde—the endless wave of Islamics who are flocking to our shores to bring our island nations into the embrace of their barbaric desert religion".

Consequently, the party has shifted allegiance in conflicts involving Israel. Its head of legal affairs, Lee Barnes, wrote on the party's website about the 2006 Lebanon War: "As a Nationalist I can say that I support Israel 100% in their dispute with Hezbollah. In fact, I hope they wipe Hezbollah off the Lebanese map and bomb them until they leave large greasy craters in the cities where their Islamic extremist cantons of terror once stood." In 2009, Griffin stated: "I have brought the British National party from the frankly an anti-semitic and racist organisation, into the only party which in the clashes between Israel and Gaza supported Israel's right to deal with Hamas terrorists."

Griffin has said that this shift in emphasis is designed to increase the party's appeal: "We should be positioning ourselves to take advantage for our own political ends of the growing wave of public hostility to Islam currently being whipped up by the mass media". In a speech to local party activists in 2006, he said:

We bang on about Islam. Why? Because to the ordinary public out there it's the thing they can understand. It's the thing the newspaper editors sell newspapers with. If we were to attack some other ethnic group—some people say we should attack the Jews ... But ... we've got to get to power. And if that was an issue we chose to bang on about when the press don't talk about it ... the public would just think we were barking mad. They'd just think oh, you're attacking Jews just because you want to attack Jews. You're attacking this group of powerful Zionists just because you want to take poor Manny Cohen the tailor and shove him in a gas chamber. That's what the public would think. It wouldn't get us anywhere other than stepping backwards. It would lock us in a little box; the public would think "extremist crank lunatics, nothing to do with me." And we wouldn't get power.

Suggested policies to deal with the threat from Islam include a ban on Muslims flying in and out of the UK. The BNP erected a plaque in Oldham in memory of a 19-year-old white man who was killed by Asian Muslims in February 2002. The plaque was later removed by the local council.

Family

The British National Party promotes familialism and supports the nuclear family of Western tradition, as well as favouring traditional roles for women and men. The 1992 BNP Manifesto thus asserts their belief that although women and men should be treated equal, women should "regard home-and family-making as the highest vocation for their sex" before their jobs or career. In September 2011, scholar Matthew Goodwin, an expert in electoral behaviour at the University of Nottingham has claimed in an article that: "particular members of the BNP" feel as though there has been a "substantial decline in family values" under the leadership of the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties. In the United Kingdom local elections, 2004, the BNP stood 80 female candidates promoting the BNP's "family values" policy.

The BNP 2010 Manifesto also declares their wish to promote traditional concepts of civility and courteousness in schools.

Opposition to abortion

The BNP wish to "encourage a responsible approach to family life, and to reverse the dangerous downturn in the birth rate". The BNP opposes abortion, and in 2007 worked on a campaign with the UK Life League, an anti-abortion lobby group.

Opposition to homosexuality

The BNP states that homosexuality in private should be tolerated but believes that it "should not be promoted or encouraged". It is opposed to civil partnerships and wishes to ban what it perceives as the promotion of homosexuality in schools and the media. It proposes that homosexuality should be returned "to the closet".

BNP spokesman Phil Edwards stated that homosexuality "is unnatural" and "does not lead to procreation but does lead to moral turpitude and disease". Mark Collett, former Director of Publicity for the party, has described homosexuals as "AIDS Monkeys", "bum bandits" and "faggots", saying the idea of homosexuality was a "sickening thought".

In the run-up to the 2005 general election, it was reported that Richard Barnbrook, the BNP candidate for Barking, had produced a homoerotic student art film in 1989. Barnbrook and the BNP claimed that the film was artistic and about "sexuality, not homosexuality".

The BNP was criticised over a web article titled, "Liars, buggers and thieves", which grouped several gay politicians in with convicted murderers, rapists and paedophiles. The author, BNP councillor Julian Leppert, defended it and said that the reason why gay MPs were included was because, "it fits in with the headline, the bugger part, I guess", and stated that the BNP are "a family party with family values".

It has been alleged that Nick Griffin had a four year homosexual relationship with Martin Webster, although Griffin denies this. In 2009, he said: "a lot of people find the sight of two grown men kissing in public really creepy. I understand that homosexuals don't understand that but that's how a lot of us feel."

BNP holding local government seats

County and district councillors

The British National Party once had over 50 elected county and district councillors (55 in 2008, and 58 in 2009) but lost many of these seats in the 2010 and 2011 local elections, and a few through defections and resignations. In October 2011, the BNP had 8 councillors, one of whom was re-elected during the 2011 local elections. In the May 2012 elections this number was reduced to three.

Parish and town councillors

The BNP recently has encouraged candidates to stand in parish and town council elections, since many seats can be won uncontested. In the 2011 local elections the party picked up over a dozen or more uncontested seats at the parish level. There are currently between 60 and 80 BNP parish or town councillors.

