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Spanish
1500–1638
Location	Belize
Including	Conquest (to 1544) Post conquest (to 1638)
Monarch(s)	Catholic Monarchs (first) Philip IV (last)
Leader(s)	Melchor Pacheco (first) Julio Sanchez de Aguilar (last)
Key events	Spanish conquest Catholic prosyletisation rise of piracy Maya rebellion
Chronology Postclassic Precolonial

The Spanish period of Belizean history began with the arrival of the Spanish in 1500, and ended with the Tipu rebellion in 1638. The period was marked by Spanish conquest and ensuing attempts at establishing political, economic, and religious authority, all of which succeeded to varying degrees, especially in northern Belize. Further trends included the rise of Elizabethan piracy in the 1570s, and of Maya resistance to Spanish rule in the 1600s.

Geography

At the start of the Spanish period, Belize, then part of the central and southern Maya Lowlands, is thought to have been split into at least two cultures (Yucatecan, Cholan) and four polities (Chetumal, Dzuluinicob, Mopan, Manche Chol).

Upon Spanish conquest, said polities came 'theoretically' under Yucatan's (and therefore New Spain's) jurisdiction. Practically, however, the lower polities were further claimed by Verapaz (and therefore Guatemala), resulting in a grey zone of 'two poorly delimited colonial jurisdictions' that persisted into the Precolonial period.

History

Conquest

First contact with the Maya civilisation is ascribed to the 1502 Honduran leg of Columbus's fourth voyage, 1508–1509 Pinzon–Solis voyage, 1511 stranding of Guerrero, Aguilar, and company, or 1517 Hernandez de Cordoba expedition. News of these events is thought to have 'travelled rapidly' across the Maya region, trickling down through long-established trade routes, thereby giving even uncontacted polities prior notice of the Spanish. Belize's polities, in particular, 'almost certainly' heard tell of Columbus's 1502 landing, with Chetumal further benefitting from Guerrero's insider knowledge (said sailor having relocated or been relocated there from Ecab).

The first impact of conquest, even prior to its proper start in 1527, is thought to have been either epidemic disease, economic collapse, or impressment or enslavement. By the time the Spaniards arrived to conquer, they may have come upon 'a wary population and a hard-hit landscape.'

Conquest did not properly start, however, until Montejo's failed entrada of 1527–1528, which entered Chetumal by sea, and further intended to enter by land. In 1528, Montejo decided they needed a more strategic location for their recently founded villa of Salamanca de Xelha. He set off due south in a brig, while his lieutenant, Davila, followed over land. Montejo then entered the port of Chetumal (possibly Santa Rita). Its officials led him to believe that Davila had met an ill end, and so Montajo carried on his reconnaisance south. Davila, meanwhile, was told that Montejo had met an ill end, leading him to turn back without reaching Chetumal. The manoeuvre afforded Chetumal, and lower polities, a brief respite from Spanish incursions.

The next entrada to Chetumal, Davila's of 1531–1533, likewise failed, but this time not so easily. Davila managed to actually take over the port in 1531, rechristening it Villa Real, though he was eventually routed in 1532. Chetumal and the lower polities 'were left to their own devices until late 1543 or 1544, when a most cruel conquest of the area bagan.'

The final entrada to Chetumal and lower polities, Melchor and Alonso Pacheco's of 1543–1544, is thought to have been particularly brutal, even for the time. Their atrocities reportedly included the use of dogs, starvation, and mutilation. In the end, though, the Pachecos are thought to have conquered at least Chetumal and Dzuluinicob, founding their villa, Salamanca de Bacalar, by late 1544.

The work of conquest was still not done, however, as widespread revolts erupted in 1546–1547, including in Bacalar. Not until these were quelled could the Yucatan province 'be said to have been pacified.'

