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Template:Venezuelan presidents infobox Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (IPA: ; born July 28, 1954) is the 53 and current President of Venezuela. As the leader of the Bolivarian Revolution, Chávez is known for his democratic socialist governance, his promotion of Latin American integration, and his criticism, which he terms anti-imperialism, of neoliberal globalization and United States foreign policy.

A career military officer, Chávez founded the leftist Fifth Republic Movement (MVR) after he led a failed 1992 coup d'état. Chávez was elected President in 1998 on promises of aiding Venezuela's poor majority, and was reelected in 2000. Domestically, Chávez launched Bolivarian Missions whose stated goals are to combat disease, illiteracy, malnutrition, poverty, and other social ills. Abroad, Chávez has acted against the Washington Consensus by supporting alternative models of economic development, and has advocated cooperation among the world's poor nations, especially those in Latin America.

Chávez has been criticized during his presidency, accused of electoral fraud, human rights violations, assaulting democracy in favor of dictatorship, and political repression. He survived a 2002 coup attempt and a failed 2004 recall referendum due to his support amongst the poor that represent the majority of his constituents. Whether viewed as a liberator or authoritarian demagogue, Chávez remains one of the most complex, controversial, and high-profile figures in modern Latin American politics.

Early life (1954–1992)

Chávez was born the second son of poor schoolteachers in Sabaneta, Barinas. He is of mixed Amerindian, African, and Spanish descent. Chávez and his five siblings were raised in a thatched palm leaf house. Chávez and his older brother moved to Sabaneta proper to live with their paternal grandmother. Chávez attended the Daniel Florencio O'Leary School in Barinas, graduating with a science degree after elementary school. Chávez attended the Venezuelan Academy of Military Sciences at eighteen, graduating in 1975 as a sub-lieutenant with master's degrees in military science and engineering. Chávez served for several months in the military. He did graduate-level work in political science at Caracas' Simón Bolívar University, but left without a degree.

Chávez developed a left-nationalist ideology termed "Bolivarianism", inspired by the pan-Americanist philosophies of 19th-century Venezuelan revolutionary Simón Bolívar, Peruvian left-leaning President Gral. Juan Velasco, and various socialist and communist leaders. After college, Chávez served in a Barinas-based counter-insurgency battalion in his student years. He held various other posts, command, and staff positions, eventually becoming a decorated lieutenant colonel. Chávez also taught at the Military Academy of Venezuela, where he was known for his aggressive criticism of the Venezuelan government and socioeconomic status quo. He also founded the Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR-200).

Chávez coup attempt (1992)

Growing unrest and economic decline under the neoliberal administration of Carlos Andrés Pérez led Chávez to plan a coup d'état. Initially planned for December, Chávez delayed the MBR-200 coup until the early twilight hours of February 4, 1992. On that date, five army units under Chávez's command barreled into urban Caracas. They planned to overrun key military and communications installations, including the Miraflores presidential palace, the defense ministry, La Carlota military airport, and the Historical Museum. Chávez's main goal was to capture Pérez, who was returning from an overseas trip.

Chávez held the loyalty of 10% of the military; yet numerous betrayals, errors, and other unforeseen circumstances soon left Chávez and others besieged in the Historical Museum and unable to issue orders to other rebels. Further, Chávez's allies neither took Caracas nor were able to air a nationwide call for a mass uprising or capture Pérez. As the coup unfolded, fourteen soldiers were killed, and fifty soldiers and eighty civilians were injured. Rebel forces elsewhere made swift advances, capturing Valencia, Maracaibo, and Maracay. But having failed in Caracas, Chávez gave himself up; later, he was allowed to make a televised nationwide call for all rebel forces to stand down. In the address, he also famously quipped that he had failed only "por ahora" — "for the moment". With this, Chávez was thrust into the national spotlight, with many poor Venezuelans seeing him as one who stood against corruption and kleptocracy. Chávez was then sent to Yare prison.