Electoral performance

The BNP has contested seats in England, Wales and Scotland. In January 2011, the party registered in Northern Ireland. Research from Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin shows that the typical BNP supporter is a middle-aged, working-class male with low levels of educational attainment from the declining industrial towns of the North and Midlands regions of England.

General election performance

The British National Party has contested general elections since 1983.

1983–2005

The BNP achieved no real success in its first three general elections from 1983 to 1992. No deposits were saved and it never polled above 3.6% in any constituency.

In the 1992 general election the BNP percent of votes overall was 0.1% of the electorate.

In the United Kingdom general election, 1997 the BNP for the first time saved 3 deposits (out of 56 contested seats). Their highest amount of votes received was 3350 (7.5%) in the East End seat of Bethnal Green and Bow (held by Labour).

The BNP in the United Kingdom general election, 2001 saved 5 deposits (out of 33 contested seats) and secured its best ever general election result in Oldham West and Royton (which had recently been the scene of racially motivated rioting between white and Asian youths) where party leader Nick Griffin secured 16.4% of the vote – more than doubling the party's previous best performance in any constituency. Its average votes per candidate also increased from 664 to 1,428, and it secured 47,129 votes in total.

The United Kingdom general election in 2005 was considered a major breakthrough by the BNP, as they picked up 192,746 votes in the 119 constituencies it contested, took a 0.7% share of the overall vote, and retained a deposit in 40 of the seats.

2010

The BNP put forward candidates for 338 out of 650 seats for the 2010 General Election gaining 563,743 votes (1.9%), finishing in fifth place and failing to win any seats. However, a record of 73 deposits were saved.

Party chairman Nick Griffin came third in the Barking constituency, behind Margaret Hodge of Labour and Simon Marcus of the Conservatives, who were first and second respectively. At 14.6%, this was the BNP's best result in any of the seats it contested that year.

Local elections

The BNP's first electoral success came in 1993, when Derek Beackon was returned as a councillor in Millwall, London. He lost his seat in elections the following year. The next BNP success in local elections was not until the 2002 local elections, when three BNP candidates gained seats on Burnley council.

• In 2000, the BNP fielded 17 candidates in 12 councils and polled 3,022 votes. The average share of votes in wards contested was 8%.
• In 2001, the BNP fielded 4 candidates in three councils and polled 867 votes, with an average share of 4% in the wards contested.
• In 2002, the BNP fielded 67 candidates and polled 30,998 votes in 26 local councils. The BNP average share of votes was 16%. Three BNP candidates were elected for the first time in Burnley with an average share of 28.1%.
• In 2003, the BNP fielded a total of 217 candidates in 71 local authorities in England and Scotland. The party won a total of 13 council seats, polling over 101,221 votes and averaging 17% of the vote in those wards where it fielded candidates.

The BNP's success in the 2003 local elections sparked national media publicity. Later the same year, the BNP won two local by-elections. In the Heckmondwicke ward of Kirklees Council in August, David Exley polled 1,607 votes (44%). In September, Nick Geri won the Grays Riverside ward of Thurrock council, polling 552 votes (38%). Later in Burnley, the number of councillors increased, making the BNP briefly the second largest party and the official opposition on that council, a position it lost after the resignation of a BNP councillor who had been disciplined by the party. The BNP stood in the subsequent by-election.

• In 2004, the BNP had 312 candidates stand for election in 59 local authorities in England and Wales, including 25 candidates in Sunderland, 24 in Birmingham and 23 in Leeds. The BNP won 14 council seats and polled 190,200 votes.
• In 2005, the BNP fielded 41 candidates in 18 councils and polled 21,775 votes, averaging 11% share in the contested wards.

The party's biggest election success to date was a gain of 52% of the vote in the Goresbrook ward of Barking in the 2004 local elections. The victorious councillor, Daniel Kelley, retired just 10 months later, claiming he had been an outcast within the council. A new election was held in June 2005, in which the seat was regained by the Labour candidate.

• In 2006, the BNP polled a total of 229,389 votes, having fielded 363 candidates in 78 local authorities across England. The party averaged 18% of the votes in wards contested. The BNP fielded 40 candidates in Birmingham, 25 in Sunderland, 23 in Kirklees and 22 in Leeds. 33 BNP councillors were elected; four lost their seats and the party gained a seat with the defection of a Conservative councillor in Lincolnshire bringing its total to 49.

The biggest gain in the local elections on 4 May 2006, was in Barking and Dagenham where the BNP won 12 of the 13 seats it contested, gaining 17% of the vote. The BNP also won three seats in Epping Forest, three in Stoke-on-Trent, three in Sandwell, two in Burnley, two in Kirklees, and single seats in Bradford, Havering, Solihull, Redditch, Redbridge, Pendle and Leeds. In 2006, the BNP also gained its first parish councillor in Wales when Mike Howard of Rhewl Mostyn, Flintshire, previously an Independent, joined the BNP.