Post conquest

Bacalar soon found itself cut off from the rest of Yucatan, given 'poor roads many of which remained impassable throughout the year,' and obstructed sea routes dotted by 'dangerous shallows and reefs,' resulting in the villa's protracted poverty, and a tenuous grip on northern Belize.

Catholic proselytisation

Missionary efforts are noted for having been 'militantly anti-pagan' (with paganism loosely defined), and for extending into temporal affairs (such as reduccions). Franciscan efforts (from Yucatan) are further deemed to have been assidious, and to have extended 'as far south as Monkey River,' with Dominican work (from Verapaz) more periodic and restricted to southern Belize.

Evangelising work may have begun upon Cortes's 1525 crossing of Mopan and Manche Chol territory, or Montejo's 1528 landing in Chetumal. The earliest non-expeditionary friar in Belize is thought to have been the Franciscan Lorenzo de Bienvenida, who may have catechised independently as early as during the 1543–1544 Pachecos entrada, whilst en route from Golfo Dulce to Merida. Bacalar itself may have had no resident clergy in its first two decades, though, as the earliest record of such dates to 1565 with the arrival of Pedro de la Costa, a secular priest.

Lamanai and Tipu are known to have been visita missions, possibly as easly as during the Pachecos entrada. They are thought to have been primarily serviced by Franciscans. A further number are thought to have been founded in northern and southern Belize.

Piracy

Piracy is thought to have been first introduced to the Bay of Honduras by Pedro Braques who, in a patax with 22 Frenchmen, had 'sailed to Honduras' and been apprehended in 1544. In 1558, their compatriots took Truxillo for the first time, followed by Puerto Caballos in 1559. The French were followed into the Bay by the Dutch and English, with the latter first arriving in 1572 or 1573. The earliest known notice of piracy in Belizean waters is Francisco de Acles's raid of Bacalar in 1578.

Piratical activity in the Bay was sporadic at first, but noticeably intensified in the 1570s, due principally to Elizabethan sea dogs, who more than offset a concomitant decline in French presence. This tide is thought to have reached Belize in the 1630s, and to have contributed to demographic flight away from the coast.

Maya rebellion

By the opening years of the seventeenth century, 'resistance and rebellion were in the air' in the Bacalar district. The yet unconquered Peten Itza kingdom is thought to have been the primary driver of resistance, encouraging widespread flight towards its zone of refuge. Further motivating factors may have included famine conditions (from increased encomienda demands, and harvest shortfalls), and piratical depradations.

The earliest sign of something being awry was the desertion of encomienda towns near Tipu, possibly due to increasingly burdensome tribute obligations, necessitating reduccions in 1608 and again in 1615. Three years later, the Fuensalida–Orbita mision left the friars with a (well-founded) fear 'that an alliance was developing between Tipu and the Itzas,' and further strained Spanish relations with Peten Itza. Further missions to Peten Itza in 1619 and 1623 similarly failed, the latter spectacularly so (the entire missionary party of over 80 having been executed, purportedly for desecrating an Itza temple). Said mass execution or massacre was promptly followed by another in 1624 in La Pimienta, this time due to egregiously ill treatment by an entrada party.

Conditions only worsened for the Spanish in the 1630s. The decade opened with desertion in Xibun and Soite, and closed with the pivotal Tipu rebellion, which (within a few years) depleted Bacalar of most of their Maya population.

Demographics

The majority of the pre-conquest population is thought to have been settled in riverine towns and villages during the wet and dry seasons, with a minority moving to coastal villages during the dry.

The post-conquest Maya population of Bacalar is thought to have been spread around some 25 settlements across the district in 1544. But both 'flight and population loss characterised the years after 1544 in the Bacalar province,' with Bienvenida claiming that a town of 100 households would have been large in 1548, where once there were towns of 500 to 1,000. In the district (unlike in the rest of Yucatan), 'original population levels were never recovered' after conquest.