Political rise (1992–1999)

After a two-year imprisonment, Chávez was pardoned by President Rafael Caldera in 1994. Chávez reformed the MBR-200, renaming it the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR — Movimiento Quinta República, with the "V" being the Roman numeral five). In 1998, Chávez started campaigning for the presidency and created a platform that drew heavily from Bolivarianism, particularly its anti-corruption and anti-poverty agenda. Chávez also promised to dismantle puntofijismo, the traditional two-party system of political patronage. Controversially, foreign banks — including Spain's Banco Bilbao Vizcaya Argentaria (BBVA) and Banco Santander Central Hispano (BSCH), each the owner of one of Venezuela's largest banks — illicitly funneled millions of dollars into Chávez's campaign.

Chávez used a charismatic public speaking style — noted for its aggressive manner and abundance of colloquialisms — to woo a largely poor and working class base. By May 1998, Chávez had a 30% approval rating in polls; by August he had 39%. On December 6, 1998, Chávez won the Carter Center-endorsed 1998 presidential election with 56% of the vote.

First Presidency (1999–2000)

Chávez was sworn in as president on February 2, 1999. Among his first acts was the launching of Plan Bolivar 2000, which included road building, housing construction, and mass vaccination. Chávez also halted planned privatizations of, among others, the national social security system, aluminum industry holdings, and the oil sector. Chávez also overhauled the formerly lax tax collection and auditing system — especially regarding major corporations and landholders — by increasing its fairness and efficiency.

Responding to the stalling of his legislation in the National Assembly, Chávez scheduled two national elections for July 1999, including a referendum for and elections to fill a new constitutional assembly. The Constitutional Assembly was created when the referendum passed with a 72% "yes" vote, while the pro-Chávez Polo Patriotico ("Patriotic Pole") won 95% (120 out of the total 131) of its seats. In August 1999, the Constitutional Assembly's "Judicial Emergency Committee" declared a "legislative emergency" whereby a seven-member committee conducted the National Assembly's functions; meanwhile, the National Assembly was prohibited from holding meetings. The Constitutional Assembly drafted the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution, which included an increase in the presidential term from five to six years, a new presidential two-term limit, a new provision for presidential recall elections, renaming of the country to República Bolivariana de Venezuela, expanded presidential powers, conversion of the bicameral National Assembly into a weakened unicameral legislature, merit-based appointments of judges, and creation of the Public Defender, an office authorized to regulate the activities of the presidency and the National Assembly.

In December 1999, the new constitution was approved. On December 15, after weeks of heavy rain, statewide mudslides claimed the lives of an estimated 30,000 people. Critics claim Chávez was distracted by the referendum and that the government ignored a civil defense report, calling for emergency measures, issued the day the floods struck . The government rejected these claims. Chávez personally led the relief effort afterwards. Subsequent mudslides in 2000 and 2004 left 14 dead.

Second Presidency (2000–present)

Elections for the new unicameral National Assembly took place on July 30, 2000; meanwhile, Chávez himself stood for reelection. Chávez's coalition won a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly, while Chávez was reelected with 60% of the votes. The Carter Center stated the elections were "flawed" although "the presidential election legitimately expressed the will of the people". On December 3, 2000, a referendum — backed by Chávez but condemned by international labor organizations — was held. The referendum passed, forcing trade unions to hold state-monitored elections.

After the mid-2000 elections, Chávez backed passage of the Enabling act, which allowed Chávez to rule by decree for one year. In November 2001, Chávez used it to enact 49 decrees, including the "Hydrocarbons Law" (increased government control over the oil sector) and the "Land Law" (land reform and redistribution). The Fedecámaras business federation and the Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela opposed the decrees, and began a general strike on December 10, 2001, in the hope that the President would reconsider his legislative action and, instead, open a debate about those laws. However, the strike failed to impact Chávez decision.

Coup attempt of 2002

On April 11, 2002, anti-Chávez and pro-Chávez demonstrators clashed at the Miraflores palace. Chávez commandeered the airwaves, and asked protesters to go home, played pre-recorded speeches, and attempted to stop media coverage of the violence. Subsequently, Commander of the Army Lucas Rincón Romero reported in a nationwide broadcast that Chávez had resigned his presidency, a charge Chávez would later deny.

Chávez was taken to a military base while Fedecámaras president Pedro Carmona was installed as interim president. Carmona reversed Chávez's credit controls and oil production ceilings, dissolved the National Assembly, dismissed the Venezuelan judiciary, and reverted Venezuela's official name back to República de Venezuela. Demonstrations erupted, and pro-Chávez troops freed Chávez from captivity.