• In the 2007 local elections, the BNP polled 292,911 votes. It won 10 seats with a net gain of one. The party fielded a record of 744 candidates in 148 councils across England and Scotland. This was more than double the number of candidates fielded in 2006; they scored on average 13% of the votes in the wards which they contested.

In summary of BNP councillors from 2000 to 2007: from 2000 to 2001 the BNP had none, in 2002 it had three, by 2003 it had 16 local councillors, this increased to 21 by 2005, in 2006 the biggest gain saw BNP's councillors rise to 48, and by 2007 to 50.

In 2007, the number of BNP councillors fell slowly due to resignations and expulsions, several of them associated with a failed leadership challenge in the summer. By the end of the year, the number was 42. In 2008, however, the BNP increased its councillors to 55.

• In 2008, the BNP polled an average of 14% across 593 wards contested having fielded 612 candidates. The total number of votes polled by the BNP stood at 240,968. The party gained 15 seats and had 55 councillors in total.

The BNP did not field as many candidates for the 2009 local elections, because of its focus on the European Parliament election the same year, but for the first time won representation at county council level, winning three such seats. A seat in a local by-election in Sevenoaks district, Kent, was also won by the BNP.

About four BNP councillors resigned at the end of 2009, leaving the party with 54 councillors by 2010. In the May 2010 local elections, 26 BNP councillors lost their seats, leaving the party with 28 seats overall. In Barking and Dagenham, the party lost all 12 seats won in 2006.

• In the 2011 local elections, the BNP fielded 268 candidates and defended 13 council seats. It lost 11 of these seats, including all 5 of their councillors in Stoke-on-Trent. Two councillors were re-elected, one in Queensbury, West Yorkshire, and the other in Charnwood, Leicestershire, but no new seats were gained.

London Assembly and mayoral elections

2008

BNP lead candidate Richard Barnbrook won a seat in the London Assembly in May 2008, after the party gained 5.3% of the London-wide vote. However, in August 2010, he resigned the party whip and became an independent.

European elections

The BNP has taken part in European Parliament elections since 1999, when they received 1.13% of the total vote (102,647 votes).

In the 2004 elections to the European Parliament, the BNP won 4.9% of the vote, making it the sixth biggest party overall, but did not win any seats.

The BNP won two seats in the European Parliament in the 2009 elections. Andrew Brons was elected in the Yorkshire and the Humber regional constituency with 9.8% of the vote. Party chairman Nick Griffin was elected in the North West region, with 8% of the vote. Nationally, the BNP received 6.26%.

Welsh Assembly

In the National Assembly for Wales election, 2003 the BNP only stood one candidate, Pauline Gregory, in the South Wales East region, who obtained 3,210 votes (1.89%), losing her deposit.

In the 2007 Welsh Assembly elections, the BNP fielded 20 candidates, four in each of the five regional lists, with Nick Griffin standing in the South Wales West region. It did not win any seats, but was the only minor party to have saved deposits in the electoral regions, one in the North Wales region and the other in the South Wales West region. In total the BNP polled 42,197 votes (4.3%).

In the 2011 Welsh Assembly elections, the BNP fielded 20 candidates, four in each of the five regional lists and for the first time 7 candidates were fielded in FPTP constituencies. On the regional lists, the BNP polled 22,610 votes (2.4%), down 1.9% from 2007. In 2 out of the 7 FPTP constituencies contested the BNP saved desposits: (Swansea East and Islwyn).

Scottish Parliament

In the 2003 Scottish Parliament election, the BNP only stood one candidate, Peter Appleby, in the Glasgow electoral region, who obtained 2,344 votes (1.1%), losing his deposit.

In the 2007 Scottish Parliament election, the party fielded 32 candidates, entitling it to public funding and an election broadcast, prompting criticism. The BNP received 24,616 votes (1.2%), no seats were won, nor were any deposits saved.

In the 2011 Scottish Parliament election, the BNP fielded 32 candidates in the regional lists. 15,580 votes were polled (0.78%).

Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly

The BNP fielded 3 candidates for the first time in three constituencies each in the 2011 Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly elections (Belfast East, East Antrim and South Antrim). 1,252 votes were polled (0.2%). No seats were won, nor were any deposits saved.

Legal issues

Claims of repression of free speech

The BNP says that NUJ guidelines on reporting 'far right' organisations forbid unionised journalists from reporting uncritically on the party.

In September 2005, 60,000 copies of Voice of Freedom, which had been printed in Slovakia, were seized by British police at Dover. The police later admitted this was a mistake and released the impounded literature shortly thereafter.

In April 2007, an election broadcast was pulled by BBC Radio Wales' lawyers, who believed that the broadcast was defamatory of the Chief Constable of North Wales Police, Richard Brunstrom. The broadcast was made available to download from the BNP's website.