The Spanish population of Bacalar is thought to have never surpassed some estimated 130 individuals, with vecinos numbering fewer than circa 30. The tributary Maya population is estimated to have been some six to seven times greater, at least, possibly reaching circa 1,500 or 1,600. The non-tributary Maya population, living beyond Spanish reach, is thought have amounted to 'perhaps an equal number or even more.'

Economy

Belize's pre-conquest polities are thought to have been especially focussed on trade. Archaeological and historical evidence strongly suggest Chetumal, for instance, maintained overland or maritime trade with at least Uaymil (a neighbouring polity) and Acalan, Ecab, and Mani (polities further afield), while Dzuluinicob and Manche Chol maintained heavy overland trade with at least Peten Itza. Additional economic activities are thought to have included cash crop farming (of cacao, annatto, vanilla), beekeeping, and subsistence farming, hunting, and fishing. Commerce and these enterprises are thought to have carried on after conquest.

Encomiendas were first established in Belize in 1544, and lasted 'for about a century and a half.' They are not thought to have been altogether different from the pre-conquest tributary system, though, except that tributaries now paid 'different people different things in different amounts,' with the Spanish now primarily demanding (possibly onerous quantities of) cotton, honey, salt, beeswax, maize, and especially cacao. Though details are scarce, total encomienda income has been estimated at 'no more than 1,500 pesos' per annum, leading Jones to posit that it 'must have comprised a relatively small proportion' of the villa's revenue.

The Spanish in Bacalar are thought to have similarly focussed on trade with coastal Mopan and Manche Chol villages, and with Yucatan and Honduras, in addition to internal commerce. Further minor economic activities possibly included cattle ranching in Chetumal, cacao farming on New River, and salt making in Ambergris Caye.

Society

Post-conquest society was 'formally and functionally' split into native and Spanish classes, with the former heavily outnumbering the former in Yucatan, which disparity is thought to have afforded the former some degree of autonomy. Nonetheless, the Spanish are thought to have 'in general, behaved towards their Maya neighbours and "subjects" as though the native population was there to be exploited for the comfort and survival of the colonists.'

Warfare

Though little is known of Maya warfare prior to conquest, its rules of engagement are broadly thought to have been quite distinct to Spanish ones. Most starkly, Mayanists have noted the 'tacitcal discrepancy between the Spaniards' willingness to kill large numbers of Mayas indiscriminately, and the Mayas' preference for person-to-person combat and the taking of captives.' Furthermore, batttle is thought to have been ritualised, with rules of engagement 'which were agreed upon by all parties concerned–except, of course, Spanish soldiers.' Aims of warfare have also historically been thought to differ, with the Spanish waging war for acquisition of territory, profit, and conversion to Catholicism, and the Maya for acquisition of slaves and human sacrifice. The latter has come under scrutiny recently though, with some scholars arguing that profit (via the acquisition of tributary rights) was likely the primary motive for war.

Government

Pre conquest

Maya polities at the eve of conquest are now thought to have been primarily defined as networks of interpersonal relationships, rather than well-delimited territories. That is, the polity is thought to have been constituted by a set of people (and whatever space they happened to inhabit), rather than being made up of a demarcated space (and whatever people happened to inhabit it). Polities may have arisen from pre-existing chibals, and the newly-formed interpersonal relationships further knitting them together may have been patron-client ones entailing allegiance, tribute, among other rights and obligations. That is, an ambitious chibal may have risen to power (and thus formed a polity) 'not based on control of resources through acquisition of territory in which the actual resources lay or grew or were extracted, but rather, on control of resources through acquisition of rights to what was produced.'

Post conquest

The cabildo was the principal institution of governance in Bacalar. In its early years, the cabildo of Bacalar was composed of two alcaldes and three regidors (plus the escribano and procurador, ex officio), with alcaldes holding principal executive and judicial authority. By the 1570s, the cabildo had been reorganised to include only one alcalde and four regidors. Members were resident, encomienda-holding vecinos elected annually by outgoing members, though offices 'tended to be dominated by strong men as there were probably never more than ten or so qualified vecinos.'