On April 13, 2002, Chávez resumed as president. The opposition would later argue that, since Lucas Rincón remained close to the President, there was no coup but a power vacuum once Chávez resigned, despite the succession order being broken. Venezuela's Supreme Court later ruled that what happened was "Generals merely trying to restore order". No one was charged. On March 11, 2005, the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court ruled that the recusals were unconstitutional, the hearing was invalid, and the military officers (by then retired) may stand trial once extradited.To date, no one has been tried.

Chávez later began several investigations, which supported Chávez's claims that the coup was U.S.-sponsored.U.S. Senator Christopher Dodd D-CT requested an investigation due to "raised concerns that Washington appeared to condone the removal of Mr Chavez". It found that "U.S. officials acted appropriately and did nothing to encourage an April coup against Venezuela's president".

Presidency re-instated, April 13, 2002 – 2004

In late 2002, Chávez moved to use PDVSA revenues to fund his social programs. Opposing this, many PDVSA managers and workers began a two-months strike starting on December 2, 2002. This resulted in shortages of oil and loss of PDVSA revenue. In response, Chávez fired 19,000 PDVSA striking workers and managers, replacing them with Chávez loyalist or neutrals.

In 2004, a putative 2004 coup attempt stirred controversy.

Presidential recall referendum, 2004

During 2003 and 2004, millions of signatures were collected by Súmate, a volunteer civilian organization, to activate the constitutional presidential recall provision. Two previous attempts to collect enough signatures to recall the president halfway through his term were ruled invalid. In November 2002, during the petition signing to recall him, Chávez initially stated, "Not even if we suppose that they hold that referendum and get 90% of the votes, I will not leave. Forget it. I will not leave." When the referendum was approved, in May 2004, he said, "If the opposition wins, then I am out of here." The list of signatories was subsequently collected by the government which denies allegations that state employees named on the petition have been fired as a result.

The August 15, 2004 vote saw a record turnout. With a 59.25% "no" vote, the recall measure was defeated. The Carter Center "concluded the results were accurate."A Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates exit poll showed the opposite result, and Schoen commented, "I think it was a massive fraud," apparently contradicting five other opposition exit polls that showed a Chávez victory.

Chávez's government subsequently charged the founders of Súmate with treason and conspiracy in receiving foreign funds from the NED.

Post-referendum, 2004 – present

After the recall referendum, Chávez used Venezuela's increasing oil revenues — from rises in world oil prices — to focus on expanding social programs. Economic growth also picked up markedly, reaching 17.3% growth in 2004, 9.3% growth in 2005 and 9.4% through March 2006. In late March 2005, the Chávez government criminalized broadcast libel and slander directed against public officials, including prison sentences of up to 40 months for serious cases. Chávez also expanded social programs via new Bolivarian Missions.

Chávez has directed the military to shift armaments procurements to non-U.S. sources, including Brazil, China, Russia, and Spain. In 2006 the military was reformed, an extra branch was created called the Territorial Guard (militia) and the military reserve increased in size, both to 2 million members. In October 2005, Chávez banished the "New Tribes Mission" from the country, accusing it of "imperialist infiltration" and collaboration with the CIA. Chávez's government also gave Amazonian indigenous peoples inalienable titles to 6,800 km² of lands and launched Mission Guaicaipuro.

On August 20, 2005, Chávez announced the joint establishment of a tuition-free medical school, including 30,000 planned slots for poor students. In his speech at the 2005 UN World Summit, Chávez denounced neoliberalism and warned of hydrocarbon depletion. On March 9, 2006 he added an eighth star (the "Bolivarian star") to the Venezuelan flag. Another change to the coat of arms (also displayed on the flag) shows the horse running to the left rather than the right.

Political impact

Labor

Chávez has had a combative relationship with the nation's largest trade union confederation, the Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV), which is historically aligned with the Acción Democrática party. During the December 2000 local elections, Chávez placed a referendum measure on the ballot that would mandate state-monitored elections within unions. The measure, which was condemned by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) as undue interference in internal union matters, passed by a large margin on a very low electoral turnout. In the ensuing CTV elections, Carlos Ortega declared his victory and remained in office as CTV president, while Chavista (pro-Chávez) candidates declared fraud.