Employment cases and related controversies

In ASLEF v. United Kingdom, the European Court of Human Rights overturned an employment appeal tribunal ruling that awarded BNP train driver Jay Lee, damages for expulsion from a trade union. It found that the union was entitled to decide who could be a member, and that the UK was in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights in the way it had treated ASLEF. Clive Potter, later an official of Solidarity – The Union for British Workers, was expelled from his union. A court upheld the expulsion and found that it was based on previous exclusion rather than BNP membership.

In another case, Robert Baggs claimed that he had been discriminated against because of "religion, or similar philosophical belief" after he was refused a job at a GP surgery. His claimed that the employer was in violation of the Employment (Religious Discrimination) Regulations of 2003. The Employment Tribunal found that membership of the BNP was not a "similar" belief, and the case was rejected.

Arthur Redfearn was a bus driver whose BNP membership was unknown to his employer, Serco, until he was elected as a councillor. His employer was concerned that he might endanger its contract with a local authority to transport vulnerable people of various ethnicities from a day centre and he was dismissed. The Employment Tribunal held that members of racist organisations could lawfully be dismissed on health and safety grounds if there was a danger of violence occurring in the workplace. It had been unsuccessfully argued at the Employment Tribunal that Redfearn had been racially discriminated against because the BNP was a whites-only organisation, and he had been treated unfairly in comparison to racist organisations that were non-white. In November 2012, the European Court of Human Rights made a majority ruling (4 to 3) that in Redfearn's case against the UK government, his rights under Article 11 (free association) had been infringed, but not those under Article 10 (free expression) or Article 14 (discrimination). In February 2013, it was reported that the case would bring legal change which will allow people sacked for their political beliefs to claim unfair dismissal even if they have only been with their employer for a short period of time.

In 2002, a BNP candidate and Regional Organiser, Kevin Scott, was dismissed from the B&Q hardware store in Gateshead. The management said this was not due to his party membership but due to "low morale" amongst other staff who did not want to work with him, and also the number of calls from customers expressing their disapproval. Scott settled out of court for an undisclosed sum, although the BNP had pledged to support any action.

In 2010, weeks before the general election, the BNP candidate for Sutton Coldfield, Robert Grierson, resigned as a barrister at St Philips chambers in Birmingham after various newspapers including the Birmingham Post, The Guardian and the Daily Mail ran articles concerning his political ambitions.

Organisations which ban BNP membership

Police

Membership of the BNP, Combat 18 and the National Front by police officers and staff was prohibited by then Home Secretary David Blunkett following an undercover TV exposure of racism in a police training centre. The Association of Chief Police Officers banned serving police officers joining the BNP in 2004. Despite this, Simon Darby has claimed that the BNP still has members who remain covert. Manchester Police Authority has viewed footage taken at BNP events in order to identify off-duty officers in attendance at a BNP St George's Day rally, wearing BNP badges and T-shirts, with the slogan "Love Britain or Fuck Off". A retired police officer, John Phazey, stood as a BNP European Assembly candidate. He denied that he was a racist or that the police were institutionally racist, saying: "Of course you heard words like Paki and nigger, but it didn't mean much more than someone saying Paddy for an Irishman or Jerry for a German ... It was just jokes in the canteen. You'll get that anywhere when you have men in their 20s and 30s together".

A Police Community Support Officer, Ellis Hammond, was found to be a BNP member after he was discovered stockpiling weapons at his home, including a taser. Gary Marsden was sacked from his job within the West Yorkshire Police in 2007, for performing folk music at the BNP's Red, White and Blue Family Festival, and allowing his CDs to be sold by the Party, although it was accepted that he was not a member.

After BNP membership lists were leaked on the Internet, a number of police forces investigated officers whose names appeared on the lists. In March 2009, PC Steve Bettley of Merseyside Police, whose name appeared on one of the lists, was dismissed.

Prison service

A ban on BNP membership was imposed by Martin Narey, Director of the Prison Service, in 2002. Narey told the BBC that he received hate mail and a death threat as a result.

Other professions

As of 2009, only the police and the prison services have an official prohibition on BNP membership. A ban on BNP membership was considered in the civil service in 2004 and in the probation service in 2005. In October 2005, a proposal to ban the BNP from Dorset Fire Brigade, proposed by the management and the Fire Brigades Union, was turned down by the Fire Authority. The president of the BNP-linked trade union Solidarity, Adam Walker, resigned from his job at a college for accessing BNP websites and posting comments using a school laptop during working hours. He was cleared of racism but found guilty of misconduct by the General Teaching Council. His brother, Mark Walker, was suspended from another college for allegedly accessing pornography using school equipment, and was eventually sacked on the basis of his sickness record. His supporters told the press that he had been suspended for accessing the BNP website and had been victimised because of his political beliefs.