Some aspects of pre-conquest political organisation 'were maintained under Spanish rule,' such as tribute arrangements.

Legacy

In culture

The Spanish colonial project in Belize is popularly deemed a failure. Catholic misions, on the other hand, 'had a lasting religious impact,' with Graham contending that Mayas genuinely came to see themselves as Christians, and so kept said faith even upon Spanish withdrawal.

In scholarship

Spanish records are especially scarce and unreliable for Belize, particularly for its southern half. Such historical and ethnographic sources nonetheless remain the mainstay of scholarship on this period, though increasingly supplemented by archaeological evidence, especially in Mayanist works. Graham, for instance, used excavations at Tipu and Lamanai for their study of Hispano–Maya religious interaction.

Some of the earliest published historical work on this period was Cogolludo's Historia de Yucatan, written 1647–1656 and published 1688. Further landmarks included Chamberlain's 1948 Conquest and Colonization, Roy's 1957 Political Geography, and Jones's 1989 Maya Resistance.

Timeline

Glossary

See also

• History of Belize (1506–1862) – survey of Spanish and Precolonial periods

Notes and references

Notes

1. Masne, para. 19, map 3; Restall, p. 3; Graham, pp. 110–113, 142.
2. Graham, p. 122.
3. Graham, pp. 122, 124, 126–127; Jones, p. 28.
4. Graham, pp. 109, 121, 123–124, 130, 133–134.
5. Graham, p. 130.
6. Reichert, pp. 18–19; Graham, pp. 124–127; Jones, pp. 26–28.
7. Graham, pp. 125–126.
8. Graham, p. 126; Jones, p. 26.
9. Graham, p. 126.
10. Graham, pp. 126–127; Jones, pp. 27–28.
11. ^ Graham, p. 127.
12. Graham, p. 128; Jones, pp. 29–39.
13. Graham, pp. 128–129.
14. Graham, pp. 132–133.
15. Graham, pp. 133, 153, 157; Jones, pp. 41–45.
16. Graham, p. 133; Jones, pp. 42–43.
17. Graham, pp. 132–204; Jones, pp. 17, 45–47.
18. Graham, p. 132.
19. Graham, pp. 135, 138–139, 148, 162, 196; Jones, pp. 100–101.
20. Graham, pp. 159–160; Jones, p. 60.
21. Graham, pp. 142, 151; Jones, p. 85.
22. Graham, pp. 109, 195–197, 199, 204, 224, 236, 375; Jones, p. 13.
23. Graham, pp. 158, 162–163, 196–197.
24. Graham, pp. 195, 199; Jones, p. 13.
25. O, p. 183.
26. Masne, para. 27; Reichert, p. 22.
27. Masne, para. 28; O, p. 287.
28. O, pp. 285–286.
29. O, pp. 193, 203, 228, 241, 280–281, 295, 301, 347, 357.
30. Masne, para. 29; Graham, p. 246; Jones, pp. 191–192, 229–230.
31. Graham, pp. 50, 239; Jones, p. 132.
32. Graham, pp. 50–51; Jones, p. 5.
33. Graham, p. 246; Jones, pp. 18–19, 23, 58, 61–62, 214.
34. Graham, pp. 243–244; Jones, pp. 18, 132, 192–193.
35. Graham, pp. 243–244; Jones, pp. 18–19, 135–148.
36. Graham, p. 244; Jones, pp. 148–152, 176–178.
37. Graham, pp. 244–146; Jones, pp. 19, 178–187.
38. Graham, p. 246; Jones, p. 199.
39. Graham, pp. 246–247; Jones, pp. 19, 23–24, 199–230.
40. Jones, pp. 45, 110.
41. Jones, pp. 70–73.
42. Jones, pp. 116–118.
43. Jones, p. 117.
44. Graham, pp. 45, 47, 58, 116, 119.
45. Graham, pp. 47, 52, 157; Jones, p. 101-106.
46. Jones, p. 101-104.
47. Jones, pp. 102–106.
48. Graham, pp. 196–197; Jones, pp. 18–19, 39, 41–42, 106.
49. Graham, p. 164; Jones, pp. 41, 45, 69, 73.
50. Jones, pp. 39–40, 69–70.
51. Jones, p. 69.
52. Graham, pp. 181–182, 196–197.
53. Graham, pp. 40–41.
54. Graham, p. 41.
55. Graham, p. 42.
56. ^ Graham, pp. 40–43.
57. Graham, pp. 34, 36.
58. Graham, pp. 31, 34, 38.
59. ^ Graham, p. 38.
60. Jones, pp. 44, 59–60, 75, 78.
61. Jones, p. 75.
62. Graham, p. 37.
63. Graham, pp. 105, 107–108.
64. Restall, p. 10; Graham, pp. 3, 164, 197–198.
65. Graham, p. 12, 16, 194-195; Jones, p. 4.
66. Graham, pp. 1, 3–4, 12, 16–19, 189–192.
67. RAH, art. 'Diego López Cogolludo'; Graham, p. 240.
68. Graham, pp. 5, 29; Jones, pp. 24–25, 94.
69. Graham, p. 130.
70. Reichert, p. 15.
71. Graham, p. 157; Jones, pp. 100, 102–103, 295–296.
72. O, p. 183.
73. Graham, p. 204; Jones, pp. 45–47.
74. Jones, p. 60.
75. Jones, pp. 41, 44–45
76. O, p. 287.
77. O, pp. 285–286.
78. Reichert, p. 22.
79. Reichert, p. 23.
80. Jones, p. 131.
81. Jones, pp. 18, 61, 73, 132, 193.
82. Jones, pp. 73, 76, 83, 113–114, 132, 192–193.
83. Jones, pp. 84, 191, 193.
84. Graham, pp. 244–246, 315; Jones, pp. 155–187.
85. Jones, p. 197.
86. Graham, p. 246; Jones, pp. 199–203.
87. Jones, pp. 116–117, 204.
88. Graham, pp. 246–247; Jones, pp. 19, 23–24, 51, 101, 108, 115, 190–191, 204–224.
89. Graham, pp. 167, 175.
90. Graham, p. 164.
91. Graham, p. 46.
92. Graham, p. 42
93. Jones, pp. 61, 75.
94. Graham, pp. 138–139.
95. Jones, p. 60.
96. Graham, p. 139.
97. Jones, p. 68.