The Unión Nacional de Trabajadores (UNT — "National Union of Workers"), a new pro-Chávez union federation, formed in response, and has been growing in membership; it seeks to ultimately supplant the CTV. Several Chavista unions have withdrawn from the CTV because of their strident anti-Chávez activism, and have instead affiliated with the UNT. In 2003, Chávez chose to send UNT, rather than CTV, representatives to an annual ILO meeting.

Chávez has also nationalized or seized several companies, including Venepal (a paper and cardboard manufacturing firm in January 19, 2005), some oil fields and even a Coca-Cola plant. Chávez was criticized for violently re-claiming soda pop "for the masses".

Economic and Social Impact

Chávez ranks among OPEC's price hawks, pushing for strict production quotas and high price targets. He has broadened the customer base of Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA - Venezuela's state-owned oil company), striking joint exploration deals with Argentina, Brazil, China, India, and others. Record oil prices have meant more funding for his social programs, but also left the economy increasingly dependent on Chávez's policies and PDVSA.

Chávez has redirected the focus of PDVSA by bringing it more closely under the direction of the Energy Ministry; attempted to repatriate more oil funds to Venezuela by raising royalty percentages on joint extraction contracts; and explored the liquidation of some or all of the assets belonging to PDVSA's U.S.-based subsidiary, CITGO. The oil ministry has been successful in restructuring CITGO's profit structure, resulting in increased dividends and income taxes from PDVSA. Venezuela is adhering to OPEC quotas that lowered production compared to the previous administration that disregarded them.

Chávez's domestic social policy is embodied by the Bolivarian Missions, a series of programs that have altered the economic and social landscape of Venezuela. Recent economic activity under Chávez has been robust under these programs. There has also been a 6.4% drop since 1999 in official unemploymentand 6% in the poverty rates for households and there has been improvement in the infant mortality rate.

On March 2006 the Communal Council Law was approved, whereby communities that decide to organize themselves into a council can be given official state recognition and access to federal funds and loans for community projects. This skips the local and state governments that are perceived as corrupt. Critics state that the councils are another avenue for corruption.

Foreign affairs

Chávez has refocused Venezuelan foreign policy on Latin American economic and social integration by enacting bilateral trade and reciprocal aid agreements, including his "oil diplomacy". Abroad, Chávez denounces both neocolonialism and neoliberalism, including U.S. foreign policy regarding Iraq, Haiti, and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (he favors the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas); meanwhile, he has severed military ties with the U.S. Chávez went on a ten-day tour of OPEC countries to decrease production ceilings, thus becoming the first head of state to meet Saddam Hussein since the Gulf War.

In 2001, a dispute with Peru occurred over suspicions that Chávez's administration was protecting and hiding Vladimiro Montesinos,a former Peruvian intelligence director under Alberto Fujimori administration wanted for corruption. Montesinos was captured in Venezuela in June of that year. A dipolomatic dispute with Colombia, referred to as the Rodrigo Granda affair, occurred in 2004, after the kidnap of Rodrigo Granda, a high ranking member of the political wing of the FARC.

After Hurricane Katrina battered the U.S. in late 2005, Chávez's administration was the first government to offer aid to its "North American brothers". Later, in November 2005, officials in Massachusetts signed an agreement with Venezuela to provide discounted heating oil to low income families via CITGO, a PDSVA subsidiary.

Venezuela's foreign affairs are also accompanied by Chávez's controversial comments. He called George W. Bush a pendejo ("dumbass"); Condoleezza Rice a "complete illiterate" with regards to comprehending Latin America; and said that Vicente Fox was "bleeding from his wounds" and warned him not to "mess" with him. The latter comments resulted in Mexico recalling their ambassador.