The Hampshire Fire and Rescue Service declined to act against a BNP council candidate, Ian Johnson, after he wrote in his election leaflets that he was a retained firefighter, despite Fire Brigades Union pressure to do so. Liam Birch, a sociology student standing as a BNP council candidate for Southway was dismissed as assistant warden at Plymouth University, when he posted in a blog that "The Jews declared war on Germany, not the other way round".

In February 2009, the General Synod of the Church of England voted to ban its clergy from joining the BNP.

Association with violence

John Hagan claims that the BNP has conducted right-wing extremist violence in order to gain "institutionalized power". Critics of the BNP, such as Human Rights Watch in a 1997 report, have asserted that the party recruits from skinhead groups and that it promotes racist violence.

In the past, Nick Griffin has defended the threat of violence to further the party's aims. In 1986, when Griffin was Deputy Chairman of the NF, he advised his audience at an anti-IRA rally to use the "traditional British methods of the brick, the boot and the fist." After the BNP won its first council seat in 1993, he wrote that the BNP should not be a "postmodernist rightist party" but "a strong, disciplined organisation with the ability to back up its slogan 'Defend Rights for Whites' with well-directed boots and fists. When the crunch comes, power is the product of force and will, not of rational debate". In 1997 he said: "It is more important to control the streets of a city than its council chambers."

A BBC Panorama programme reported on a number of BNP members who have had criminal convictions, some racially motivated. The BBC's list is extensive. Some of the more notable convictions include:

• John Tyndall had convictions for assault and organising paramilitary neo-Nazi activities. In 1986 he was jailed for conspiracy to publish material likely to incite racial hatred.
• In 1998, Nick Griffin was convicted of violating section 19 of the Public Order Act 1986, relating to incitement to racial hatred. He received a nine-month prison sentence, suspended for two years, and was fined £2,300.
• Kevin Scott, who in 2001 was the BNP's North East regional organiser, has two convictions for assault and using threatening words and behaviour.
• Joe Owens, now expelled but previously a BNP candidate in Merseyside and former bodyguard to Nick Griffin, served eight months in prison for sending razor blades in the post to Jewish people and another term for carrying CS gas and knuckledusters.
• Tony Wentworth, former BNP student organiser, was convicted alongside Owens for assaulting demonstrators at an anti-BNP event in 2003.
• Colin Smith, who in 2004 was the BNP's South East London organiser, has 17 convictions for burglary, theft, possession of drugs and assaulting a police officer.
• Richard Edmonds, at the time BNP National Organiser, was sentenced to three months in prison in 1994 for his part in a racist attack. Edmonds threw a glass at the victim as he was walking past an East London pub where a group of BNP supporters was drinking. Others then 'glassed' the man in the face and punched and kicked him as he lay on the ground, including BNP supporter Stephen O'Shea, who was jailed for 12 months. Another BNP supporter, Simon Biggs, was jailed for four and a half years for his part in the attack.

Tony Lecomber cases

Tony Lecomber was imprisoned for three years for possessing explosives, after a nail bomb exploded while he was carrying it to the offices of the Workers' Revolutionary Party in 1985. He was imprisoned for three years in 1991, whilst the BNP's Director of Propaganda, for assaulting a Jewish teacher.

Robert Cottage case

In 2007, Robert Cottage, a former BNP council candidate, was sentenced to two and a half years for possession of explosives but a conspiracy charge against him was withdrawn after two juries had been unable to reach a verdict. The prosecution claimed that Cottage had plans to assassinate Tony Blair and Liberal Democrat peer Lord Greaves.

The chemicals recovered by police are believed to be the largest explosives haul ever found at a house in Britain.

2008 membership list leak

On 18 November 2008, a list of over 10,000 BNP members was published by Wikileaks in breach of a court injunction. This included names, addresses and other personal details. People on the list included prison officers (barred from BNP membership), teachers, soldiers, civil servants and members of the clergy. One of those named disavowed his membership.

Nick Griffin claimed that any party member dismissed from employment would be able to receive substantial compensation. The BNP advised those named on the list to deny their membership and said that they would confirm that in writing if required. The BNP claimed it contained the names of persons who had never been members of the BNP. The BNP's Lee Barnes claimed that the list was false.

People affected by the disclosure included a DJ, Rod Lucas, who was dropped by the Talksport radio station. He said: "I am an investigative radio journalist and am a member of over 20 political parties and pressure groups ... It doesn't necessarily mean I agree with their views." A drama teacher at a prep school whose name was found on the list had been dismissed from a previous position as a result of her BNP membership.

Following an investigation by Welsh police and the Information Commissioner's Office, two people were arrested in December 2008 for breach of the Data Protection Act concerning the leak. Matthew Single was subsequently found guilty and fined £200. The fine was criticised as an "an absolute disgrace" by a BNP spokesman and a detective sergeant involved said he was "disappointed" with the outcome.