1. The Spanish period is variously dated in literature. See Periodisation of the history of Belize for further discussion. Some terms used in a historical sense, eg Bay of Honduras to mean the gulf bound by Cape Catoche and Cape Gracias a Dios (Reichert, pp. 11, 13; Graham, p. 112); Yucatan Peninsula to mean headland bound by Laguna de Terminos and Amatique Bay (Aliphat, pp. 870–872; Restall, p. 8). See § Glossary for unfamiliar words.
2. Becquey, paras. 10, 19; Graham, pp. 32–33, 108; Jones, pp. xiv–xvii, 9–10, 94–99. With possibly a number of unorganised settlements, eg in cayes and western Orange Walk. Political geography of Belize prior to conquest 'still not known with certainty' though (Graham, p. 29). Furthermore, polities may have been primarily organised as interpersonal networks, rather than 'a delimited space or place' (Graham, pp. 30–34).
3. Masne, para. 19, map 3; Graham, pp. 111–112, 134–135. Lower Toledo possibly claimed by a Guatemalan province other than Verapaz, at least since 1570 (Graham, p. 112). Notably, Yucatan and Guatemala contested the conquest of Peten (including Manche Chol territory) in the 1680s–1690s, with the latter winning secular and the former ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the end (Aliphat, pp. 851–853, 865).
4. Reichert, pp. 13–15; Graham, pp. 122–125; Jones, pp. 26–27. In particular, the second is thought to have sailed up Belize's coast or reef, and the third to have set foot in the country by 1514 (Reichert, p. 14). Other candidates possible, given likelihood of maritime voyages 'for which no records are preserved' (Graham, p. 123).
5. Graham, pp. 133, 157; Jones, pp. 43–44. They were originally tasked with conquering territory 'as far south as the Golfo Dulce' (Graham, p. 133).
6. Reichert, pp. 20–21; Masne, map 2; Graham, pp. 111, 162–163, 207; Jones, pp. 5–6, 11–12, 17, 52–53, 57–59, 64–66, 84. Notably, a royal officer in Merida wrote in 1620 of Bacalar–