Between January and March of 2006, Chávez commented on the candidates of the 2006 Peruvian Presidential election, openly backing Ollanta Humala while referring to Alan García as a "thief" and a "crook" and considering Lourdes Flores a "candidate of the oligarchy". Chávez's comments led the Peruvian government to consider that he was interfering in Peru's affairs in breach of international law. Both countries recalled their ambassadors. The defeat of Humala (the Chávez-backed candidate) in Peru and the reelection of Chávez nemesis and U.S. ally, Álvaro Uribe, in Colombia can be seen as a rebuke to Chávez.

Bolivarianism

Chávez is mainly influenced by the ideas of Simón Bolívar, lending the name of the Bolivarianism movement to his namesake, others like Ezequiel Zamora, Simón Rodríguez, Marxist historian Federico Brito Figueroa, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, Salvador Allende and Norberto Ceresole would also play an influential role. Later, Chávez stated that democratic socialism (socialism emphasizing grassroots democracy) was key to his policies, working through such organizations as the Bolivarian Circles. He reiterated this at the 2005 World Social Forum and the 4th Summit on the Social Debt, stating that humanity must embrace "a new type of socialism, a humanist one, which puts humans, and not machines or the state, ahead of everything."

Media treatment

The private media is generally hostile against the government, and accused of putting journalism ethics aside. A prominent journalist deemed it "the darkest moment in the history of Venezuelan journalism". During the April 2002 coup, major networks and newspapers decided to not air or print news of the crumbling Carmona government. They justified the inaction claiming it was not safe to report the news, fearing harassment from Chávez supporters. Chávez alleges that the opposition media serve U.S. interests via corporate "propaganda". He often voices such views on his live talk — Aló, Presidente! ("Hello, President!"), which airs Sundays at 11:00 AM on Venezolana de Televisión, ViVe Televisión, ANTV Televisión and CatiaTVe and features hours-long tours and speeches by Chávez. Chávez also launched Telesur on July 25, 2005 which seeks to challenge the dominant U.S.-based CNN en Español and Univision networks.

After the attacks on the World Trade Center on September 11 2001, and with preparations for war in the U.S., Latin America could not compete for international media coverage. Moises Naim, a former Venezuelan minister of trade and industry and editor of Foreign Policy magazine, argued in the Financial Times that Washington has mattered little in the Venezuelan crisis, and that "Fidel Castro's Cuba ... (had) been far more influential in Caracas than George W. Bush's mighty US", with sustained and effective attention towards its goal of keeping Chávez in power. Naim said, "Venezuela's disintegration is a story the world can no longer ignore."

Criticism

Chávez has been criticized both in Venezuela and in international media. His most vociferous opponents see him as a dangerous and authoritarian militarist who threatens Venezuelan democracy and global oil prices.

Chávez has also been criticized by proponents of free speech, particularly for the institution of the "Ley Resorte" which strengthened libel and slander laws, and most notably insult laws against the presidency. He has been accused of electoral fraud and political repression, including keeping anti-Chávez activists as political prisoners. Critics report that poverty, unemployment, and corruption figures under Chávez have not seen improvement. Abroad, Chávez is reported as being a confrontational ideologue, and American public figures have accused him of supporting and training terrorists. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have catalogued but not confirmed human rights violations under Chávez Chávez supporters counter by alleging repression of Chávez supporters and social workers by anti-Chávez mayors.

Personal life

Hugo Chávez has been married twice. He first married Nancy Colmenares, a woman from a poor family originating in Chávez's hometown of Sabaneta. They were married for eighteen years and had three children: Rosa Virginia, María Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael. They separated after Chávez's 1992 coup attempt, but have remained friends since then.During his first marriage, Chávez also had a nine-year affair with young historian Herma Marksman. Chávez is separated from his second wife, journalist Marisabel Rodríguez de Chávez, with whom he had another daughter, Rosa Inés, in addition to a son-in-law, Raúl "Raúlito" Alfonzo. Chávez also has one granddaughter, Gabriela.

Chávez is a Roman Catholic, but has had disputes with both the Venezuelan Catholic clergy and Protestant church hierarchies. Although he has traditionally kept his own faith a private matter, Chávez has become increasingly open to discussing his religious views, stating that both his faith and his interpretation of Jesus' personal life and ideology have had a profound impact on his leftist views: "He accompanied me in difficult times, in crucial moments. So Jesus Christ is no doubt a historical figure — he was someone who rebelled, an anti-imperialist guy. He confronted the Roman Empire.... Because who might think that Jesus was a capitalist? No. Judas was the capitalist, for taking the coins! Christ was a revolutionary. He confronted the religious hierarchies. He confronted the economic power of the time. He preferred death in the defense of his humanistic ideals, who fostered change.... He is our Jesus Christ."