Equality and Human Rights Commission

The Equality and Human Rights Commission sent the BNP a letter in 2009, ahead of legal action, setting out concerns about the BNP's constitution and membership criteria. It alleged that the BNP's constitution restricting membership to white people was unlawful under the Race Relations Act. The BNP chose to fight this opinion in the High Court.

The Commission issued county court proceedings against party leader Nick Griffin and two other officials.

The conclusion of the case in October 2009 saw costs awarded against the BNP. The BNP stated that Griffin was "required in Brussels" on that day. Griffin had written to BNP members preparing to concede the case because it would be too expensive to fight and would "strip the party of the ability to fight the next general election". Griffin subsequently announced that he would ask BNP members to accept the court's decision and allow non-whites to join the party, claiming that this action "outflanked" the EHRC. The BNP anticipated that its members would accept the change on financial grounds.

The BNP agreed to suspend further membership applications until an Extraordinary General Meeting in January 2010 confirming changes to the constitution. The case was adjourned in order to ensure compliance. As a result of the case, the Secretary of State for Wales, Peter Hain protested against the BBC's inclusion of Griffin on the Question Time programme, claiming the court case meant the BNP was "an unlawful body". Shami Chakrabarti, director of Liberty, said: "A shiny new constitution does not a democratic party make. It would be a pyrrhic victory, to say the least, if anyone thought that giving the BNP a facelift would make the slightest difference to a body with so much racism and hatred pumping through its veins."

The courts declared that the new constitution still breached equality laws and was still indirectly discriminatory. Judge Paul Collins ordered the BNP to pay costs and said its membership list must remain "closed" until it complied with race relations laws. The BNP claimed that it had a waiting list of black and Asian people and wanted more applications from ethnic minorities.

In November 2010, the BNP leadership was accused of lying over the matter by the EHRC who claimed that the offending passage had not been removed but merely altered. In a subsequent hearing the BNP leadership was found not guilty of the contempt of court. The EHRC said: "Eighteen months and seven court hearings later Mr Griffin has finally amended the constitution to bring it in line with what the Commission had originally requested." Griffin said: "This is a great day, because the British National Party has won a spectacular David and Goliath victory".

Accusations of fraud

It was reported on 10 October 2011, that the BNP is under investigation for fraud regarding the submission of false invoices to the Electoral Commission.

Opposition

The BNP is condemned by many sections of the media. High-ranking politicians from each of the mainstream parties have, at various times, called for their own supporters to vote for anyone but the BNP, In 2008, then Prime Minister Gordon Brown stated: "Londoners and the rest of the British people know that backing the BNP is totally at odds with what it really means to be British—and the great British values the rest of us share, such as democracy and decency, freedom and fairness, tolerance and equality." Conservative Party leader David Cameron, Liberal Democrat party leader Nick Clegg, and former Lib Dem leader Sir Menzies Campbell have all condemned the BNP.

The British Government announced in 2009 that the BNP's two MEPs would be denied some of the access and information afforded to other MEPs. The BNP would be subject to the "same general principles governing official impartiality" and they would receive "standard written briefings as appropriate from time to time", but diplomats would not be "proactive" in dealing with the BNP MEPs and that any requests for policy briefings from them would be treated differently and on a discretionary basis.

Amongst the most visible and vocal opponents of the BNP and other far right-wing groups are Unite Against Fascism and Searchlight. Unite Against Fascism, which aims to unite a broad spectrum of opposition to the far-right, includes the Anti-Nazi League, the National Assembly Against Racism and the Student Assembly Against Racism. Searchlight has monitored the activities of far-right groups in Britain and abroad, including the BNP and its members, for many years.

Some opponents of fascism call for no coverage to be given to groups or individuals enunciating what they describe as "hate speech". The "No Platform" stance is to deny perceived fascist hate speech any sort of publicity. The policy is most commonly associated with university student unions and debating societies, but has also resulted in BNP candidates being banned from speaking at various hustings meetings around the country. In 2005, the Leeds Student newspaper was criticised after publishing an interview with Nick Griffin. Also in 2005, an invitation to Nick Griffin by the University of St Andrews Union Debating Society to participate in a debate on multiculturalism was withdrawn after protests. Direct action has been taken against the BNP stalls in shopping centres. The BNP claims that such cases exemplify how political correctness is being used to silence it and suppress its right to freedom of speech.

In May 2007, a presentation by Nick Griffin was to be held at the University of Bath, but the University withdrew permission due to concerns over the large number of people opposing the meeting and possible disruption it could cause.

In October 2010, a Democratic Unionist Party councillor in Northern Ireland, Bobby McKee, condemned a BNP leafleting campaign in his home town of Larne opposing a refugee dentention centre being built there.