   That villa is inhabited by the most miserable people in all the Indies, in a region so remote and poor that there is scarcely anyone who knows how to read and write, and where a mulatto, the son of an alcalde, was alcalde ordinario. And it is lucky that there is anyone who wants to inhabit that villa.

   — Jones, pp. 55, 84.

7. Graham, pp. 142–143, 150–151, 160, 162; Jones, p. 52. Mendicants, in particular, are reputed as having generally 'planned towns, built churches, and governed and educated communities,' all of which 'came at the expense of indigenous ways of life, and did not reflect indigenous choice but instead Spanish ideas of what was good for the Indians' (Graham, pp. 144–145). Franciscans, though, 'in general tried to keep Indian communities separate and protected from encomienda exploitation' (Graham, p. 141). Bienvenida, for instance, complained to the Crown of the Pachecos' atrocities, and when the Maya of Bacalar district complained to Merida of their secular priests' behaviour, it was Franciscans who replaced them in 1617–1618 and 1641–1642 (Graham, pp. 133, 158, 160; Jones, p. 85).
8. Graham, pp. 126, 131, 140, 157. Franciscan friars with Cortes are known to have preached in Peten Itza, to moderate success (Graham, p. 157). Montejo's secular chaplain is likewise known to have proselytised enthusiastically (Graham, pp. 126, 131, 140).
9. Except for San Pedro and Santa Rita, coastal pre-conquest settlements seem to have been seasonal villages only (Graham, pp. 118–119).
10. Though 'locations of only five are supported to varying degrees by archaeological evidence' (Graham, p. 199).
11. Graham, pp. 203–204; Jones, p. 45. Though depopulation of Chetumal or Dzuluinicob may have begun 'as early as 1531, if not before' (Graham, p. 203).
12. Graham, pp. 49, 109, 156–157, 163, 203. There are thought to have been at least five encomiendas initially, held by two alcades and three regidors of the Bacalar cabildo (Graham, p. 203). Restructured at least once, during 1608– or 1615–1622 (Graham, pp. 207, 239–240).
13. Graham, pp. 29–34, 46. Originally elucidated by Roys, and historically since the Spanish period, 'rather too strictly in terms of territorial boundaries' (Graham, pp. 29–30).
14. Jones, pp. 75–76, 78. By the end of the period, for instance, 'members of the Sanchez, Aguilar, and Diaz families rotated through these various positions throughout the century, tightly controlling every aspect—especially the financial one—of the community's affairs' (Jones, p. 76).
15. Geographically and ethnographically (Aliphat, pp. 839–840, 845–846, 849–851, 869–872; Becquey, paras. 2-3; Masne, para. 34, fn. 31; Restall, pp. 5–6; Graham, pp. 37, 39, 46–47, 110–111; Jones, pp. vii–viii, 93.). In this regard, Graham noted –

    Belize never crystallised as a place in European consciousness of the sixteenth century. If Belize was anything, it was a liminal, elusive, shifting, dangerous space, neither land nor sea, neither here nor there, betwixt and between an idea of a 'Yucatan' and an idea of a 'Kingdom of Guatemala.'

    — Graham, p. 107.