See also

v t e Hugo Chávez
45th President of Venezuela (1999–2013)
Early life and career	Early life Military career Coup attempt of 1992 Presidential election of 1998 Death and state funeral
Presidency	Cabinet of Hugo Chávez 1999 Constitution General election of 2000 Presidential election of 2006 United Socialist Party of Venezuela Constitutional referendum of 2007 Constitutional referendum of 2009 Presidential election of 2012
Political events	Coup attempt of 2002 Venezuelan general strike of 2002–2003 Recall referendum of 2004 2005 Venezuelan parliamentary election 2007 protests RCTV Referendum 2010 Venezuelan parliamentary election
Domestic policy	Boliburguesía Bolivarianism Bolivarian Circles Bolivarian missions Bolivarian Revolution Chavismo Colectivos Economic policy Plan Bolívar 2000 Socialism of the 21st century Venezuelan communal councils
Foreign policy	Bank of the South Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Petrocaribe
Image	Aló Presidente Bolivarian propaganda Chavismo: The Plague of the 21st Century El ocaso del socialismo mágico El pueblo soy yo Hugo Chávez's cult of personality Mi amigo Hugo ¿Por qué no te callas? Public image of Hugo Chávez ¿¡Revolución!? teleSUR The Silence and the Scorpion Venezuelanalysis Venezuela Information Office
← Rafael Caldera Nicolás Maduro → Category

Notes

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95. Chávez, H (2005). Untitled Speech delivered at the Latino Pastoral Action Center in Bronx, New York City, Democracy Now! Accessed 21 January, 2006.

External links

Interviews and speeches Venezuela President Hugo Chávez: Interview by Greg Palast on May 2, 2002. President Chávez's remarks during the first plenary session of the Special Summit of the Americas in Monterrey, Mexico on January 12, 2004. Speech by President Hugo Chávez at the opening of XII G-15 Summit delivered on March 1, 2004. Hugo Chávez's address to the UN’s 2005 World Summit President Chávez's Speech to the United Nations English translation audio of Chávez's speech at the Latino Pastoral Action Center in Bronx, New York City on 17 September 2005. (Original Spanish-language) Democracy Now!: Part I and Part II of a September 16, 2005 interview in New York City. ABC News/Nightline: Interview of Chávez on September 16, 2005 by Ted Koppel. The Guardian: The world according to Chávez on May 16, 2006 by Duncan Campbell and Jonathan Steele. Other Not a difficult choice at all. "Chávez and Venezuela deserve the support of all who believe in social justice and democracy", Ken Livingstone, the Guardian, 15 may 2006. Aló Presidente — Website of Chávez's weekly talk show. Latin News Blog, President Hugo Chávez News Blog Chavez's Incredible Shrinking Revolution by Lowell Pointe Template:Venezuela succession boxTemplate:Venezuela succession box v t e President of Venezuela (list) Since 1830 Páez Narvarte Vargas Carreño Vargas Narvarte Carreño Soublette Páez Soublette J. T. Monagas J. G. Monagas J. T. Monagas Gual J. Castro Gual Tovar Gual Páez Falcón Bruzual Villegas J. R. Monagas Villegas Guzmán Linares Valera Guzmán Crespo Guzmán H. López Rojas Andueza Villegas Villegas Pulido Crespo Andrade C. Castro Gómez Gil Fortoul Márquez Gómez J. Pérez Gómez López Contreras Medina Betancourt Gallegos Delgado Chalbaud Suárez Flamerich Pérez Jiménez Larrazábal Sanabria Betancourt Leoni Caldera C. Pérez Herrera Lusinchi C. Pérez Lepage Velásquez Caldera Chávez Cabello Chávez Maduro Guaidó Acting / interim / caretaker presidents shown in italics Recognized by the National Assembly as "interim president" during the Venezuelan presidential crisis until 2023 Template:Link FA

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