Veterans and Second World War

In June 2009, the Royal British Legion wrote to Griffin privately to ask him to stop wearing their poppy symbol. After he refused and wore the badge at campaign events and on the party's televised election broadcast, the Legion said in an open letter: "True valour deserves respect regardless of a person's ethnic origin, and everyone who serves or has served their country deserves nothing less ... appealed to your sense of honour. But you have responded by continuing to wear the poppy. So now we're no longer asking you privately. Stop it, Mr Griffin. Just stop it." In September 2009, the Legion accepted a donation which it had initially rejected from BNP member Rachel Firth. Firth had spent 24 hours raising the money, half of which was given to the Legion and the other half to the BNP. The Legion said that Firth had assured them that the donation would not be exploited politically although the story was later "splashed across" the BNP's website. BNP spokesman Simon Darby denied that the party exploited the story.

Winston Churchill's family has criticised the BNP after the party used his image and quotes from one of his speeches in its campaign. Churchill's grandson, Nicholas Soames, described the BNP as "monstrous" and said its use of Churchill was "offensive and disgusting".

The BNP was also caught up in a dispute with 1940s singer Vera Lynn after she objected to the party selling copies of her White Cliffs of Dover CD on its website to fund its European election campaign.

Online presence

In September 2007, The Daily Telegraph newspaper reported that Hitwise, the online competitive intelligence service, said that the BNP website had more hits than any other website of a British political party. In 2009, the party's website came under fire after it was revealed that much of the merchandise it sold was made in Honduras, contrary to the party's pledge of "British Jobs for British Workers".

Affiliated organisations

Officially linked groups

• The short-lived American Friends of the British National Party gave financial assistance to the BNP from American supporters, and it also facilitated contact between far right figures in both countries.
• The Trafalgar Club is the BNP fundraising club, and the name the party uses to book hotels and conference facilities.
• The BNP Ethnic Liaison Committee is an organisation that people from ethnic minorities can join. The committee has joined with BNP members in staging demonstrations.
• Great White Records is a record label launched in January 2006 that is described by the BNP as "a patriotic label". It launched a campaign to introduce British folk music to schoolchildren. Most of the songs were sung by Doncaster folk musician Lee Haggan, and were written by Nick Griffin. Haggan denied that the BNP was targeting schools; in a TV interview Griffin said "It's a great way of getting our message to children."
• Albion Life Insurance was set up in September 2006 as an insurance brokerage company on behalf of the BNP, in order to raise funds for its activities. The firm ceased to operate in November 2006.
• The BNP obtains some of its funding from the sale of books and heraldic or Norse jewellery. The merchandising arm of the British National Party is the Excalibur brand.
• ProFam was launched in 2012, as a resource for communities to make a stand against Muslim and Asian grooming gangs against vulnerable children

International political contacts

The BNP and the French Front National have co-operated on numerous occasions. Jean-Marie Le Pen visited the UK in 2004 to assist in launching the BNP's European Parliament campaign and Nick Griffin repaid the favour by sending a delegation of BNP officials to the FN's annual 'First of May Joan of Arc parade' in Paris in 2006. The BNP has links with Germany's National Democratic Party. Griffin addressed an NPD rally in August 2002, headed by Udo Voigt, who Gerhard Schroeder accused of trying to remove immigrants from eastern Germany. In the run-up to the 2004 European Parliament election campaign, Nick Griffin visited Sweden to give the National Democrat Party his endorsement. Members of the Swedish National Democrats were present at the BNP's 2005 Red White and Blue rally.

In London on 16 May 2008, Nick Griffin met leaders of the Hungarian far right party Jobbik to discuss co-operation between the two parties. Griffin spoke at a Jobbik party rally in August 2008. In April 2009, Simon Darby, deputy chairman of the BNP, was welcomed with fascist salutes by members of the Italian nationalist Forza Nuova during a trip to Milan. Darby stated that the BNP would look to form an alliance with France's Front National in the European Parliament, though this has not happened.

Alleged front organisations

• Solidarity – The Union for British Workers has been linked to the BNP, but its president, Patrick Harrington, and the BNP both deny that it is a BNP front organisation.
• The Christian Council of Britain was set up by BNP members and supporters to organise Christians "in defence of traditional Christian values". The United Reformed Church has said that support for organisations such as the BNP is incompatible with Christianity. The Council's liaison officer denies it is a BNP front.
• Opponents of the BNP claim that the English Defence League is a front for BNP activity, although the BNP denies any link and says that the EDL is "proscribed" to its members. It has been reported that an EDL website was set up by Chris Renton, a BNP activist who has been accused of hijacking the EDL. In a radio interview in July 2009, EDL spokesperson Paul Ray confirmed this but the EDL attempted to distance itself from him. The website was taken down, according to Hopenothate "in an apparent attempt to conceal any link" In a broadcast audio conversation with Simon Darby, Nick Griffin claimed that the EDL was a "Zionist false flag operation" and "a neo-con operation". They claimed that it was an attempt to provoke a low level civil war. In 2010, Lee Barnes was removed as head of the party's legal department for calling for "British nationalists to join the EDL demonstration".
• Searchlight magazine claimed that an organization called Civil Liberty is connected to BNP.