    Which sentiment Restall felt applied likewise into the Precolonial period (Restall, pp. 2–3).
16. Upper and lower bounds given. Some dates in Julian calendar. Polities abbreviated as Bacl (Bacalar), ChDz (Chet and Dzul), Chet (Chetumal), Dzul (Dzuluinicob), Far (none of those listed here), ManC (Manche Chol), MnMp (ManC and Mopn), Mopn (Mopan), Near (surrounding polities). Bodies of water abbreviated as BayA (waters off Amatique or otherwise equidistant from BayH and BayY), BayH (waters off Honduras including islands), BayY (waters of Belize and Quintana Roo including atolls, cayes, islands, reefs), Bay (any of the preceding). No other places given. Only one place given per entry. Places in or off Belize given in preference to or to exclusion of others.
17. RAH, art. 'Cristóbal Colón'; Graham, p. 122. Earliest notice of Honduras Bay (Reichert, p. 13). Though Pinzon possibly in Bay in 1496–1499 (Graham, p. 123).
18. RAH, art. 'Vicente Yáñez Pinzón'; Reichert, p. 14; Graham, pp. 122–123. Possibly noted the Cockscombs, Belize's 'most conspicuous landmark from the sea' (Graham, p. 122). Pinzon possibly in Honduras Bay in 1496–1499 too (Graham, p. 123).
19. RAH, art. 'Gonzalo Guerrero'; Reichert, pp. 14–15; Graham, pp. 124–125; Jones, pp. 27–28. Including presence of mestizo children prior to 1528 Jones, pp. 27–28. Including possible Spanish enslavement (Jones, pp. 27–28).
20. First such (RAH, art. 'Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar'). Title and offices pass to Montejo on 8 Dec 1526 (RAH, art. 'Francisco de Montejo').
21. First to depict Yucatan as a peninsula 'clearly and with some accuracy' (Restall, p. 8).
22. Earliest Spanish settlement in Bay (Masne, map 2). First founded 'a few miles east of Puerto de Caballos' (Melendez, p. 76). Relocated east and renamed Truxillo (modern Trujillo) on 18 May 1525 (Melendez, p. 76). (Confused with Puerto Caballos (settled 1525 and 1544–1605; port use since 1524 and especially since 1536) in Reichert, p. 16 (Melendez, pp. 69–70, 72–73). San Gil de Buenavista also established 1524, but in mouth of Golfo Dulce, and shortly moved inland to Valle de Naco by 1527 (Melendez, p. 71; Reichert, p. 16).)
23. Graham, pp. 125–127; Jones, pp. 26–28. Including earliest (non-permanent) Spanish settlement in Peninsula, Salamanca de Xelha, near Tulum (Reichert, pp. 18–19).
24. Jones, pp. 29–39. Also called de Avila entrada (Reichert, p. 19). Including earliest (non-permanent) Spanish settlement in Belize, Villa Real de Chetumal, near Chetumal (Reichert, p. 19). Including coasting down the shore of Belize (likely inside the reef) from Chetumal Bay to Truxillo (Reichert, p. 19; Graham, pp. 107, 128–130; Jones, p. 39).
25. Las Casas spent 1537–1539 setting up Verapaz, the only colony where he deemed the Spanish had ius in re due to natives' 'freely given consent' (RAH, art. 'Bartolomé de las Casas').
26. First in Bay and Central America; 150 slaves (Masne, para. 25).
27. Graham, pp. 132–133; Jones, pp. 41–45. Including founding of Salamanca de Bacalar in 1544 (Reichert, p. 20).
28. Jones, pp. 42, 60, 85; Graham, pp. 111, 158–160, 314. Earliest known non-expeditionary friar in Belize (Graham, pp. 111, 314). Stayed in Bacalar 'for an unknown period of time' (Graham, p. 158).
29. Earliest such by pirates in Bay (Masne, para. 27; Reichert, p. 22).
30. O, pp. 215–216. Earliest such by pirates in Yucatan (Reichert, p. 25).
31. Jones, p. 39. Fourth appointed but first to take office and reside in Yucatan (Graham, pp. 323–324).
32. Graham, pp. 205–207, 314; Jones, pp. 17–18, 22, 47–52. Including Franciscan burning of Maya records (Graham, p. 207; Jones, pp. 48–51). Including constitutional crisis (Jones, pp. 78–81). Including possible Maya enslavement (Jones, pp. 50–51).
33. Jones, pp. 71, 73, 89. First and only Black individual on record (Jones, pp. 73, 89). Including presence of mulato alcalde prior to 1620 Jones, p. 71.
34. 'Officially, the first Spanish incursion' into Manche Chol territory, though 'the very first contact' attributed to Davila's 1524 founding of San Gil Buenavista near Nito, or Cortes's 1525 crossing to Nito (Becquey, para. 20).
35. Graham, pp. 240–244, 315; Jones, pp. 135–152. Orbita visited Peten Itza 'probably in 1617' (Graham, p. 314). Fuensalida visited again in 1619 (Graham, p. 315).
36. First to circumnavigate the peninsula (Aliphat, p. 853). Map not extant (Aliphat, pp. 853–854).
37. Proved 'a real failure' (Becquey, para. 20). Breach of Verapaz's and Dominicans' pacifist policy (Becquey, para. 20).
38. Tovilla loses Real Audiencia of Guatemala support (Becquey, para. 20). Followed by a period of 'about forty years during which the Manche Chol were again out of Spanish rule' (Becquey, para. 20).
39. Resulting in period of 'decline and abandonment that lasted until the second half of the 18th century' (Reichert, p. 22).
40. Jones, pp. 311–312, no. 31. Cogolludo possibly crosses Belize (Graham, pp. 160, 316).
41. RAE; RAE a; Graham, pp. 375–384; Jones, pp. 341–343. Sources here not further cited in table. Mayan terms marked with asterisk.
42. As opposed to a ladino ie Hispanicised slave (Masne, para. 25).
43. In Yucatan, at least batabs and halach uinichs (Graham, pp. 45–46).
44. Graham, pp. 37–38, 163–164. Not territorially bound (Graham, pp. 34, 37–38). A 'basic indigenous geographical, political, and organisational entity that represented a fundamental unit of society and culture' (Graham, pp. 163–164).
45. Including mestizo (European–native ancestry) and mulato (mulatto).
46. Thought to have formed 'a kind of extended family' within each cah, and fostered kinship outside one's cah, at least after conquest (Graham, p. 38).
47. Either unitary or confederal (Graham, p. 46).
48. Had 'an important role in pre-Columbian tribute, particularly regarding labour requirements' (Graham, p. 164).
49. Graham, pp. 5, 35, 163–164, 203; Jones, pp. 41–42. In Yucatan, 'loosely consonant with the pre-Columbian tribute system, in the sense that the basis of extraction comprised labour and products owed as tribute to particular individuals,' and possibly organised by cahs (Graham, pp. 163–164).
50. Graham, pp. 49, 82, 156, 175, 207. Including maestro cantor, maestro de capilla, sacristan mayor, maestro de escuela, ah cambesah (Graham, pp. 207). In Yucatan, included young Maya men taught in Franciscan schools who 'often supervised in rituals and practices' in visita missions (Graham, pp. 49, 82).
51. In Yucatan, also a pre-conquest polity, or succeeding first order subdivisions of distritos, or distritos themselves (Graham, pp. 37).
52. To concentrated settlements within their original territory, as opposed to expatriation, 'a coercive and violent means' which 'very quickly led to the assimilation and disappearance of' peoples like the Manche Chol (Becquey, para. 47).
53. Was 'an exploitative system, and technically illegal.'
54. Apparently, primarily to check for misuse of funds.

References

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