Breakaway parties

This section relies excessively on references to primary sources. Please improve this section by adding secondary or tertiary sources. Find sources: "British National Party" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (March 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

The UK Freedom Party formed as a breakaway from the BNP in 2000, and disbanded in 2008. In 2006, the New Nationalist Party was formed by Sharon Ebanks but became defunct in 2007.

In 2008, the Democratic Nationalist Party was formed as a breakaway in Bradford and has continued since by standing in local elections and the 2010 General Election. In 2013, its members merged with the British Democratic Party.

The British Freedom Party split from the BNP in 2010, and the Freedom Democrats split from the British Freedom Party in 2011.

Two other breakaways happened in 2011: Britain First, a campaign group started by the former councillor Paul Golding, fundraiser Jim Dowson and former South East regional organiser Andy McBride, launched the National People's Party on 20 November 2011. In late August, the Britannica Party was formed by a former activist in Scotland, Charlie Baillie.

In November 2012 the British Democratic Party was launched by former BNP activists with the patronage of MEP Andrew Brons. Its chairman is Kevin Scott who runs Civil Liberty.

On 10 December 2012 Patria was launched by another group of former BNP activists. Its leader is Ian Johnson.

Notes

1. The name British National Party had been used in politics previously by four organisations, most notably by the a Mosleyite party which became the English National Association and by a 1960s party initiated by John Bean, which became part of the National Front. Tyndall was a leading member of the 1960s BNP and a founder of the present party.
2. According to academic Martin Harrison in The British General Election of 1983, the BNP broadcast "was less heavily anti-black than the National Front's".
3. There were overtures at a possible BNP and NF Flag Group reunification as the Nationalist Alliance. It was Andrew Brons of the NF Flag Group who attempted to engineer this. It came to nothing after Martin Wingfield, one of the NF Flag Group leaders, rejected the possibility in The Flag magazine. Wingfield had a long-standing grudge with BNP chairman Tyndall.
4. The march was organised by the Anti-Nazi League. Thousands of people attended the demonstration, for which 2,600 police officers were deployed. A hardcore element associated with the SWP and Militant refused to accept police instruction to divert the march away from the BNP's headquarters itself, once it had gone past it. In a resulting riot, 21 police officers and 41 demonstrators were injured, leading to a frontpage headline "Masked mob stone police" in the Mail on Sunday.

References

Footnotes

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• Boothroyd, David (2001). Politico's Guide to the History of British Political Parties. Politico's. ISBN 1-902301-59-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Betz, Hans-Georg (1998). The new politics of the Right: neo-Populist parties and movements in established democracies. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-21338-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Cameron, Gavin (2002). Nuclear Terrorism: A Threat Assessment for the 21st Century. Palgrave USA. ISBN 978-0-312-21983-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Bhatt, Chetan (1997). Liberation and Purity. Routledge. ISBN 1-85728-424-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Brinks, Jan Herman (2006). Nationalist Myths and Modern Media: Contested Identities in the Age of Globalization. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1-84511-038-2. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Cook, Chris (2000). The Longman companion to Britain since 1945. Pearson Education. ISBN 0-582-35674-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Copsey, Nigel (2004). Contemporary British Fascism: The British National Party and its Quest for Legitimacy. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-0214-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Dearlove, John (2000). Introduction to British politics. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 0-7456-2096-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Gale, Thomson (2006). Extremist groups: information for students, Volume 1. University of California. ISBN 1-4144-1119-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Geddes, Andrew (2002). Labour's second landslide: the British general election 2001. Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-6266-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas (2003). Black Sun. NYU Press. ISBN 0-8147-3155-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• McAuley, James (2003). An Introduction to Politics, State and Society. Sage Publications. ISBN 978-0-8039-7932-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Plowright, John (2006). The Routledge dictionary of modern British history. Routledge. ISBN 0-203-08846-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Robins, Lynton J (1994). Britain's changing party system. Leicester University Press. ISBN 0-7185-1494-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Ryan, Nick (2004). Into a world of hate: a journey among the extreme right. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-94922-X. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Saggar, Shamit (1998). Race and British electoral politics. Routledge. ISBN 1-85728-830-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Sykes, Alan (2004). The Radical Right in Britain: British History in Perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-59924-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Szajkowski, Bogdan (2004). Revolutionary and dissident movements of the world. John Harper Publishing. ISBN 0-9543811-2-2. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Thurlow, Richard (1998). Fascism in Britain: From Oswald Mosley's Blackshirts to the National Front. I B Tauris & Co. ISBN 978-1-86064-337-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

External links

• BNP.org.uk — official party website
• BNP Related Articles

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